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A wnmuD Ano biahflb of all good lbakmhto 

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This work had its origiii in a couree of lectures which were 
pven at the Lowell Institute early in the spring of 1871. When 
I engaged to prepare those lectures, the subject was not new 
to me; and the interval prior to the issue of them was devoted 
to studies in the same ^eld, the results of which were incor- 
porated in the volume. It has appeared to me practicable to 
present to intelligent and educated readers, within the compass 
of the present volimie, the means of acquainting themselves with 
the origin and nature, the principal facts and characters, of the 
Reformation ; while at the same time, through notes and refer- 
ences, the historical student should be guided to further re- 
searches on the various topics which are brought under his 
notice. There are two features in the plan of the piesent work 
to which it may not be unseemly to call attention. With the 
reli^ous and theological side of the history of the period, I have 
endeavored to interweave and to set in their true relation the 
political, secular, and more general elements, which had so pow- 
erful an influence in determining the course of events. Tlie at> 
tempt has also been made to elucidate briefly, but sufficiently, 
points pertmning to the history of theolo^cal doctrine, an 
understanding of which is peculiarly essential in the study of 
this period of history. 

The authorities on which I have chiefly depended are in- 
tfcated ui the marginal references. The first place belongs to 
the writings, and especially to the correspondence, of the Re- 
formers themselves. The letters of Luther, Melancthon, Zwingli, 
Cal\'in; the correspondence of the English with the Helvetic 
Reformers during the reigns of Henry VIII,, Edward VI., and 
Elizabeth; the correspontlence of Reformers in the French- 
speaking lands, in the collection of M. Herminjard, afford 
the most vivid as well as correct impression of the transactions 
in which their authors bore a leading part. Works Uke the 



"Correspondence of Philip II.," which M. Gachard — among 
hia other valuable contributions — has published from the ar- 
chives of Simancas, have cast much new light on another side 
of the history of Hiis era. Of the more recent historians, there 
arc two of whom I am prompted to make special mention 
in this place. The first is Raitke, whose admirable series of 
works on the sixteenth anil seventeenth centuries have been 
constantly in my hantls. The mingling of general views with 
apposite and characteristic facts, lent to the historical pro- 
ductions of this truly illustrious writer a peculiar charm. The 
other historian is Gieseler, who possessed in an eminent degree 
the genius for accuracy, which Gibbon ascribed to Tillemont, 
and whose investigations, though extensive and profound upon 
every period of Church History, are nowhere more instructive 
than upon the period of the Reformation. It must be a matter 
of sincere regret to all scholars that Neander did not live to 
carry forward his great work, the counterpart of Gieseler, into 
this period. His posthumous History of Doctrine is quit« 
brief in its treatment of the Protestant movement, but is not 
wanting in striking suggestions. Perhaps I sliould add to this 
short catalogue, the "Histoire de France" of Henri Martin, 
which appears to me to be one of the most satisfactory of the 
comprehensive works on the history of that country. 

The advantages received by a historical student from the 
writings of others, he may be so fairly conscious of as to be 
able to enumerate them. But one's obligation to the quick- 
ening influence and the scholarly talents of the associates with 
whom he is personally conversant are not subject to so facile 
a reckoning. In such a relation one may be aware, in some 
cases, of an unpayable indebtedness. It is the privilege of the 
present writer to acknowledge the debt which he owes to 
frientls of tiiis clasa whose intimacy he has been permitted 
lo prize. 

There is one explanation further which I am anxious to make 
respecting the design of this book. It is intended in no sense 
as a polemical work. It has not entered into my thoughts to 
inculcate the creed of Protestantism, or to prop^ate any type 
of Christian doctrine; much less to kindle animoEoty against 
the Church of Rome, Very serious as the points of difference 
are which separate the body of Protestants from the body of 





Roman Catholics, the points on which they agree outweigh in 
importance the points on which they differ. Whoever sup- 
poses that the Refonners were exempt from grave faults and 
infirmities, must either be ignorant of their history, or have 
studied it under the influence of a jiartisan bias. Impartiality, 
bowever, is not iniliffereucc ; and a fiigiil and carping spirit, 
thflt chills the natural outflow of a just achiiiration, may, equally 
with the spirit of hero-worship, liinder one from arriving at the 
real irutli, as well as the best lessons of history. 

Should this volume be used in the class-room, it may be 
suggested to teachers that frequent reference should be made 
to the Chronological Table in the Appendix, where contempo- 
raneous events in the different countries are grouped together. 
Dates are frequently sot down in the text, but are given more 
fully in the Table of Contents, In the List of Works, which 
follows the Chronological Table, some of the books to which 
the more advanced student would naturally resort are briefly 

In two or three places only, in this volume, the term "con- 
substantiation" is applied to the Lutheran doctrine of the 
Eucharist : but the term is defined (p. 129) as the eo-presence of 
two substances, — a sense in which it is allowed by the best 
Lutheran theologians. The attentive reader of the last chapter 
will observe that the effects which are there ascribed to the 
Reformation, are not ascribed to the dogmatic system of Prot- 
estantism exclusively, but to the Protestant religion, taken 
comprehensively. It is the genius and spirit of Protestantism, 
as seen in the long processes of history, which are there re- 
ferred to. The place and the importance of the Renaissance 
are illustrated in various parts of the volume, especially in the 
tliini chapter. The influence of the Renaissance on modern 
culture is not undervalued in this work ; nor is the Renaissance 
confounded with the religious Reform. There is one other 
)»oint which may deserve a word of remark. The Church of 
the Middle Ages is not confddered "a mitigated evil," but an 
incalculable benefit to society. What is said of the Papacy 
should not be understood of the Church, — the organized, 
eollective influence of Christianity. But even the Papacy, as 
is shown, was, in the mediieval period, in many particulars, 
a l>eneficent institution. 





Four principal evenU of modem history ...... I 

Lo&g bistorical preparation of theae events 1 

Agency of individuals not to be undervalued ..... 2 

— Theories in respect to the Reformation 2 

An astrological hypothesis 2 

Theory that it was a quarrel of monastic orders .... 3 

That it was an academical dispute ....... 4 

That it was a new phase of the old conflict of Popes and Emperors . 4 

..- Th*t it was an iosurrection against authority : (advanced by Gulzot]. 4 

■^ That it was a transitional step towards RatioDBlism .... 5 

Protestantism alleged to foeI«r infldetity ...... 6 

ltd fundamental (.'baracteristic 7 

■^- The Rpformation primarily a relieious event 7 

Judaiiing rhorarter of medieval Christianity: constant reaction of 

the spiritual element .7 

Prat«6tantifiii positive as well as negative 8 

It has an objective factor 8 

It practically asserted the ri^ht of private judgment .... 8 

It was a part of the general progress of society B 

General characteristics of the eotire period 9 

Two-fold aspect of the Iteformation — religious, and political or 

secular 10 

ClffODokigical limiU of the era 10 



Protestantism rejected priestly authority 11 

Tlie relation of sacerdotal authority to Papal supremocj' ... 11 

The new Dlspenaation spiritual, in contrast with the old . . 12 

Absence of a mediatorial priesthood 12 

Officers of the primitive Church 12 

Functions of a priesthood gradually associated with the ministry . 13 

Growth of a hierarchy 14 

Irensus and TeftuUian make the Church the door of access to Cfarlat 

(circa 200) I* 




Causes of the precedeacc of the See of Rome IS 

Acknowledged in the East, because Rome is the capital; claimed In 

the West on account of Peter 17 

AccefisioD of Constantine (3)1); Church not merged In the Stat«, 

and why 17 

Power of the Emperora over the Church 17 

Drchue oF the Empire increases ttie authority of the Roman bishop 17 

I-eo. the Great (44&-461) 17 

The Papacy exalted, yet endangered, by the fall of the Western 

Empire (476) 18 

Spread of Arianism and Mohammedanism 18 

Fortunate alliance of the Papacy with the Franks (7S0) ... 18 

Rescue of the Papacy by Pepin a:id Charlemagne .... 19 
Significance of the coronation of Charlemagne (800) . . . .19 

Effect of the fall of his Empire on the Papacy 20 

The pEeudo-Isidorian Decretals (circa 850) 20 

Enforced by Nicholas I. (858-867) 20 

Anarchy in Italy: the period of pomocracy: intervention of Henry 

III. (1046) 21 

Hildebrand (1073-1085) and hia reforming plan: theory of the Papacy 

and the Empire: their inevitable conflict 21 

Advantages of the Papacy in this conflict 22 

Victoryof the Popes; Henry IV.. the WormsConcordat (1122); Alex- 
ander III. (1177) 23 

CuImioatioQ of Papal power; Innocent III. (1198-1210) ... 24 

His theory of the Papal office 24 

His exercise of authority 2S 

Rise of the spirit of nationalism; its various manifestations . . 28 

Benefits of the Papacy in the Middle Ages; approach of another era 26 

National languages and literatures 27 

An ti -hierarchical spirit of the vernacular writers .... 27 

The same spirit in the Legists ........ 30 

Reaction against the Papacy; Boniface VIII. (1294-1303) . . 30 
Conflict of Boniface with Philip the Fair . , . . . .31 

Declining prestige of Ilie Papa4:y; the Babylonian captivity 

(1309-1377) 32 

Character of the Papacy at Avignon; Petrarch's testimony , , 32 

Opposition from Germany and England 32 

The Monarchists against the PupLsta 33 

Attacks upon Papal usurpations by writers; Marailius of Padua and 

Wilham of Occam '. 33 

Tlie Oallican or constitutional theory; the Reforming Councils 

(1409-1443) 36 

Increasing sway of national and secular, io the room of ecclesiastical 

feelings, in the fifteenth century 36 

Consolidation of monarchies; England, France, Spain ... 36 

Secular and worldly character of the Popes 37 

Sixlus IV. (1471-84); Innocent VIII. (1484-92); Alejtander VI. 

(1492-1503); Julius 11. (1503-13) 37 

Character of Leo X. (1513-21); judgment of Sarpi, Patlavicini, 

Muratori, Ouicclardini 38 

The importance of the Popes, chiefly political 89 

TJie concessions to them from Princes more apparent than real . , 40 




An iUustralion In the repeal of the Pragm&tic SancttoD (1S16) . 
Domiiuktioo of eecular and polilical interests. Been in the contests 

of Charles V. sjid Fr&acis I. 

The development of nationalism and the seeulariang of the Papacy, 

ftt the b^ianiog of the sixteenth century 41 



eval Christianity chaTacterized by legalism .... 43 
Forms of reaction against it: dissent from dogmas; attaeka on the 
nsurpatioQB and abuses of the clergy ; opposition to the excessive 

esteem of ceremonies and austerities 44 

OoasBquences of a possible increase of inteUigence . . .44 

Two rliiflrm of forerunners of the Reformation 44 

Anti'sacerdotal sects 45 

The Catharists (Albigenses) 45 

The Waldensra; their origin (1170) 46 

The Fntnciscan Spirituals; the Fratricelli 47 

The B«gtunea and Beghards 47 

What is indicated by the rise of these seels 48 

The con*ervative or Gailic-an Reformers 48 

Radical Reformers; John WickUffe (1324-1384) and his opinions . 49 

How he nas protected 50 

The LoUards 50 

John Hufis (1373-1415); his predecessois; Mattbias of Janow . . 50 

The character and principles of Huss 51 

Hum and WickUffe on the authority of prelates and magistrates . 51 

J(An Weasel (1420-89); Luther's opinion of him .... 52 

Saronarola (1453-98) 53 

The Mystics; character of Mysticism 54 

Mysticism aniong the Schoolmen; Bernard, Booaveatura ... 54 

i-JohnTauler (1290-136I); the "German Theology" .... 54 

(The "ImitaUon of Christ" 65 

Nicholas of Cues 50 

The Revival of Learning; begins in Italy, Dante (1265-1321); Pe- 
trarch (1304-74); Boccaccio (1313-75) 57 

Spread of the literary spirit; consequences to the Cliurch ... 69 

Benefits and faults of Scholasticism; causes of its downfall . . 59 

It had lost its vilAlity; eScct of Nominalism 60 

Renewed study of the Fathera and of the i^criplures . , , . fil 
Sceptical spirit of Humanism in Italy; infliie.nce of the classic school 

OB the Church of Italy 61 

Semi-pagan tone of ptijifics and ethics; Macchiavelli (1469-1527) . 63 

RcUkious tone of Humanism in Germany; Reuchlin (1455-1532) 63 

Bis victory over the Monks 64 

nuiiiunUm Mild the Universities; Wiltenberg (1503) .... 64 

Humanism in England; Colet. Erasmus, More 64 

The "1'topia"; it« liberal ideas on Religion 65 

Krasnius (1467'l'536i the leader of Humanism . , . . ■ 66 

Hi* fame and atxiuirementa . . . . . . • . 60 



HiH" Praise of FoUy" 

His ctiaittisement of ecclesiastical follies and abuses , 
His cdilions tif the Fathers aod of the New Testament 

Diffusion of his writioga 

What may be inferred from their character and popularity 
Recapitulation; symptoms of the rise of a new order of things 




ProtcstantJEm congenial to the German mind 

Luther the hero of the Reformation . 

His birth (14S3} and parentage .... 

Studies at Erfurt (1501-3) ; enters a convent (1505) 

I Made s Professor at Witt«nberg (1508) 
His literary and theological attainments 
I His rcUginus experience 
"^Seea that justification is by faith 
Origin of indulgences; the Scholastic doctrine . 
Luther opposes the sole of indulgences by Tetiel (1516) 
^ Luther posts his ninety-five Theses (1517) ; their contents 
■■~ Their effect in Germany 
Attacka and rephes; he meets Cajetan at Augsburg (1518) 
Accedes to the truce offered by Miltits (1519) 
.^ The I*ipaic Disputation (1519); Philip Melancthon . 
Helancthon'a character; Luther's geniality and humor 
He asserts that the primacy of the Pope is jure humano 
Effect of the Leipsic Disputation upon his studies and opinions 
" He appeals to the laity; Address to the Nobles (1520) 
Writes "the Babylonian Captivity of the Church" (1520) 
Writes on the " Freedom of a Christian Man " (1520) , 
^*^Is excommunicated; bums the Papal bull (1320) 

I Commotion produced in Germany; he Gods political, religious, 
literary allies 
Ulrich von Hutten (1488-1523) . 
Political condition of Germany; weakness of the central government 
Abortive effort^s under Maximilian (1403-1519) to organize the Empire 
Discontent and disorder; complaints by the knights, the cities, the 
peasantry . , 
The election of Charles V. (1519) : consequent alarm in Europe 
Rivalship of Chariea V. and Francis I. (1515-1547); its grounds, the 
strength of the rivals respectively 
Character of Charles V. : his conduct in the affair of the Reformation 
Luther summoned to the Diet of Worms (1521); his journey . 
Appears before the Diet; refuses to recant 
Placed under the ban of the Empire 
Alliance of the Emperor with Leo X.; the terms of it , ■ . 
Luther at the Warlburg (1521-22) 
His occupations; labors on the translation of the New Testament 
Radicai movement of Carlstadt: Luther returns to Wittenberg (1522) 










He THtom order; his vast labon 101 

The Council of Regency decUnes to suppreiia Lutheraaisro . , . 101 
The dutrftcter of Pope Adrian VI. {1522-23J and Pope aement VII. 

(1523-M) 101 

The Diet at Nuremberg (1524); remands the subject of the Worma 

decree to the several princes 102 

Union of Catholic princes and bishops; division of the Nation , . 102 

Protestant League of Torgau (1526) 103 

Battle at Pavia (1525); confederacy agaJnat Charles .... 103 

TTie Diet of Spires (1526) refuses to enforce the Worms Edict . . 103 

Sark of Rome and triumph of the Emperor (1527) .... 103 

[ Reprenive action of the Diet of Spires (1529) ; the Protest . . 104 

I "^^-OppoMtioD of Luther lo armed resistance 104 

f The Diet of Augsburg; (1530) ; situation and spirit of Charles . . 104 

The Augsburg Coufession and Apology 105 

m^^ I>ecree adverse to the Protestants .... 105 

^^1 The courage and Bdelity of the Elector John ]t)S 

^H LutLerat Coburg (1530); his correspondence 106 

^^B Hia mamage to Catharine von Bora (1525) lOS 

^^^ His motives; effect of hts Knampte 108 

r His controversy with King Henry VIII. (1522) 109 

^^The intemperance of Luther's language, bow explained . . . 100 

His apologetic letter to Henry VIII. (1.525) lU 

>^e poaition of Eraamus in relation to the Lutheran movemeat , 11^ 

His gradual estrangement from Luther and his cause . . . 1 13 

v,_^ Merita of the controversy 115 

^Inability of Huraanigm to effect a Reform 115 

^The peasante" war (1525); hon far owing to Protestantism . . 116 

^bjlber supports the priucea 117 





The character of the Bwiaa; tbey serve aa mercenaries in the armies 

of France and of the Pope 1 19 

Birth of ZwingU (1484); his native character; his educalioD . . 120 
At Glarus (1506-IS) he opposes the system of pensions and of hired 

service under the French 120 

At Einoiedeln (1516-18) preaches salvation by the grace of Christ 

alone 121 

Adopts the principle of the exclusive authority of the Bible . . 123 

Preaches against indulgences: is established at Zurich (1519) . . 122 

Ria qualities as a man and a preacher ...•■■ 123 

Public disputation (1523) ; the council of the city sustains him . . 123 

Hia doctrines ; a second disputation . 124 

Zurich becomea a separate Protestant Church (1524) .... 124 

Zwingli'e "Commentary on True and False Religion" (1525) . . 124 

H» view respecting the salvalion of the heathen .... 124 

The Reformation in Basel (1529;; Berne (1528); 8t. GaU (1528); 

8cbaffhausen (1529) 12S 



The eccleaiafitical revolution is also a political one .... 125 

**^H?DntrBflt of Luther and Zwingli; their religious experience . . 126 

Comparative conservatism of Luther 12S 

Mingling of patriotism and religion in Zwingli 127 

Luther led the resistance to the Church of Rome .... 12S 

The Eucharistic cantrovcrey lietwcen the Lutherans and the Swiss 129 

listory of the doctrine of the Eucharist 129 

Three opinions ; Luther, Zn-ingli, Calvin 129 

Ground of Luther's vehemence against the Zwinglian doctrine . . 130 

The Conference at Marburg (1529) 133 

The result; gubscquent revival of the controversy (1543) . . , 134 
Catastrophe of the Swiss ReformatioD; war betwceo the Catholic and 

Protestant Cantons 134 

Deathof ZwingU (1531) 135 

TheTreaty of Peace; Protestantism checked 136 

Formation of the League of Smalcald (1531) 136 

The Emperor disabled for ten years (1532H12) from carrying out the 

Augsburg Decree 137 

Catholic League (1533) 137 

Conferences of the opposing parties (1537-45); ContarinJ , . , 138 

The League of Smalcald, how wealcened 139 

Maurice of Saxony joins the Emperor (1546) 139 

Last days of Luther 139 

The relations of Luther and Melanethon to each other . . . 140 

Melancthon's funeral address on Luther (1546) 143 

Luther's power and influence; remarks of Dfillinger .... 143 
The Smalcaldic war (1546-47); defeat of the Prot«Btanta at Milhl- 

berg (1547) 143 

The Augsburg Interim (1548); Charles's plan of pacification . . 143 

He is disappointed; action of the Council of Trent .... 143 

Union of Paul in. and Francis L against him (1547), . . . 144 
RcsiBtance to the Augsburg Interim in North Germany; the Leipsio 

Interim (1548) 144 

Better prospects of Protestantism 145 

Maurice turns against Charles; drives him out or Innsbruck (1562) I4d 

Treaty of Passau (1552) 146 

Peace of Augsburj; (1555); tlie jut rtjormavdi: the Ecclesiastical 

Reservation 146 

Abdicatioa of Charles (1556) 147 




Spread of the Reformation; agency of Germans; influence of 

Wittenberg 148 

The Scandinavian kingdoms; the Union of Calmar (1397) . . . 14S 
Christian II. of Denmark (1513-23) favors Protestantism, then draws 

back 148 

He is deposed and succeeded by Frederic 1. (1523-33) . . . 149 | 

Spread of Lutheraniarn in Denmark in his reign IW 



Vnder Christian III. the ReTonnatiua is legalised > . . . UO 

CoDftitutioo of the Danish Protpstant Church ISO 

Democratic movemeDts in Lubeck and other cities. In connection 

with the ReionnatioQ J5I 

EetftblUiment of Protjislantism in Norway (1537) .... 153 

OUf sad Laurence Petersen preach Proteatantism in Sweden (1519) . 153 

OtKtavut Vaaa (1523-60) favors it 153 

It ia adopted at the Diet of Weateras (1527) 153 

What was done with eccleeiaatical property 153 

Failure of subsequent efforts to restore Catholicism .... 154 
Effect of the execution of Huss in Bohemia (1415) .... 154 
Hussit« movement was both rehpous and national .... 155 
The dcnu&nd of the cup 'or the laity; history of the practice of with- 
holding it 155 

The Pra^e University declares for the Utraquista .... 155 

Division of the Utraquiste; the Taborites 155 

ZUka (1360-1424) their It^adcr 156 

The Articles of Prague, the platform of the Utraquists (1421) . . 156 

Three Crwiades fail to subdue them 1S7 

They an heard at the Council of Basel (1433) 157 

The Compactata 153 

Onflict of Catixtines and Taborltea 158 

The rise of the Brethren in Unily (circa 1450) 158 

Favorable reception of Lutheranism by the Hussites .... 158 

The Utmquisis refuse to join Ferdinand in the Smalcaldic war . . 159 

Subsequent persecution of Bohemian Protestants .... 159 

Religious condition of Poland at the time of the Reformation . . I.'iQ 

How Protestantism was introduced 160 

The spread of the new doctrine in Polish Prussia and in Livonia (1524) 160 

aigismund II. (1548-72) favorable to it 161 

Religious dinsenition among Protestants: spread of Unitarianism 161 

John k Lasco (1499-1560) 162 

Union of Lutherans, Catriniats, and Brethren, in the Synod of Sen- 

domir (LWO) 162 

Equality of rights gruited to alt the Churches 162 

"Die Reformation introduced into Hungary 163 

SBect of the civil war (15261 upon its progress 163 

! between the Calvini5ts and Lutherans 164 



ivin belongs to the second generation of Reformers . . . 166 

His birth (1509), family, and education 166 

l^^tudie* at Paris; E<tudi<^ law at Orleuns and Bourges . . . 167 

Hts mental power and habits of study 167 

Pubtifthes Reneea'a treatise on "Clemency" (1532); his motive . . 168 

■*HU conversion (1.^32) 169 

HIa nd8er\'e and love of retirement 169 

Obliged to fly from Paris (1533); at Angoulfime; at IMarn; returns 

to Paria 172 



Obliged again to Ry, on account of placards against the maas (1535) . 173 

Bia first theological work; the "Psychopannychia" (1534) . . 173 

*~^At Basel (1535); studies Hebrew; wriWs the "Institutes" . . 173 

Hia motive in composing this work 173 

HiB characteristics aa a writer and a man 174 

^~His adoption ol the Bible as the sole standard of doctrine . . . 175 

\ His conception of the Church and reverence for it . . . . 175 

^•^ Hia doctrine of predestination 176 

\ Ir attached to the doctrine on practical grounds , . , , 176 

nJ His opinion compared with that of Augustine 177 

His ability ns ft commentator 173 

Not an extremist in respect to forms and rites I7S 

The acerbity of Ills temper 179 

.His piety tinged with the Oid Tealament spirit 179 

I^His homage to law and ecniv of the exaltation of God . . . 179 

»s broad in hia aympathies than Luther 180 

t His greatness of mind and of character ...... 181 

Vitdts the court of the Duchess of Fcrrara (1536) .... 181 

Stops at Geneva on hia return (1536) 181 

Geneva subject to Savoy; achieves its independence (1533) . . 182 

Protestant influences from Berne 182 

l-l £xpuldon of the Biahop from Geneva and establishment of Protestant- 
ism (1535) 183 

*^Farel (1489-1505); his history and character; his preaching at 

Geneva 1S3 

Discontent there with the new ecclesiastical system .... 184 

State of morals 184 

Farel movc^ Calvin to remain and asaiat him (1536) .... 184 

Strict regulations of Church discipline ...... 185 

Opposition to them 185 

fc^ The preachers refupe to administer the Sacrament .... 180 

^^hey are banished by the citizens (1538) 186 

Calvin resides at Strasburg; attends the German religious Confer- 
ences (1539-1541) 1S7 

His opinion of Lutlier; his relations to Melancthon .... 187 

His niarriiige 188 

1b recalled to Geneva (1541), and why 188 

His lettLT to Sadolet tSlI 

I^Hifl reluctance to return IS!) 

' ^^he Genevan civil and ecelcaioBtical syBtem 190 

' The LiUle Council; the Consistory 190 

Vigilant auper\-ision of the people by preaehere and elders . . , 190 

The Venerable Company 191 

• CiLlvin take^ part in framing the civil laws 191 

I How the preachers were chosen . ....... 191 

r Disaffection arises; the Libertines 192 

Comtiination of different claswa of Calvin's opponents . . . 192 

I Severity of the Genevan laws 193 

I Religious intolerance; its history 193 

Practiced in the Middle Age.t 194 

The Reformers did not advocate loleratii>n 19.? 

Conflii'l* of Calvin and efforts to Inlimidate him .... 19fi 

itiil.vr >^iii.--Iird (15.51) for assailing the doctrine of jircdcstination I'.IG 

L A 



^Expulsion of CasteUio (ISM) 19S 

Tlkhael Sen-etus; hia history and character 107 

Hb book on the " Errors of the Trinity" (1531) 197 

Bis second book — the "Restoration of Christianity" , , . 198 

Tried (or heresy before u Roman Catholic Court at Vienne . . 19S 

Proof furnished from Geneva 193 

Be eacapesojid cntnes to Geneva (1553) 199 

la amet«d and tried 19S 

Is convicted and burned at the stake 200 

Agency of Calvin in the transaction; vexdict of GuiEot . . . 200 

The execution of Scrvetus generally approved 202 

Further efforts of the Libertines; their final overthrow (1555) . 202 

Catviu's multiplied labors and vast influence 203 

BbUsl j'cars; the variety of his era|)loyment«; his infirnutieeofbody 204 

HKlaat iUnca (1564); his interview with the Council . . . 20S 

Hei interview with the preachers 205 

Estimate of his character 206 

CklvioiEm lays empiiasig on the sovereignty of Ood .... 207 

iWhy favorable to ci\i] liberty ........ 207 

t doe* not surrender the government of the Church to Iho civil 

authority 207 

Ite church organisation h republican 208 

It dwarfs earthly sovereignty by exalting the divine .... 208 

Ooio^wred with Romanism in its view of the civil authority . . 208 



The Sorbonne and Parliament oppose doctrinal innovations . . 209 

ESect of the repeal of the Pragmatic Sanction (1516) . . , 209 

Reform emanates from Humanism 309 

Fmncis I. (I51.V-47); the patron of learning and art .... 209 
Lettvn (1450-1536}, the Father of the Reformation; hia studies 

and writings 210 

Hia mystical turn; his pupil, Brifonnet 211 

Ho«ti)ity of the Sorbonne and of Parliament to LefAvre and his school 2tl 

Heresy puppriwcd in Mcau\ (1525) 211 

Margaret, Queen of Navarre (1402-1549); her sympathy with the 

Mystical School 312 

Her writings; she favors the Protestante without joining them . . 212 

Frnnris I. oppows the Sorbonne; nupports his sister .... 213 

rhanee* his course: engages in persecution . , ■ . . 214 

Doulitfiil position of France re-spectiiiB the Reformation . . ■ 214 

Tlomi', Reiiaisjiincr, the Rpform.'^tion ; tUc three rivals , , . 215 

TVhy rnlvinism wa* ilislikpd 215 

Spirit of Lnvnla and the Catholic Reaction 218 

Habrlnl* (1483-15.1^1 21fl 

Vwltlutioii III Fr.'iiiria I. and its eoDsequeiices 217 

\He perwcut*^ the Protmtaitls (1534); courts the altinnee of the 

Luthcriui princes 217 

''^Spread of Protestantism in Fnnce in his reign 319 





Influence of Geneva and of Calvin 219 

Henry II. (1547-59); his hostility to the Retormation . . .219 

Its prngreHH 219 

The Calviniats hold a general Synod (15.59) 230 

Persecution after the treaty of Cat«au-Cambreais; death of Henry II, 

(1559) 220 

VHeroiam of the sufferers 221 

How the Huguenots became a poIiticaJ party 221 

Catharine de Mediei; her relations lo Henry and his mistress; and 

her character 221 

Francis II. (15.59-60) is eoptroUed by the Guiaea; their history and 

character . , , . . . . . . . .221 

Discontent of the Bourbons and ChalJIIons 223 

Connection of tiic great nobles with the Calviniats .... 223 

Cal\'in preaches to them aiihmission; their patience .... 224 

The conspiracy of Amboisc (1560) 225 

Its consequences; the Edict of Roinoranttn (1560) .... 225 

Coligny supports the petition of llie Protestants for liberty of worship 225 
The States General called together at Orleans (1560) , . . ,226 

Arrest of Condfl ; Navarre placed under surveillance ■ . . . 226 

Plot for the extirpation of Protestantism 226 

Frustrated by the death of Francis II. (1560) 227 

Catharine de Medici; her virtual guardianship of Charles IX. (1560- 

74). and regency 227 

Influence of L'Hos[iital ......... 227 

Strength of the Protestants 227 

Guise, Montmorfnci, and St. Andrfi form the Triumvirate . . . 223 

The Colloquy at Pnisay (1.561); Beza 228 

•n^The Edict of St. (Sprmnin (1562) grants a measure of toleration . 229 

^The Massacre of Vassy (1562) begins the civil wara .... 230 

The Huguenots fought in self-defense 231 

Siege of lUjucn; battle of Drcux (1562); assassination of Guise 

(1563) 232 

The Edict of Ambuise (1563); the character of it . . . . 232 

The Huguenots taite up arms; Peace ot Longjumenu (1568) . . 232 

Conference at Bayonne (156.5) 233 

Renewal of the war under Spanish influence; battles of Jarnnc and 

Moncontour (1569) 233 

Treaty of St. Gerinain (1570); reasons that influenced the Court to 

make peace; fortified towns placed in the hands ol the Huguenots 234 

Political crisis in Europe; will France make war on Spain? . . 234 

\^ Proposal that Henry ot Navarre elmll marry Margaret of Valnis , 235 

>^Coligny coTniw t-o Court; his character 23.5 

^The origin of the Ma,isacre of St. Bartholomew (1572) . . . 236 

LHad it been planned eiiriler? 237 

Joy lit Madrid and at Rome 238 

Effect of the massiuTP on the surviving Huguenots .... 238 

The party of the I'lililiqucs or Liberal Catholics is formed . . . 239 

Organization of the League 239 

Position of Henry 111. (1574-89) 23'J 

V E\c'ommuni(-nlion of Njvnrre and CondS by Sistus V. (1385) . . 24(1 

AVarof the "Three Henries" (15S«) 240 

Assassination of the Guises by ordvr ot Henry III. (1588) . . . 240 

i 4 



_ ^ aimy of Henry of N&vBrre 

Ilnirj ni. Uassaesiaated (1.S89) 

Henry IV.; his war with thp league; the battle of Ivry (1500} 
^His contest with Alexander of Parma (1592) . . . . 
\ Abjuratwn of Henry IV,; lis motives (1393); its eSec:t . . 

Qiarftctcr ot this art 

Oilier mirfortimes of the Huguenots 

\_ The administration nf Henry IV.; the Edict of Nant«a (1598) . 

Tba Huguenots become au isolated and dofcualve party . . 



Prosperity and intelligence of the people of the Netherlands 
Relation of the Netherlands to the German Empire . 
Influences favoriiblG to Protestantism .... 

PCTMCUtinf! edicts of Charles V. (1521 seq.) 
Uartyrdoma St BrusHcLi (1523); Luther's hymn 
Continued persecution by Charles V.; number of martyra . 

Abdication of Charles V. (1555) 

Fanatical and despotic character of Philip II. (1555-98) 




His unpopularity in the Netherlands 249 

The great nobles; Orange. Egmonl ....... 249 

Margaret of Parma is made Regent (1550); her character ... 250 

Granvelle; his character 250 

Conduct of the government is placed in bis hands .... 250 

Philip keepd in tlie Netherlands Spanish regiments .... 250 

He creates netr bishoprics 251 

lieaga ot these ineBsuree 2S1 

Chaxacter of the nobles; William of Orange 251 

Pbllip renews the persecuting edicts 252 

The Inquisition and its cruelties 253 

Orange and Egmont complain of Granvelle to the King . . . 253 

How far Granvelle woe reepouaible 253 

He leases the country (1564) 254 

^^A>e«ch of WiUiam of Orange against the policy of the government . 254 

^^Kmont goes to Spain to enlighten the King 2.^4 

P^fr ie duped by the asimranecs of Flitlip 255 

E^ect ot the continued cruellies 255 

Thr "Comproniise" (1506) 255 

The R«!Ke"it allows Protestant preaching outside of the cities . . 256 

Pliilip promiites to mitigate hifl poUcy; the proof ot his perfidy . . 25fl 

Iconodasm (1566) 25S 

TTie Regent makes a truce with the Confederacy of Nobles . . 25Q 

Orange leaves the country 257 

p^'eogeance of Philip: mission of the Dulce of Alva (1567) . . . 258- 

^"Wr arrest* Egmont and Horn; the "Council ot Blood" . . 259 

I Alva defeats Louis ot Nnssou; Egmont and Horn are beheaded (1668) 260 

,' Alva'nplanof taxation (1569) 260 

^^The lipirit of neislauce is awaltened 260 

^Bte "Sea-beggars"; they capture Briel (1572) 260 



Holland and Zealtvnd adopt a tree constitution; Onuige made Stadt- 

holdcr (1572) 261 

Alva iJctestpd l>y the itrople; he is reeallt^ (1573) .... 261 

Reqiipaena succpeds him (1S73) 291 

Growth uf 11 PniletjlanL state under Orange 261 

Fliuidcra and Brubont invoke his lielp; tho PaciiicatioD of Ghent 

(1576) 263 

Don John auccpeds Requefieiis (ISTS) 262 

Division betweeu the Southern and Northern Provinces . . . 282 

Alexander of Parma succeeds Don Jolin (1578) ..... 262 

The Utrecht Union fonned in the North (1579) 263 

OutlawTy of William of Orange (1580); his-'Apology" . . .263 

His character 264 

His ostasainatiuii (1584) 265 

The Catholic Provinces submit lo Parma ...... 265 

Phihp's intention to remove him; death of Parma (1592) . . , 265 

RIdc of the Dutch Republic; diaostfirs of Philip and of Spain . , 266 

The Anobaptista 269 

Prevalence of Calvinism 266 

The Calviniata do not adopt the principle of toleration . . . 267 
Difference between ProI«atants and CathoUca in respect to intoler- 
ance 267 

William of Orange advocates religious liberty 268 

Controversy on the relation of the Church to the civil authority . 269 

Germs of the Arminian controversy 269 



Lollarda numerous at the beginning of the sixteenth century . . 270 

Influence of the Revival of learning ....... 270 

Cardinal Wolsey a friend of Iparuing 270 

Tyndale (d. IS.'je) and Frith (d. 1533) 271 

The peculiarity of the English Reformation 271 

Ni) pruminenl leaders as on tlie Continent 271 

IK'nry VIII. seeks a divorce from Clement VII. (1527) . . .272 

Henry rcdueea the power of the Pope and iJie clergy in England . 273 

Revives the statute of "pnemunire" (1531) 273 

Addrensed by the clergy us Head of the EngliBli Church . . . 273 

la divorced and marrica Anne Boleyn (1532) ..... 273 

The net of Supremacy (1534) 274 

Abolishing of the monasteries (1536) ....... 274 

A Catholic and a Protestant party in the Council and in the Church 274 

Cruumer leads the Protestant party; bis character .... 27i! 

Thomas Cromwell; Gardiner 27£ 

The English Bible issued by the King's authority .... 27i 

The Ten Articles (1536) 27£ 

The Rebellion of 1539 271 

The Catholic partv in the naeendency ; the Six Articles (1539) . . 27f 

The Fail of Croroiell (1540) 27( 

Anlagonism of the two parlies after Henry's death (1547) . . .27' 

Protastanlism prevails under Edward VI 27t 



Crnnrocr reinforced by iheologijua from tJie Contiaent . . . 278 
Thp Book of Commoa Prayer (1348, 16S2); the Articles of Religion 

(1552) 278 

The progress too rapid for the popular feeling . . . ' . , 278 

F«Ilof the PTv>t«ctor Somerset (1S51; 279 

Revisal of the eeclesiasticiil statutes 279 

fteaclionarj movement under Mary (1553-58) ..... 279 

RestotHtion of the Catholic system; her marriaiiie with PliiUpII. (15A4) 279 

Martyrdom of Cranmer, Ridley, aod Latimer (1555-56) , . , 280 

The character of Cranmer 280 

Unpopularity of Mury and its caiisee 2S1 

Extreme demands of Pope Paul IV 281 

Ae wm ioo of Elizabeth (1558) ; her conservative Prot«stantiBm . . 282 

Reriaion of the Articles (1563) 282 

Act of Supremacy and Acta of Uniformity (1550}; Court of High 

Commission (1583) 282 

Treatment of the Catholics 283 

Difiinctiun between the Anglican Church and the Protestant Churches 

Ml the Continent 283 

Little controversy on Episcopacy in the first age of the Reformation 283 

Prstemal relation of the English and the Continental Churi:hes . . 284 

Cranmtr asserts the parity of the clergy 284 

Testimony of Lord Bacon ; position of Hooker (1533-1600) . 285 

Agreement of the Anglican and Continental Churches on predestination 286 

The Augustinian and Calviuislic doctrine compared .... 287 

Influence of Calvin and of his nTJtlngs in England .... 28S 

Anglican divines not rigid predcstinnrians 288 

Anglican doctrine Calvinistic on the Eucharist ..... 280 

This doctrine expressed in tlie Articles 291 

The Puritan objections to the vpstnicnta 291 

Vie«-H of Jewel and other Elizabethan bishops 292 

The Ijueeo's opposition to changes in the ritual 293 

Hct enforcement of uniformity ........ 294 

Cartwriglit an advocate of Presbyterianism (1572) .... 294 

The l>caring of his principles on the Queen's Supremacy . . . 295 

Rise of the Independents; their principles. 295 

Iluoker on Church eovcmment and on the relation of Church and State 29ij 

Merits of the controversy of the Anglicans and Puritans , . . 21)7 

Lord Bacon's review of it 297 

No ironoclasm in England 298 

Connection of the Scottish Reformation with Elizabeth , . . 299 

Character of the ScoltLiih nobility; of the commons .... 299 

The clergy ignorant and vicious; th^ir wealth 300 

Treatment of Protestantism under the Regent Mary (1554-60) . . 300 

Return of Knox from the Contment (1359) 301 

The education of Knox ; begins to preach ; a captive in France (1547) 301 
He resides at Geneva (1556-59); his "Monstrous Regimen of 

Women" 302 

The Covenant of the Lords of the Congr^ation (1557) ■ . .302 

The preaching of Knox; icoaoclasm 303 

Eliiobeth sends troops to aid the lords (1560) ..... 303 
Death of the Queen-Regent (1560); legal establishment of Protestant- 
ism (1560) 303 



'Tbe eccleaiaatical property, how used 303 

Return of Mary, Queoa of Scots, from France (1561); ber charaoter 304 

She does not resisl Protestantism ; grounds of her policy . , . 30.i 

Knox's opposition to the mass [n her Chapel (1561) .... 306 

CunTercncu of Knox and tlie Queen .....,, 306 

Their debacle on the "regimen of women" 307 

On tlie right of subjertH to resist their sovereign .... 308 

Knox's opinion o! Mary ......... 309 

He preaches against the dancing at Holyrood ; another conrerence with 

Mary 310 

The people suppress the mass in the weatem districts (1563) . . 310 

-Snox defendu their conduct in a conversation with the Queen . . 310 

Knox arraigned for convening her lieges ...... 312 

He deBcribes his examination before her and the Privy Council . . 312 

Knox's public prayer for the Queen and the realm .... 312 

He considers toleration of Catholic worship a sin .... 313 

Mary's marriage with Damley (1565) 314 

It displcaj^cs Elizabeth: Mary's hopes center in Spain and the Quisea 314 

Murder of Rizjiio by Damley and the jealous nobles (1566) . . 316 

Mary's repugnance to Darnley and attachment to Bothwell . . 316 

Circumstances preceding the murder of Darnley ..... 317 

Abduction of the Queen by Bothwell (1567) 318 

He is divorced from his wife and marries Mary (1567) . . , 310 
She surrenders to the lords at Carberry Hill (1567) . . . .319 

The problem of the "casket letters" 310 

Mary abdicates in favor of her son; makes Murray Regent (1567) . 321 

Constitution of the Kirk; the Second Book of Discipline (1577-81) 322 

Full establi.shment of the Presbyterian system (1592) . , , . 323 
Mary CM^apes from Lochlevea (1568) ; is defeated at Langaide (1568) ; 

a prisoner in England 323 

Hostility of tlie Catholic Reaction to Elizabeth 324 

She sends help to (he Netherlands (15S5) 324 

Execution of Mary (1587) 325 

Defeat of tlie Spanish Armada (1588) 325 in Ireland 325 

EiTeet of the Catholic Reaction on the Irish 320 

Lord Bacon on the way to treat Ireland 320 



Resistance to Protestantism organised in Italy and Spain . 
Political condition of Italy in its bearing on Protestantism 
The corruption of the Church understood by Italians .... 

Arnold of Brescia (d. 11,55) 

Dante (I2fi5~1321) attacks the temporal power, but not the Catholic 
dogmas ........... 

Hia idc-al of the restored Empire ....... 

How Boccaccio (1313-751 treats thr Church and the clergy 
The spirit of the Renaissance; Laurentius Valla (d. 1463) . 
The service of Iluroaiiisra and its limits; the ataideniiea . , 







DtAirioii of Lutheran writtnga in Italy 331 

Pn>tc«t>iitiain in Italy a thing of degrees 333 

The Oniti'ry of Divine I»ve; Contorini 332 

The reformed opiniona in Ferrara; the Du(^heB8 Rente (1527) , . 333 

Protestajiti&ia in other cities 334 

In Naples; Juan Vald«a (circa 1530) 334 

Ochino and Pel«?r Martyr 335 

Trestiae on the "Bpnplits of Christ" 335 

The Sacramentarion dispute 335 

Paul IIL (1534-49) favors the Catholic reforming party (1537) . . 335 

Contarini at Rati^bon (1541) 336 

Caraffa leads the rigidly orthodox party of reform .... 330 

New orders: the Thcatines {15241 337 

Igoatius Loyohk (1491-I55S) louads the order of the Jesuita (1S40) 337 

Htoboolt of "Spiritiial Escrcises" 338 

The constitution rit the Jc!<uit order 339 

(The Council of Trent (1545-1563) 340 

llta dflinitions arc nnti-Protc^itant 341 

llta practical work in Ihc way of reform ...... 341 

he Council senses to consolidate the Catholic Church . . . 341 

' The Inquisition; italiiatory; the Spanisii Inquisition . . . 341 

The Inquisition in Italy (1542), how orguniztd 343 

Flight of Ochino (1542), Peter Martyr (1542), Vergerio (1548) . . 343 

PersFciition of Protestants 343 

Suppression of Books; the Index ProhibitoriUB (1557) . . . 343 

The Index Expuii^atorius 344 

PeTBecutton of EvunKcliral Catholics 344 

Extirpation of Proti^tanti^m in Italy 344 

Introduction of Prote^tanlisui into Spain ...... 345 

Converts to Protcatantisni nt Seville and Volladolid .... 345 

Rooeption of the doctrine of Justification by Faith .... 346 

AmKm da fi (1550-60) 346 

Succes of the Inquisition 347 

PmveruUon of the Evangelical Catholics; Corrania (1558-1576) . 347 
AlUlude of the Pope« in respect to the Catholic Reaction; Paul IV. 

(1555-59); Pius IV. (1550-65); Piua V. (15C6-72) ... 348 
tUxiud V. excornmunicutes Heiuy IV. (1585), and supports the 

League 349 

duuiRp in the intellectual spirit of Italy; Taaso (1644-95); the new 

sehti-iLi of painting 349 

Carlo Borrameo's private virtues and Chrialinn work (153S-84) . . 360 

The Jeeultfl as educators 350 

Tlicy extend their influence in Europe 350 

4^>untrim recovpred to the Church of Ronie 351 

CftU»c^ ol the check of Proleetantiam; Macaulay's discusaion . . 351 

The crystallizing of parties ......... 352 

P'llltical arranaemcntfl 352 

The removal of abui^es in the Church of Rome 363 

ProMstaiits waste Ihrir strength in contests with one another . . 853 

The bett^^r nncaniiBtion of the Roman Catholica . , • . 354 

They use tlie varieties of talents and character 354 

Morr n>uti-d ntlnrhincnt in SfiiilhiTn Eurojw to the Church of Rome 354 

U'accnl Brines iu the Roman Catholic Party; its effect . ■ . 355 







Rfiverees expierienced by the Catholic Reaction 356 

Principal lopica to be considered 35Q 

Failure of Charles V. to BUbjugate the Protcatants .... 356 
Effect of the Peace of Augsburg (155S); Philip II. not supported by 

Ferdinand I. and Haxiaiilian II. 357 

Their Hucceasora under the eway of the Jesuits and the Catholic 

Reaction 357 

Origin of the Thirty Years' War (1618-I64S) 368 

The Evangelical Union (1608) ; the Catholic League led by Maximilian 

of Bavaria (1609) 358 

The Bohemians revolt against Ferdinand II.; give their crown to 

Frederic V., the Elector Palatine (1619) 359 

Bigotry of Ferdinand II., and of the Elector 359 

Defeat of the Bohemians; conquest of the Palatine (1622) . . 359 

Triple alliance for the restoration of the Elector (1625) . . . 359 

Failure of the Danish intervention (1626-1629) 360 

WaltenHtein delivers Ferdinand troin subjection to the League • ■ 360 

The constitution of the armies; the miaeries of the war . . . 360 

Victories of Wallenstein and of Tilly (1626-1626) .... 361 

The Edict of Restitution (1629); the removal of Wallenstein (1630) 361 

Intervention of GuatavUB Adolphus (1630) ; his character and motives 362 
Victories of Gustavua; Wallenstein reappointed (1632); the battle 

ot Lutien (1632) 362 

Influence of Richelieu (1624-1342); ground of French intervention . 362 

The death of Wallenstein (1634) 364 

Predominance of Richelieu in the conduct of the war (1634) . . 384 

The struggle protracted, and why ....... 364 

The Peace of Westphalia (1648) 365 

Position of England under the Stuarts 365 

Widening gulf between Anglicans and Puritans .... 366 

Hostility of James I. (1603-1625) to the Puritans; the Hampton Court 

Conference (1604) 366 

Charles I. (1625-1649) ; his arbitrary system ot government . . 368 

Archbishop Laud (1633) 368 

The League and Covenant of the Scots (1638) 369 

The war between King and Parliament (1642) 369 

The Westminster Assembly; parties in it (1642) .... 369 

Establishment of Preabyterianism; how limited 370 

Cromwell (1653-1658} and the Independents 370 

The settlers of New England (1620) 371 

Their ecclesiastical systeai 371 

Distinction between the Maieaehusetts and Plymouth dettlom . . 371 

Protestantism in Europe protected by Cromwell .... 372 

Restoration of Charles II. (16601; how effected 372 

The Presbyterians are deceived by the King 372 

The Savoy Conference (1661) 373 

Ejection of the Puritan ministers (1662) 373 

Demoralisation of the English Court 374 

Alliance of Cliarles U. and Louis XIV. (1670) 374 J 



Keai dengBB of Cluu-lu betrayed 374 

James n. (J685-I688); lh« Court of High Commission (1680) . . 375 

He endeavors to win the support of the PunUns (16S7) . , . S?."* 

The Itei-oliiUon of 1688 375 

The Art of Toleration 375 

Failure of the Comprehension Bill 376 

P^nuanent establishment of Presbyterianism in Scotland (1690) . 376 

Perseeuiion of the Covenanters under James II 377 

ESect of Henry IV.s death (1589) on the French policy . . .377 

Revolt of the Huguenots (1621) ; it8 causes and effect . . 378 

LAois XIII. (1610-1643); the aims of Richelieu (1624-1642) . . 378 

Hia domestic policy; his d^atntrtion of the Huguenot power (1628) 378 
Louis XIV. (1651-1715); his designs in ret^pect to France and to 

foreign powers 379 

The Assembly of 1682; the Four PropositloDa of Galilean liberty 380 

Adjustment with Innocent XII. (I691-17CX}); the work of Bossuet . 380 

Jansenism 380 

Declining reputation of the Jeeuite; Pascal (1623-1662) . . .381 

Suppression of Port Royal 1710; persecution of the Jansenista . 381 
PerpecuUon of the Huguenots; Revocation of the Edict of Nantes 

(1686) 382 

Ita effect on Fmocc 383 

War? kindled by the ambition of Louis XIV 383 

William of Orange (1650-1702), his autagotuat . . * . . .384 

The result 384 

Prootration of the Catholic Reaction 385 

Pe«blenea3 of the Papacy 385 

Effect of the persecution of the Janaenlata on the Catholic Church 385 

Approach of the era of revolutiooa 385 



Two fundamental principles of Proteatantism ..... 387 
No controversy between the two parties on the Trinity and Atone- 
ment 387 

Their difference on the doctrine of sin 387 

*^^ Th<^ Protestant doctrine of justi6cation ...... 388 

The relation of ethics to reh'gion 3S9 

Prvte«tant doctrine of the exclusive authority of the Scriptures 389 

Agreement of the Protestant Churchca on this point .... 390 

The two Protestant principles unite in one ...... 390 

Koman Catholic doctrine of jUEtiiication 390 

The Protestant doctrine reepecting the Church 391 

The Roman Catholic doctrine respecting the Church .... 392 

I Respecting tradition 302 

Respecting the Bacramenis 393 

Sense of the phrase, ex opcre operato 393 

Modifications of the Roman Catholic view 304 

Roman Catholic doctrine of the priesthood . . . i . 394 

Protestants maintain a universal pricethood of beUevera ... 385 


1 J Protestant view of the number &nd design of the sacraments . . 395 
I J Effect of the Protestant vien of justification upon various dogmas 

ft and practieea 395 

f J Protestant eontroveraies on predestination 397 

n AmiinianiHin and its leaders (1610) 393 

^1 Political division between Arminians and Calvinists in Holland . . 399 

The S>-nod of Dort (1616) 399 

Amiinian view of original sin nnd of the nlonement .... 309 

I General character of the Armlnian theologians . , . > . 4(X) 

The Anabaptists 400 

The Antitrinitarians of the age of the Reformation .... 401 

Rise of Unitarianism in Italy 402 

Faustua Socinus (1539-1604) 402 

The Socinian theology 403 

Efforts to unite Lutherans and Calvinists 404 

Effortj) to unite Protestants and Roman Catholics .... 405 

Theendeavorsof Grotius (1642) 406 

His doctrinal position 406 

Leibnitz and Bossuet 407 

End of the efforts at reunion 40S 




Organization of Protestantism not uniform in the different countries 410 

Protcatants united in opposing Church govemnient by a priesthood 410 

The principles of Luther respecting Church polity .... 411 

Not realized and why 411 

Luther and Melanctfaon on the authority of civil rulers ia the Church 411 

Two characteristic features of the Lutheran polity .... 413 

Origin of consistoriea ...,....., 413 

The Synod of Homberg in Hesse 414 

Luther's opinion of its plan of Church government .... 4tS 

Eeclesiafitical government by princes in Lutheran states . . . 415 

Theories on which it was founded 416 

Church government in the Reformed Churchea 416 

Zwingli's system ........... 416 

Calvin's theory of Church government 417 

The civil authority bound to suppress error 417 

The Presbyterian constitution in France and in Scotland . . . 419 

The Anglican establishment 420 

Various theories; Erastianism; Hooker 420 

Warburton'a theory; Coleridge's theory 421 

Gladstone; Chalmers; Macaulay 422 

Convocation in the English Church 423 

Bellarmine on the indirect authority of the Pope in relation to the 

temporal power 425 

The Jesuits advocate popular sovereignty 425 

Protestants maiDtain the divine right of kings ..... 426 

The system of the New England colonists 426 



W Distinction between Plymouth and HaasBchusetta .... C7 

I The Sew England Eccleaiastical Sjstom 427 

I Roger Williams advocates religious liberty (circa 1630) . • . 427 

I The Roman Catholic Church in the United SUtes , . . , 42S 




Nweoaaiy to consider facts in coDneetion irith principles . . . 430 

^ Oeneisl comparison of Catholic and Protcetant nations . . . 430 

I^HOge from Macatilay 430 

PBMMge from Cartyle 431 

Influence of ProteslantiBm upon Liberty 432 

Political effects of the Reformatiou ..,,,,. 433 

What Protestantism did tor liberty in Europe 433 

In the United Slates 434 

ProtcstauU have been guilty of persecutioa 43.'> 

Thia admitted to be iDConsistent with their principles , , . 436 

Roman Catholics. Iiow far responeiblc now (or persecution . , . 436 

Influence of the Reformation on literature and science , . . 438 

The oomplaintd of Erannus 438 

Effect of the extinction of Protestantism in Spain .... 438 

Lorn of intellectual freedom and activity 439 

Effect of the extinction of Protestantism in Italy .... 439 

Decline of literature aad art 440 

^Pcneeution of Galileo 440 

^ The grounds of his condemnation 44 1 

Literature in France 442 

The Prohibitory and Expurgatory Indexes 443 

EStxt of the censorship of books, on Italy 443 

Censorship of books in Protestant countries 444 

The press in the Puritan period; Millon 444 

The press after the Restoration 445 

Education by the Jesuits and their scholarship 445 

The reading of the Bible; policy of the Church of Rome . . . 440 

Why the laity first neglected the Bible 44fl 

Intellectual effect of the reading of the Bible in Protestant countries 447 

Influence of the Reformation on English LiTeraturo .... 448 

Religious tone of EliKabethan writers 448 

Effect of the Reformation on the German intellect .... 449 

Its intellectual effect in Holland and Scotland 450 

Influence of the Reformation on Philosophy 451 

The Reformers' opiuion of Aristotle 451 

Renovation of phUosophy by Bacon and Dea Carles .... 452 

Bacon'e tendency congenial with Protcstanlism 452 

llie CarteBian method in contrast with the Mcdjsvol .... 4S2 
PNsonkl history and relations of Des Cartas (15911-1650) . . .453 

His system condemned by the Sorhonne 453 

Influence of the Reformation on other sciences 454 

"* I'mleatantism and the Fine Arts 454 

Cumparison of the German and the Latin nations , , . . 464 



Art tn the Netheriands 4S5 

Effect of the Reformfttlon on Rdigion ...... 455 

Religion essential to dvOiiation 455 

Origin of infidelity in Europe 450 

Protestant dogmatism provokes a revolt 496 

This is carried to an extrente 4S7 

Rise and spread of Deism 457 

Transition to Pantheism 457 

Skepticism in Roman Catholic oountriea 457 

Gerinan Rationalism ; its two forma 458 

Rise of the Critical School 458 

Deistic and Pantheistic Rationalbm 459 

Schleiermacher , 459 

Neander on the origin and typea of RationaUsm .... 459 

Hultiplying of Protestant sects 460 

lU effects 461 

Source of these divisions 461 

Tendency to unity 462 

Principle of progress in Protestantism 462 

Protestant and Catholic Missions 462 

Christianity not hostile to culture 463 

Error of the Middle Ages 464 

Protestantism avoids it , . 464 


I. A CHSOMOLoaicAt Tablb 465 

II. A Ijbt or Boois on trb Riioruation 475 

INDEX 503 

•■ x" 




urrsoDDcrroN ; the general character of the reformation 

The four most prominent epochs of modem history are the 
iDvasioD of the barbarians, which blended the German and 
Ronuu elements of civilization, and subjected the new nations 
to the influence of Christianity; the crusades, which broke up 
the stagnation of European society, and by inflicting a blow 
upon the feudal system opened a path for the centralization of 
the nations and governments of Europe; the Reformation, in 
which religion was purified and the human mind emancipated 
from sacerdotal controU, and the French Revolution, a tre- 
mendous struggle for political equality, TTie Reformation, 
like these other great social commotions, was long in prepara- 
tion. Of the French Revolution, the last upon the list of his- 
torical epochs of capital importance, De Tocqueville observes: 
"It was least of aU a fortuitous event. It is true that it took 
the world by surprise; and yet it was only the completion of 
travail most prolonged, the sudden and violent termination of 
ft work on which ten generations had been laboring." ' The 
method of Providence in history is never magical. In propor- 
tion to the magnitude of the catastrophe are the length of time 
and the variety of agencies which are concerned in producing 
it. Events, because they are unexpected and startling, are not 
to be ascribed merely to some proximate antecedent. The 
causes, like the con-sequence-s, are apt to be protracted. The 
Frotfietant movement is often looked upon as hardly less pre- 
ternatural and astonishing than would be the rising of the sun 
at midnight. But the more it is examined, the less does it wear 

> Aneim Rtgimt H ta Rhniation (7U] ed., ISW), p. Z\. 



this marroloue aspect. In truth, never was a historical crisis 

more elfibopately prepared, and this through a train of causes 

which reSch back into the remote past. Nor is it the fact that 

sucfi eyenta are wholly out of the reach of human foresight; 

_tli«y.'t:'ast their shadows before ; they are the object of presenti- 

• jie^ta more or less distinct, sometimes of definite prediction.' ■ 

•..,' But in avoiding one extreme we are not to fall into the oppo- 

■ Bite. We must lake into account the personal qualitiea and 

the plastic agency of individuals not less than the operation of ■ 

general causes. Especially if a revolution in long-established 

opinions and habits of feeling is to take place, there must be 

individuals to rally upon ; men of power who are able to create 

and sustain in others a new moral life which they have first 

realized in themselves. 

Notwithstanding that three centuries have since elapsed, 
the real origin and significance of the Reformation remain a 
subject of controversy. The rapid spread of Luther's opinions 
was attributed by at least one of his contemporaries " to a 
certain uncommon and malignant position of the stars, which 
scattered the spirit of giddiness and innovation over the world." ' 
Although the astrological solution has no advocates left, it was 
not wholly implausible in that age when the ancient art of 
foretelling the future by an inspection of the stars counted among 
its believers so accomphshed a scholar as Melancthon, a states- 
man as sagacious as Burleigh, and a far-sighted ecclesiastic 
like Pope Paul III., "who appointed no important sitting of 
the consistory, undertook no journey, without observing the 
constellations and choosing the day which appeared to him 
recommended by their aspect." * 

' Twantj" ypare before the aeoesaion of Louis XVT., Lord Chralcrfield wrote! 
"In short, all the symptoms which I hove ever met with in history, prevloua to 
I^G&t chADgffl and rc\'oliitionH in j^ovemment, now exii4t and daily increase in 
Francp." Ch-^IorlicldV LftUrg (Dec. 2!>. 17531: quoted by Carlylc, Hintury of 
the French Revoiutiun, ch. ii. In Ihe fifteenth eenturv. there were able men who 
looked forward to an eccleHia*<tieiil revohttion. Cardinal Julian CiPAarini, who 
ua papal legate [iresided at the rounril of nai>lp, in a letter to Pope Eugene IV., 
in 1431, predicted a great uprisinR of the laity for the overthrow of a eorrupt 
clergy, and a heresy more forraidnble than that of tlie Boheniiana. Epiel. I. 
Julian, Carii., in the Opera .Snrtr fit/lrli, p. R(J. It Ih given in part by Raviialdu-i, 
1431, No. 22; entracts in Gieeeler. Period, ni. v. c. 1. § 133, n. 6. 

» Jovins, Hialaria. Lut. 1,163, p. 134 ; nuoted by Robertson, Hitlary of Charlet 
v.. book ii. 

■ Ranke, llinlory of the Papei (Mrs. Aiiatin's Irannl.'i, i. 24!1. 2fi.l. On tho 
iuftuencc of aatrology in Italy, from the tlijrteenth century, see Burckhardt, Dit 



But other explanations of the Protestant movement, which 
ore hardly less imaginary and inadequate, have been gravely 
suggested. When the reigning Pope, Leo X., heartl of the 
commotion that had arisen in Saxony, he spoke of it as a squabble 
of monks. This judgment, which, considering the time and 
the source from which it came, may not occasion much surprise, 
is reechoed by writers so antagonistic to one another in their 
spirit as Bossuet and Voltaire: one the champion of the anti- 
protestant theology, and the other the leader of the party of 
free-thinkers in the eighteenth century.' Even a later German 
historian, a learned as well as brilliant wTiter, speaks of the Ref- 
ormation as an academical quarrel that served as a nucleus for 
all the discontent of a turbulent age.* It is true that an Augus- 
tinian monk began the conflict by assailing certain practices 
of a Dominican, that each found mucli support in his own order, 
and that the rival universities of Wittenberg and Leipsic en- 
listed on opposite sides in the strife. But these are mere inci- 
dents. To bring them forward as principal causes of a mighty 
historic change, is a little short of trifling.' A class of persons 
dispose of the whole question in a summary manner by calling 

Ciilltir d. HmoUiianef in 7lalif<n, p. 512 s<^q. In min was It attnckeel by Petrarch 
ftntl, in fommon with alchemy, Opnoimccd by fiornc of the Popea. Molanolhon 
profenea his tiiitli in natroloRy. Cnrpua Rcfomiatortim, iii. 6ifl. But the free- 
thinking PompoaBiii, snd the celcbrateil piiblii-int Boditi, shared in IhJH preflii- 
lity. (See Lctky. Hiatory of Rislionalism in Europe, i. 291.) Cecil consulted 
wlrology reipcctitig Qupen Elitsbcth's mitniitgc. In the luxteenth century, 
the fuDoua aitrologist, NostTsdamiM, wos palroniicd by Henry II. and Charles 
IX.. and WB« visited in his retreat at Salon by persons of the highest distinclion. 
Even the great a«tronamer«, Tycho Brnhe and Kepler, did not give up the faJtJi 
in astrology. The latter, fmm a fitudv of the ron.4iL-lla1iomi under which Watlen- 
»leiii B-M bom, described his rliamcler (Rnnkc, Gttchichtt W atleimlrin'. p. 1). 
Watlenstein's own devotion to astrology is loade familiar by tlic drsinafl of Seliiller. 
[ l^ord Bacon, although he pronoiincf?^ a^ttrnlogy "so full of superstition that scarce 
Bnything sound can be discovereil in it," voiild still "rather have it purified 
Ihui altogether rejected," and admits into "Sane Astrology," predictions ot 
•editions, schisma, and "all commotions or greater revolutions of things, natural 
M well m eii-il." De Aug. Scienl., tn. iv. It is only as s branch of physles and on 
the bawa of induction, however, that he allows anv place For astrology, 

' Voltaire, Fxmi mr Im iftrurit, ch. 127, D.rt. Phil. (Art. CliiT^al); Bossuet, 
Varitttiim' dtt Prol. ; (Eiirm, v. Kl. The same thing in said by Hume, "Mar- 
tin Luther, an Austin friar, professor in the University of Wittenberg, resenting 
the alTnint put upon his order." etc. IliMory nf Eiujlajut, ch. Kiix. 
' Leo, Uni^fTtaigfaehiehif, ill. c. 2: 

' There U not the Bll^htent ground for the notion that Luther woa actuated by 
kraaenlment at a slight upon his order. As if the disposal of indulgences were an 
J honor that be coveted 1 But is it noT true that this buainew had been usuallx 
iBiraDlo the AugustlniansF See Pallavicini, lib. i. c. 3. $7; Waddinglon, Autory of 
[Me Rtfnrmatuin , i, 131. The origin of this Imputation ot )es\oUEy Sn UaeeA Vj 
[GitMter, CAurrA Hitlory, iv. I. I f 1, a. 17. 




the Reformation a new phase of the old conflict which the Popes 
had waged with the Hohenstaufen Emperors; of the struggle 
between civil and ecclesiastical authority. But the ReformatioD 
was not confined to Germany : it was a European movement 
that involved a religious revolution in the Teutonic nations, and 
powerfully affected the character and destiny of the Romanic 
peoples among which it faded to triumph. Moreover, while 
the political side of the Reformation is of great importance, 
both in the investigation of the causes and effects of Protes- 
tantism, this is far from being the exclusive or even predominant 
element in the problem. Political agencies were rather a^ 
efficient auxiliary than a direct and principal cause. f 

Guizot has presented Iiis views resjx^ting the nature of the 
Reformation, in a lecture devoted to this topic' The Refor-^ 
nation, in his judgment, was an effort to deliver human reaso^ 
from the bonds of authority; "it was an insurrection of the 
human mind against the absolute power of the spiritual order." 
It was not an accident, the result of some casual circumstance; 
it was not simply an effort to purify the Church. Tlie com- 
prehensive and most powerful cause was the desire of the human 
mind for freedom. Free thought and inquiry are the legitimate 
product, the real intent of the movement. Such is Guizot's 
interpretation. But he is careful to add that his definition does 
not describe the conscious purpose of the actors who achieved 
the revolution. The Reformation, he says, "in this respect 
performed more than it undertook, — more, probably, than it 
desired." "In point of fact, it produced the prevalence of free 
inquiry; in point of pririciple, it believed that it was substi- 
tuting a legitimate for an illegitimate power." The distinction 
between the conscious aims of the leaders in a revolution, and 
the real drift and ultimate effect of their work; between the 
du^ct end which they endeavor to secure, and the deeper, hidden 
impulse, the undercurrent by which they are really impelled, 
is one that is proper to be made. It would appear evident, 
also, that the overthrow of the authority of the Church must 
affect the principle of authority in general; so far, at least, 
as eventually to lead to a scrutiny of the foundations of author- 
ity wherever it is a.saunied to exist. Yet we venture to consider 
the interpretation of Guizot defective as confining the impor 

' Otneral BiMvry o) CivHiuttitm in Europe, leot. lii. 




and effect of the Reformation withm too narrow limits. The 
Reiorniation claimed to be a reform of religion ; it was certainly 
a religious revolution; and religion is so great a concern of 
man and so deep and pervasive in its influence, that this dis- 
tinctive feature of the Reformation must be held to belong to 
its essential character. In other words, the ultimate motive 
and final effect is not hberty alone, but the improvement of 
religion likewise.' 

There is a class of writers who would make the Reformation 
a transitional era paving the way for free-thinking or unbelief. 
We might say that there are two disparate classes who advo- 
cate this view. On the one hand, Roman Catholic writers have 
frequently declared Protestantism the natural parent of Ration- 
alism; and on the other hand, Rationalis^ts themselves, who 
reject Christianity as revealed, an authoritative system, have 
applauded the Reformation as a step toward their position, 
Eioth classes of critics proceed on the assumption, that the Chris- I 
tian relipon is so far coincident with the mediseval system, that , 
the fall of the latter logically carries with it the downfall of the \ 
former. Time was required for these latent tendencies of Prot- / 
estantism to develop themselves; they were hidden from the 
eyc8 of the Reformers themselves; but, it is alleged, they have 
fdnce become apparent. This character was imputed to Protes- 
tantism, on its first appearance, by its enemies, and is often 
charged upon it by its theological adversaries at the present 
day.' Thus, Balmes, the author of an extended work on the 
comparative effects of Catholicism and Protestantism upon 
civilization, maintains that the system which he opposes leads 
to atheism.* Another recent Roman Catholic WTiter affirms, 
that " the principle of Rationalism is inherent in the very natiu-e 
of Protestantism." ' For the opinions of the free-thinking school 

■ Elcewhrre Ouitot himself says that the R^onnation wu rsacDllslly uid 
fnnn the very Rnit ■ religious reform^ and that, aa to polilics. "they were its 
iiiiiiUMij nit»ii3 but not its chief aim." — St. Louis ami Calvin, p. 150. 

■ Hontaigne stale* that hia father began (o instruct his family In natural 
theology. OD the fint appearance of ProtestantiBin, front the belief that it would 
lead to atheism- — Estate, ii- xii. 

' Ptvleilanliam and CatSolicitm tnmparrd in IMrir Effect* an thi CivHiiatum 
•f Buropt (English translation, Ballimore, IS611, p. 60. and the note, p. 438. 

■ J, B, RobertAon, Esq.. in the Life of Dr. J, A, Mohler, prefixed to the Eng- 
liah tranalatian of HSbler'i Si/mbolitm, p. xxxiii. But Mohlcr himself appear* 
to diHEot from the uiuai Catholic represent nti on on this pninl. and \.0 icf^t& 
Hatiaoaliam as the oppoaitr of primitive Protestant iam. Part n. \\iv. ^ 






on this point, we may refer to the series of historical works bj 
M. Laurent, which contain much valuable information, cepe 
cially upon the Middle Ages,' This writer holds that Christian-! 
ity itself is to give place to a religion of the future, the precise 
character of which he iloes not pret-end to describe. He declares 
that revealed religion stands or falls with the Papacy, and that 
Protestantism "leads to the denial of the fundamental i.lognias 
of historical Christianity." ' He hails the Reformation as an 
intermediate stage in the progress of mankind to that higher 
plane where Christianity is to be superseded. Whether ProtH 
cstantism fosters infidelity or not is a question which can be 
more intelligently considered hereafter. It may be observed 
here, however, that the Reformers themselves consitlered tha^fl 
their work arrested the progress of unbelief and saved the re- 
ligion of Europe. Luther says that such were the ecclesiastical 
abuses in Germany that frightful disorders would infallibly have 
arisen, that all religion would have perished, and Christians 
have become Epicureans.* The infidelity that had taken root 
and sprung up in the strongholds of the Church, in connection 
with the revival of classical learning, threatened to spread over 
Europe. Melancthon, in a familiar letter to a friend, affirms 
that far more serious disturbances — " longe graviores tumul- 
tus" — would have broken out, if Luther had not appeared and 
turned the studies of men in another direction.* The Reforma- 
tion brought a revival of religious feeling, and resulted, by a 
reactionary influence, in a great quickening of religious zeal 
within the Catholic body. Laurent himself elsewhere affirms 
that in the sixteenth century religion was in a state of decadence 
and threatened with ruin ; ' that Luther efTeeted a religious revo- 
lution in the mind of an age that was inclined to infidelity and 
moving toward it at a rapid pace;" that he was a reformer for 
Catholicism as well as for Protestantism ; that the Reformation 

another place, hawci'cr. hi? finds in psnthctsm a logical result of Pratcalajit vie 
of predestination. § 27, ^ 

' The title or the series ia Eludea HT VHialoirt de I'HumaniU, par F. 
rent. Professpur A I'UnivcrfliT^ de Qand, 

^"Ug proles Inn 1m me coitdnir k la n^^alton den rlogmea fondnmentaiuc 
obriatianismo liiHloritiue," — Im PapaoU tl I'EmpIri (FnrlH, I860), p. 41. 

» De WetiD, Luthtr's Brirfc, Lii. 43B. 

* Ad Camcrarium (1629), Corpun Rtf., i. 10S3. See the ramarks of Keaode 
WiaifnfchallHcAB AbkaniU., p. 62. 

> ifl Rt}ormf. p. «7. • Ibid., p. *3*. 


was the foe of infidelity and saved the Christian world from it. 
But we cannot pursue the topic In this place. Let it suffice 
Lere to interjjose a warning against incautious generalization. 

The Reformation, whatever may have been its latent ten- 
dencies and ulterior consequences, was an event within the 
domain of religion. From this point of view it must first, and 
prior to all speculation upon its indirect or collateral or remote 
results, be contemplated. 

What was the fundamental characteristic of this revolution? 
Before, a vast institution had been interposed between the indi- 
vidual and the objects of reU^ous faith and hope. The Refor- 
mation changed^all^ tliis ; it _Qpened_lQ_t he individuaTiTdl rectX 
^^CW^ thgJKpavpnly gripd pr offered liim in ih eXjospel. ) 

The German nations which established themselves on the 
ruins of the Roman Empire, received Cliristianity with docility. 
But it was a Christianity, which, though it retained vital ele- 
ments of the primitive doctrine, had become transformed into 
an external theocracy with its priesthood and ceremonies. It 
was under tliis mixed system, this combination of the Gospel 
with characteristic features of the Judaic dispensation, that the 
new nations were trained. Such a type of Christianity had 
certain advantages in relation to their uncivilized condition. 
Its externality, the legal character stamped on its theology as 

;weU as its organization, together with its gorgeous ritual, gave 
it a peculiar power over them. But all through the Middle 
Ages, whilst the outward, theocratic elemeat that had been 

I gjafted on Christianity developed itself more and more in the 
polity and worship of the Church, the reactionary operation of 
the primitive, spiritual idea of the kingdom of God, charac- 
teristic of the Gospel, was Ukewise more and more manifest. 
Within the stately and imposing fabric of the ecclesiastical 
Fj'steai, there was a force impri.soned, as it were, struggling for 
freedom, and gradually acquiring strength sufficient to break 
down the wall that confined it. "Tlie Reformation, viewed in^ 
it.s most general character, was the reaction of Christianity as 
Gospel against Christianity as law." ' It must also be rcmem- ' 
bered that with the traditional form of Christianity "there was 
handed down, in the sacred text itself, a source of divine knowl- 
edge not exposed in like manner to corruption, from which the 

■ UUman, Ittfurmolorfn vor der Seformatum, i. p. -s^ 






Churoh might learn how to distinguish primitive Christianity 
from all suhsequcnt additions, and so carry forward llie work of 
purifying the Christian consciousness to its entire completion." ' 

Protestantism, therefore, liad a positive as well as a negative 
wde. It had sometliing to assert as well as something to deny. 
If it discarded one interpretation of Christianity, it espoused 
another. Old beliefs were subverted, not as an effect of a mere 
passion for revolt, but through the expulsive power of deeper 
convictions, a purer apprehension of truth. The liberty which 
the Reformers prized first and chiefly was not the abstract right 
to choose one's creed without constraint, but a liberty that flowa 
from the unforced appropriation, by the soul, of truth in harmon; 
with its inmost nature and its conscious necessities. 

It is evident, also, from the foregoing statement, that 
Protestantism there was an objective as well as a subjective 
factor. The new type of religion, deeply rooted though it was 
in subjective impulses and convictions, owed its being to the 
direct contact of the mind with the Scriptures. In them ifl 
found ahke its source and its regulative norm. Tliis distin- 
guishes Protestantism, historically considered, from all move- 
ments on the plane of natural religion, and stamps upon it a 
t distinctively Christian character. The new spiritual life had 
r.oonBciousIy its fountain-head in the writings of the Prophets 
and Apostles. There was no pretense of devising a new reUgion, 
but only of reforming the old, according to its own authorif*« 
tive standards. 1 

Yet the Protestant Reformers, in transferring their allegiance 
frorii the Church to the Word of God, practically asserted a 
right of private judgment. Their proceeding was founded on 
a subjective, personal conviction. Deny to the individual this 
ultimate prerogative of deciding where autliority in matters of 
religion is rightfully placed, and then what the acknowledged 
rule of faith means, and their whole movement becomes in- 
defensible, irrational. Hence intellectual liberty, freedom of 
thought and inquiry, was a consequence of the Reformation, 
that could not fail to be eventually realized. 

But while the Reformation in its distinctive character is a 

' NesQiier, Gcnerat tlvilory o/ Iht Ckriatian Udiginn and Church (Torreylt 
trBDj].). iii. I Bi>q. Tlie v'levr tnkcn iti tlic^ paraKraph above BubstantiBlly MP 
eorda with that of Ntander in Ibe paasikge rtterred to. 




religious event, it is not an isolated phenomenon. It i^ a part\ 
and fruit of that general progress of society which marks the ' 
fifteenth century and the opening of the sixteenth as the period 
of tranation from the Middle Ages to modem civilization." This 
was the period of inventions and discoveries; when the magnetic 
compass coming into general use enabled adventurous mariners 
to steer their vessels into remote seas ; when gunpowder revolu- 
tionized the art of war by hfting the peasant to the level of the 
knight; when printing by movable types furnished a new and 
marvelous means of diffusing knowledge. It was the era of 
great nautical tUscoveries; when Columbus added another hemi- 
sphere to the world as known to Europeans, and Vaeco da Gama, 
sailing to India Tound the Cape of Good Hope, opened a new 
highway for commerce. It was likewise the era when the 
heavens were explored, and Copernicus discovered the true 
astronomic system of the universe. Then, also, the master- 
pieces of ancient sculpture and the hterary treasures of antiquity 
were brought forth from their tombs. It was the period of a 
new li/p in art, the age of Raphael and Michael Angelo, of Leo- 
nardo da Vinci and Albert Diirer. The revived study of Greek 
and Latin literature was directing intellectual activity into new 
channels. Equally momentous was the change in the political j/^ 
life of Europe. Monarchy having gained the victory over feu- 
dalism, each of the principal kingdoms, especially France, Spain, 
an<l England, was becoming consolidated. The invasion of Italy 
by Charles VIII., in 1494, commenced the wars of which Italy 
was at once the theater and the prize, and the conflicts of the 
European States for the acquii^ition of territory or of ascend- 
ency over one another. To the intercourse of nations by means 
of commerce, which had spread from Venice, Genoa, and the 
towns of the Hanseatic League, through the rest of Western 
Europe, was added the intercourse of tliplomacy. A state- 
system was growing up, in which the several peoples were more 
closely connected by political relations. In the various changes 
by which the transitional era is characterized, the Romanic 
[jeoplea on the whole took the lead. But the Reformation in 
religjon was not their work. 

' Weber. Wrllgnirhifhlf, ix 3*17. Duniy, Uiit. drt Tempi Mndrmf (14Sa- 
1780). p- I wq. J. I. Rilter, KirrhengaehiehU, p. 142 •eq. Humboldt., Coiwio* 

(Baha^ ed.), ii. eoi, 073. 083. 



As Protestantism in its origin was not an isolated event, so 
it drew after it political and social changes of the highest mo- 
ment. Hence it presents a twofold aspect. On the one hand, 
it is a transformation in the Church, in wliich are involved con- 
tests of theologians, modifications of creed and ritual, new sys- 
tems of polity, an altered type of Christian life. On the other 
hand, it is a great transaction, in which sovereigns and nations 
bear a part; the occasion of wars and treaties; the close of an 
old and the introduction of a new period in the history of cidture 
and civilization. 

The era of the Reformation, if we gjve to the term this com- 
prehensive meaning, embraces the interval between the posting 
of Luther's Theses, in 1517, and the conclusion of the Peace trf 
Westphalia, in 1648. 




One essential part of Prot«5tantism was the abolition of the 
authority of the hierarchical order. Bossuet has remarked that 
if it is only abuses in the Church that separate Protestants from 
Catholics, these abuses can be remedied, and thus the ground 
of the existence of the schism is taken away.' But to say that 
the Reformation began in a protest against abuses of adminis- 
tration is simply to say that Protestantism was not full-grown 
at the start. In its matm-e form, as all the world knows, the 
Reformation was a rejection of papal and priestly authority. 
In studjing the movement, this is one of the main point* to 
wliich attention must be directed. In inquiring into the causes 
of the Reformation, therefore, we shall first review the rise and 
progress of the hierarchical system, and show how it had been 
weakened in the period immediately antecedent to the sixteenth 
century. We shall then contemplate a variety of facts which 
betokened a religious revolution and contributed to produce it. 

The idea of tlic authority of the sacerdotal order is separable 
from the idea of papal supremacy within it. Yet, as a matter 
of fact, many of the causes that tended to the overthrow of faith 
in the latter doctrine, operated likewise to undermine the former. 
The keystone of the arch could not be loosened without affecting 
the stability of the whole structure. In the present chapter, the 

' The ext«Qt of these sbiwes before the Reformatioo ia admitted by the highcat 
Ckttiuliv BUthoritiea. Bcllsrnune «sys : "Annis aliquot, anlrquam LuthfmnA 
tt CalviuielicA ha-resis Dtirctur. nulla rprmp erst, ut ii tpslBiitut, qui eliam tunc 
vinbant, uuUb (iaqusm) prupe crat in judiriis rcctraiaaticis eeverttas, nulla io 
moribuif disciplina, nulla in sacria tilcri» truditio, nulla in rebUB di\inia revercn- 
tia, Qullk propemodum jun eral rdigio." Optra, vi. 296; or Gerdesius, Hiil. 
B-cang. mumoli. i. 25. Pop? Adrian VI. coafesued to Hie Diet of Nuremberg 
in IS22 that the deepest corruption had infected Ihe Holy See and spread thence 
through the lower ranks of the clergy, Raynaldus, At\notfi. ann, 1522. No. 60; 
or Slvictan. I.iv. See. b1k>. Mussuct, V arialii/nii dm Prol., livr. i, (lEMirra, v. 619). 
The Letter)} of Eraamus abound in ciirnjbnrativc le^timoniea. 





rise and dcelitip of tho papal dominion will be the main subject 
of attention; and in treating of the second branch of the topic, 
the declinr? of the Papacy, we shall direct attention in particular 
kto the influence of a certain cause which may be denominated^ 
rthe spirit of nationahsm. V 

The religion of the old dispensation is declared in the Old 
Testament itself, by the prophets, to be rudimental and intro- 
ductory to a more spiritual system. This character of inward- 
ness belongs to the religion of Christ, which, for this reason, is 
fittctl to be universal. Worship is set free from legal restrie- 
tious of a formal cast, and from the external and sensuous 
eliaracteristics of the Jewish ritual. In one grand feature, espeJ 
cially, is the religion of the New Testament lUstinguished from" 
the preparatory system — the absence of a meiliatorial priestr 
hood. Tlie disciples were to form a comnmnity of brethren, 
who should be associated on a footing of equality, all of them 
being illuminated and directed, as well as united, by the one 
Spirit, The persevering efforts of the judaizing party to pre- 
serve the distinctive features of the Jewish system and foist 
them upon the Church, failed. The true, catholic interpreta- 
tion of the Gospel, as giving liberty to the soul and direct access 
to God through the one high-priest who supersedes all other, 
priestly meiliation — that interpretation to which all of thflf 
Apostles assented in principle, but of which Paul was so clear 
and steadfast an expounder — prevailed in the Christian so- 
cieties that were early scattered over the Roman Empire. Their 
organization was simple. The idea of one body in which, while 
all the members serve each other, they are still adapted to dif- 
ferent functions, for which they are severally deagnated by the 
ruling principle ^ which, in the case of the Church, is the Divine 
Spirit — lay at the root. As was natural, all of the Christians 
in a town were united in one society, or ecclesia, the old Greek 
term for an assembly legally called and summoned. In each 
society there was a board of pastors, called indifferently elders, 
presbyters — a name taken from the synagogue — or bishopu 
overseers, a name given by the Greeks to persona charged with 
a guiding oversight in civil administration. In the election of 
them, the body of disciples had a controlling voice, although, an 
long as the Apostles lived, their suggestions or appointments 
would naturally be accepted. These officers did not gjve up, at 





first, thciT spcular orcupalions; they were not even, at the out- 
set, intrustfi] an a [jeculiar function with the business of leach- 
ing, which was frw to all and specially devolved on a class of 
persons who seemed designated by their gifts for this work. 
The elders, with the deacons whose business it was to look after 
tlie poor and to perform kindred duties, were the officers, to 
whom each little community committed the lead in the manage- 
ment of its affairs, Tlie change that took place, either during 
or soon after the ago of the Apostles, by which precedence was 
given in each board of pastors to one of their number to whom 
the title of bishop was exclusively appropriated, did not of itself 
involve any fiindanietital alteration in the spirit or polity of the 
churches.' But as we approach the close of the second century 
we find marked changes, some of them of a portentous char- 
acter, such as indicate tlmt the process of externalizing the Chris- 
tian religion and the idea of the Church has fau-ly set in. Tlie 
enhirgement of the jurisdiction of bishops by extending it over 
dependent churches in the neighborhood of the towns, and the 
multiplying of church offices, are changes of less moment. But 
the officers of the Church are more and more assuming the posi- 
tion of a distinct order, which is placed above the laity and is 
the appointed medium of conveying to them grace. The con- 
ception of a priesthood, after the Old Testament system, is at- 
taching itself to the Christian ministry. Along with this gradual 
change there is an imperceptible yet growing departure from 
the fimdamental doctrine of salvation, as it had been set forth 
by Paul, and an adoption of a more legal \'iew, in which faith ia 
iiimtifieil with doctrinal Itelief, and hence is coupled with works, 
instead of being their fmitful soiu-ce. This doctrinal change and 
tlus attributing of a priestly function and prerogative to the 

' Ttir polily d( iJie Churcli in the Apostolio age ia udmirBbly described by 
Ri>lli«. IHt Anfangt d. Chriid. Kirrhi v. ihrrr Verlatttrng (1S37). although Rpthc'a 
[articulkr h)~potheeiB respecting the origin of the EpiBtopate lias found little, 
if juiy (nvor. The Roman Catliolic and a prevalent Anglican view, Ihat Ihe Epispo- 
pAt«, ajt a difilinrt oibc^c, wa« orrlained bv the Apontlea for the h'holc Church, ie 
liMunlKined by Wallef, Kirehtnrrcht (13lh ed., I081|. The rounterpart, on Iho 
PnttMlant mde, of Waller'i work w that of Ricliler, Kinhmrtcht (7th ed., 1872). 
There ■• an ahle hiatorieal Diwtertalion on the "Chridliati Ministry" by Prof, 
Lighltoot. SI. Faid'i Epittlt Ic Ike PhQippiann (3d ed.. 1869). The more usual 
vipw of Protnilanta ia advocated by Neander and Ciesclcr in their Cliurcli histo- 
ri»- See, also, Jacob, The Eect. Polily oj Ihe Netr Tetlamrnl (1873): Hatch. Tht 
Htthrrl Lnrhaa (1888); Lect. X. Infiucnet of t<!re'k) MytUria on the C\rw(wwv 
Cliutth. The controvenial literature on Uie Bubjecl is very co^^Uft. 




l^eteTgy, were not in any considerable degree the result of efforts 
■on the part of Jewish Christiitiis aud of judaizing parties, which 
had been early overcome anil cast as heretical srcta beyond ihej 
pale of tlie Church. They were rather the jiroduct of tenden- 
cies in human nature, wliich are liable to manifest themselve 
at any time, and which serve to account in great part for 
tenacious adherence of the Jewish sectaries to tlieir ritual. Bull 
these tendencies were materially aiiled by the peculiar circui 
stances in which the early Church was placed, of which the abuse 
of the Pauline doctrine by Gnostic and by Antinomian specula 
tiona was doubtless one. There were causes which gave rise 
once to the hierarchical idea or doctrine and to the hierarchic 
polity. The persecutions to which the Church was subject at tbe^ 
hands of the Roman government, and still more the great conflict 
with a swarm of heretical teachers who sought to amalgamate] 
Christianity with various forms of Greek and Oriental philosa 
phy, suggested the need of a more compact organization. The 
polity of the Church naturally took a form corresponding 
political models then existing. Confederated government wi 
something familiar to the Greek mind. The Church in the capi'^ 
tal of a province, with its bishop, was easily accorded a precec 
ence over the other churches and bishops in the same district,"' 
and thus the metropolitan system grew up, A higher grade of 
eminence was accorded to the bishops and churches of the prin- 
cipal cities, such as Rome, Alexandria, and Ephesus; and thua^ 
we have the germs of a more extended hierarchical sway, f 

Even as early as the latter part of the second century, the 
Church has passed into the condition of a visible organized com-^ 
monwealth. We find Irenieus uttering the famous dictum thal^ 
where the Church is — meaning the visible body ^vith its clergy 
and sacraments — there Is the Spirit of Gotl, and where the, 
Spirit of God is, there is the Church.^ To be cut off from tli 
Church is to be separated from Christ. The Church is the doo 
of access to Him. We can also readily account for the impor*' 
tance that began to be attached to tradition ; for the defenders 
of Christianity against Gnostical corruptions naturally fell backj 
on the historical evidence afforded by the presence and testi- 
mony of the leading churches which the Apostles themselves ha 
plant«d, Irenieus and Tertullion direct the inquirer to go 

' Adv. Hares., iii. iii. J 1. Irensus wue Bishop of Lyons from 177 to 202. 






Corinth, Ephesiis, Rome, to the places where the Apostles had 
taught, and ascertain whether the novel speculations of the time 
could justly claim the sanction of the first disciples of Christ, 
or had been transmitted from thcm> It is the preeminence of 
Rome, as the custotUan of tratUtions, that Irena^us means to 
assert in a noted passage in which he exaUs that Church.' But 
this sort of preeminence might contribute to prepare the ivay for 
another and a far chfferent conception, which would connect 
itself with it. The unity of the Church, this great visible society 
of Christians, was realized in the unity of the sacerdotal body. 
It was natural to seek and to find a head for this body. And 
where should it be sought except at Rome, the capital of the 
world, the seat of the principal Church, where, as it was gener- 
ally and perhaps truly believed, Peter as well as Paid had per- 
ished as a niarljT ? After Peter came to be considered the chief 
of the Apostles, and when, near the close of the second century, 
the idea was su^ested and became current that Peter had been 
bishop of the Roman Church, a strong foundation was laid in 
the minds of men for the recognition of the primacy of that 
Church and of its chief pastor.' The habit of thus regarduig 
the see of Rome, so far gains ground that in the middle of the 
third century we find a Cyprian whose zeal for episcopal inde- 
pendence would not tolerate the subjection of one bishop to 
another, still speaking of that see as the source of sacerdotal 
unity.* The influences that gradually built up the primacy of 
the Roman bishop, and had a special force of operation in the 
Western Church, were multiform. Rome had a preeminence 
and a grandeur in the estimation of men, such as no modem 
cities, however splendid, have ever rivaled. To that capital 
the nations had been accustomed to look with awe. Some- 
thing of this reverence was easily transferred to the Church 
which had its seat in the Eternal City. The custom of regard- 
ing the Roman Empire as a divinely constituted theater for the 
Christian religion, which God had molded for this end by a long 
providential history, led men to consider the capital of the 

' Irerupiu. Adr. Ilarr , tii, i[i. Tertullisn, Dt Prirtcripl. Henri., c. imvi. 
Tcrtullian. a Prcibylcr at C'arthnge, died between 220 bqiI 240. 
' Lib- III. iii. 3 

' The Brat menlion of Peter m Bishop of Rome is in Ilie Clemmtiiyi HomUUt, 
(bich wtre compoaed in LIib latter part oC the second century, 
• Ep. Iv. ad ConuL 




Empire the predestined metropolis of Christianity. In times of 
persecution, the first intflligence of the gathering stonu was 
often communicated from the Roman Church, whose bishops 
were Ukely to be the earhest victims. The Roman Church was. 
revered as the only apostolic see in the West. Many of t 
churches of the West were planted by its agency; many receivi 
from it pecuniary aid. There were fewer cities than in the East, 
and hence fewer competitors to dispute the pretensions of thi 
Roman bishop, and less room for the development of the me 
ropolitan system, which in the East operated to a certain extent 
as a check upon the ambition of any single prelate. From tlie 
beginning, the Latin Church partook of the practical spirit ofjfl 
the race among whom it was planted; it kept on its path more 
steadily, while the East, swayed by the speculative spirit of the 
Greek, was coavulsed by the great controversies in theo1ogy^| 
which mark especially the fourth and fifth centuries. Tlirough 
all the period of the Arian and Nestorian conflicts, the Roman 
bishop stood sufficiently apart from the contending parties tofl 
acquire great importance in their eyes and to make his support 
coveted by each of them. He was the powerful neutral whom 
it was for the interest of all factions to conciliate. The desir^f 
to gain the strength which the adhesion of so influential a prel- 
ate must give, would induce partisans to resort to him as an 
umpire, and to exalt his prerogative in flattering language, such 
as under different circumstances they would never have cm- 
ployed. At critical moments the Roman bishop actually inter- 
posed with doctrinal formulas which met ^\ith general acceptance 
the most memorable instance being that of the Qicumenic 
Council of Chalcedon (451), when the statement of the crei 
respecting the person of Christ was substantially drawn from 
the letter of Leo I. But how far the Eastern prelates were from 
acknowledging the pretensions of the Roman bishop was imli- 
cated at this very council, where a titular and honorary preced- 
ence was granted him, at the same time that equality in other— 
respects was claimed for the Bishop of Constantinople, on accounM 
of his being bishop of "New Rome." Leo was cut to the quick 
by this proceeding of the council, which placed his authority on 
80 precarioiu« a foundation by making it dependent solely on 
the political importance of the city where it was exerted. Ha 
repels the declaration of the council with great warmth, ant 

■ce J 





that the authority of spiritual Rome ia founded on the 
fact that it is the see of Peter, ^'et Leo does not renounce the 
advantages to be derived from the commanding political posi- 
tion of Rome, but skillfully interweaves this with the more vital 
consideration jiLst named. He claims that the Roman Empire 
waii built up with reference to Christianity, and that Rome, for 
this reason, was chosen for the bishopric of the chief of the Apoa- 
tles. This idea as to the design of the Roman Empire passed 
down to later times. It is implied in the lines of Dante, where, 
speaking of Rome and the Empire, he says : — 

"Fur Btabilili per lo loro aanlo 
XJ ' Eiedc il succcanor liol moggior Piero. " ' 

If we watch the course of history for several centiuies after 
the second, we observe that the attempts of the Roman bishops 
to exercise judicial or legislative functions in relation to the rest 
of the Church, now succeed ami again are repulsed; but on the 
whole, under all these fluctuations, their power is increasing. 

The accession of Constantine (311) found the Church so 
firmly organized under its hierarchy that it could not be abso- 
lutely merged in the state, as might have been the result had 
its constitution been different. But mider him and his succes- 
8ors, the supremacy of the state and a large measure of control 
over ecclesiastical affairs were maintained by the emperors. 
General councils, for example, were convoked by them and pre- 
sided over by their representatives, and conciliar decrees pub- 
Ushed as laws of the Empire. The Roman bishops felt it to be 
an honor to be judged only by the Emperor.' In the closing 
period of imperial history, the I'^mjierors favoreil the ecclesias- 
tical primacy of the Roman Hee, as a bond of unily in the Empire. 
Political Llieorders tended to elevate the position of the Roman 
bishop, especially when he was a person of remarkable talents 
and energy. In such a case the office took on new prerogatives. 
Leo the Great (440-461), the first, perhaps, who is entitled to 
be styled Pope, with the more modexn associations of the title, 
proved himself a pillar of strength in the midst of tumult and 
anarchy. His conspicuous services, as in shielding Rome from 

' "Were c«l&btUhn) aa the holy place, wherein 
8ila Uie luoceaor of the greatest Peter." 

Inlemo, a. 23-24. 
■ G\aeler, 11. i. 3, f 03, 




tprn ■ 

the barbarians and protecting its inhabitants, facilitated the 
exercise of a spiritual jurisdiction tliat stretclied not only over 
Italy, but as far as Gaul and Africa. To him was ^ven by Val- 
entinian III. (445) an imperial declaration which made him 
Bupreme over the Western Church. 

The fall of the Western Empire (476), in one important pa 
ticular, was of signal advantage to the popes : it liberated tbeml 
from subjection to the civil power. Tlie fate of the Eastern' 
Church and of the see of Constantinople might have been the 
fate of the Western Church and of Rome, had its political situa- 
tion been equally unpropitious. The slavish condition to which— 
the Roman bishops were reduced in the brief period of the fuH 
Greek rule in Italy, after the conquest of Justinian (539-568), 
proves how closely the vigor and growth of the papal institution 
were dependent on favoring poUtical circumstances. From this 
ignoble servitude it was hberated by the Lombard invasioi 
which broke down the Greek power in the peninsula. 

But the direct consequences of the fall of the Roman domir 
ion in the West had been disastrous to the Church and to (he ' 
Papacy.' Christian Britain had been conquered by the heathen 
Saxons from the continent. Arianism, a doctrine hostile to thcfl 
orthodox creed in a cartUnal feature, had spread far and wide 
among the Germanic tribes. The Greek Church, whicli became 
more ami more distinct from the Latin, in language, creed, an<d 
ritual, attached itself with increasing loyalty to the Patriarch 
of Constantinople. As Arianism was, step by step, displaced by 
orthodoxy through the conquests of the Franks, the authority 
of the Papacy was not proportionately advanced. Even the 
power of metropolitans in the different countries sank, and the 
government of the Church rested m the hands of the kings 
and of the aristocracy of nobles and bishops. The bishops 
under the Merovingian kings amassed wealth, but led unholy 
lives, with little concern for the interests of religion. The dis- 
order in the Frank Church reached its height under Charles 
Martel. At this time the heretical Lombards had foimded 
their kingdom in the heart of Italy ; and the Arabs, having 
carried their dominion over Africa and Spain, were advancir 
apparency to the conquest of Europe. 

The fortunate alliance of the Papacy with the Franks waaj 

' Gioaebrecht, Di« DtvUche KaiterteU. i. 92. 




the event on which its whole raediasval history turned. They 
counted at their conversion, in the fifth century, only about 
&ve thousand warriors. They gained the ascendency over the 
Burgundians and Goths, and thus secured the victory of the 
Catholic faith over the Arian type of Christianity. This alone 
was an event of signal moment, in its ultimate bearing on the 
papal dominion. Then, under Charles Martel, at Poitiers (732), 
they defeated the Moslems, who, in their victorious progress, 
were encircling Christendom and threatening not only to crush 
the Papacy but even to extirpate Christianity itself. Under 
the shield of the Franks, Boniface went forth to accomplish the 
conversion of the Germans; himself an Anglo-Saxon, of the 
nation which had been won from heathenism by missionaries 
sent directly from that pontiff whose reign separates the ancient 
or classical from the mediieval era of the Church, Gregory the- 
Great. The usurpation of Pepin, the founder of the Carlovin- 
gian line, was hallowed in the eyes of his subjects by the sanction 
obtained from Pope Zacharias (751). The pohtical renovation 
of the Prankish monarchy was attended by an extension 
of the influence of the papal see. The Prankish Church was 
brought into closer connection with Rome, The primacy of 
Peter was universally recognized; it even acquired, through the 
labors of Boniface, a far higher significance than it had ever 
before possessed.' After the Lombards had wrested from the 
Greeks their provinces in Italy, and were threatening Rome, at 
a time, too, when, by the controversy about the worship of 
images, the Western Church was separated from the East and 
the Roman bishop was left to protect himself, he turned to the 
Franks for assistance against his heretical and aggresave neigh- 
bors. The dehvcrancc achieved first by Pepin (754-55), and 
then by Charlemagne, resulted in the coronation of the latter, 
on Christmai^ Day, 800, in the Basilica of St. Peter, by the hands 
of the Pope. Thus Charles became in form what he had rr.ade 
himself in fact, the Emperor of tlie West. The idea of the 
perpetuity of the Roman Empire was never lost from the minds 
of men. In the coronation of Charles, the Pope virtually pro- 
ceeded in the character of a representative of the Roman people, 
and his act signified the revival of (he Roman Empire. Charle- 
magne, while he recognized the Pope as the spiritual head 

' Gieaebrecbt, I 07. 



1 in 


ious ' 



of the Church, demesned himself as a master in reference 
to him, as in relation to his own bishops. But while the founda- 
tion waa laid for the papal kingdom in Italy by the grants of 
Pepin and Charlemagne, a plausible ground was also furnished 
for the subsequent claim that the Pope, by his own authority, 
had transferred the Empire from the East to the West, and , 
selected the individual to fill the throne.' In later times ihaM 
coronation of Charles lent color to the pretended right of the" 
pontiffs to exert a governing influence in civil not less than in 
ecclesiastical afTairs.' 

As the divisions and conflicts of Charlemagne's empire aft 
his death tended to exalt the bishops who were called in to ao _ 
as umpires among rival aspirants or courted for the rehgious 
sanction which they could give to successful ambition, so lUd 
tliis era of disorder tend to magnify the power of the recognized 
heAd of the whole episcopate. In this period appoarcii Ihs 
False or Pseudo-lsidorian Decretals, which formulizcd, to 
Bure, tendencies abeady rife, but still imparted to those tende 
cies an authoritative baas and an augmented strength. The" 
False Decretals brought forwai'd principles of ecclesiastica 
law wliich made the Church independent of the State an< 
elevated the Roman See to a position unknomi to preceding 
agea. The immunity and high prerogatives of bishops, th| 
exaltation of primates, as the direct instruments of the pope^ 
above metropolitans who were closely dependent on the seculaJ 
rulers, and the ascription of the highest legislative and judicia 
functions to the Roman Pontiff, were among the leading featurei 
of this spurious collection, which found its way into the rode 
of canon law and radically moiUfied the ancient ecclesiastic 
system.' There was only needed a pope of sufficient talent 
and energy to ^ve practical effect to these new principles; and 
Buch a person appeared in Nicholas I. (858-867). Avaihna 
himself of a favorable juncture, he exercised the discipline 
the Chm-ch upon Lothair 11., the King of Lorraine, whom 
forced to submit t-o the papal judginent in a matrimonial causej 
while he deposed the archbishops who had endeavored to baflld 

' For the hiaton' of tlie papitl kin^lom in Tl&ly. Bee Lite work of ^ugcnlitiEa, 
Oaehichle drr BnlaUhung h. Aimliildiinii det Kirel^iutnatei (LciiHir, 1654): alsi^ 
k review of Ihu work in the S'ew EnglaitA^r, vn\. xsvi, (Jun, I3B7), 

■ On (lie dalf of the Pspuili)-laiiJ, Dnrrptala, see E. Serknl, in Hmick'n Rfoli^rm 
klopdilie, xvi. 206 set). They first appenreU about the uiiildle of thp nlolb oealutyl 



hifl purpose. At the same time, Nicholas liumWed Hincmar, the 
powerful Archbishop of Rheinis, who had disregarded the appeal 
which one of hia bishops, Rothad of Soissons, had made to 
Rome. Such exertions of power, for wliieh the False Decretals 
furaiflhed a warrant, seem to anticipate the Hildebraiidian age. 
Anxious to deliver themselves from the control which Charle- 
magne had established over them, the popes even fomented the 
tiiscord among the Frankish princes; but the anarchical con- 
<htion into which the Empu-e ultimately fell, left the Papacy, 
for a century and a half, the prey of Italian factions, by the 
agency of which the papal office was reduced to a lower point 
of moral degradation than it ever readied before or since." 
Tbia era — during a considerable portion of which tiartots dis- 
posed of the papal office, and their paramours wore the tiara — 
was interrupted by the intervention of the German sovereigns 
Otho I. and Otho III.; with the first of whom the Holy Roman 
Kmpire, in the sense in which the name is useit in subsequent 
ages, the secular counterpart of the Papacy, takes its origin.' 
TTie pontiffs preferred the sway of the Emperors to that of the 
lawless Italian barons.' This dark period was terminated by 
Henry III., who appeared in Italy at the head of an army, and, 
in 1046, at the Synod of Sutri, which he had convoked, de- 
throned three rival popes, and raised to the vacant office one of 
biij own bishops. 

The imperial office had passed into the hands of the German 
kings, and they, like their Carlo\inf^an predecessors, rescued 
thp Papacy from destruction. We have reached the period 
wlien Hildebrand (1073-1085) appeared with his vast reforni- 
ing plan. While he aimed at a thorough reformation of morals 
and a restoration of ecclesiastical order and disciphne, he coupled 
[with this laudable project the fixed design to subordinate the 
Istatp to the Church, and to subject the Church to the absolute 
|ftii(horily of the Pope.' The prosecution of this enterprise, in 
I'hich good and evil were almost inseparably blended, by Hilde- 

Tlie de(cr«tlstion ol (he Pspacy in Ihii period is di-pictril in Ihe darkest 
blnn by Ihe Roman Catholic nnnslutt, Baroniuii, Annalen. \. OSO seq. He evea 
Ifm ■ ([vcial divine pmervalion of Uie Cliurrh and of Ihe Holy See, 

' Bryce, Halt/ Homan Empirt, p. SO. Tliia admintble wotk dcwurvea to be 
mI hy every ttuilrnt oF liiMory. 
' Von RauiHEf. GuchicUe der //ofieni(au/rn, i. 20. 

' Grricury'ii nyiiteiii is wrtl described by Voigt. HUMrrand ola Papil Otcijo- 
r drr Sirbrnlt. u. ■mn ZeUaller f U'tiiiuir, I840>. p. 171 seq. 


brand himself, and by a series of able and aspiring pontiffs i 
trod in his footsteps, occasioned the conflict between the PapacyJ 
and the Empire. 

This conflict, mth which medifeval history for several cen- 
turies resounds, was an inevitable consequence of the feudal- 
system. The dependence of ecclesiastical princes upon thdiH 
sovereign, and hence his right to invest them with the badges 
of thoir office, must be maintained; otherwise the kingdom^ 
would be divided against itself. On the contrary, such a refl 
lation on the part of bishops, independently of simony and kin- 
dred corruptions which were connected with the control of 
secular rulers over the appointment of ecclesiastics, was natu^ 
Lrally deemed fatal to the unity of the saceriiotal body. To 
^fix the bounds of authority between the two powers, the Papacy 
and the Empire, to whom the government of the world wa^| 
BUpposed to be committed by the ordinance of heaven, was 
impracticable without a contest. Timt the Emperor was com- 
missioned to preside over the temporal affairs of men, wbilffl 
the Pope was to giude and govern them in things spiritual, was 
too vague a criterion for defining the limits of jurisdiction. 
The coordination, the equilibrium of the two powers, was iM 
relation with wJiich, on the suppoation that it were practicable, 
neither party would be content. It was a struggle on both 
sides for universal monarchy. Consequently our sympathies 
can be given without reserve to neither party, or rather they 
must be given to each so far as each labored to curb the encroach- 
ments and prevent the undue predominance of the other. Nei- 
ther aimed at the destruction, but each at the subjugation, of 
the other. It was a battle where society would have equally 
aulTered from the complete and permanent triumph of either 
contestant. h 

The Papacy had great advantages for prosecuting the warfar^ 
agfunst the Empire, even apart from the fence of the religious 
sentiments wiiich the head of the Church could more easily 
invoke in his favor. There was an incongruity between the 
station attributed to the Emperor and the fact that his actual 
dominion was far from being coextensive with Christendom. 
He could assert nothing more than a shadowy, theoretical 
supremacy over the other kingdoms of Western Europe. The 
Pope, on the contraiy, was everywhere the acknowledged head 


of Latin Christianily. If a jealousy for their own rights might 
tempt other kings to make common cause with the Emperor 
against papal aggresaons, this feeling would be neutralized by 
the danger to other soveieigna that would follow from the 
triiunph and undisputed exaltation of the Empire. Few kings 
were possessed of the magnanimity of St. Louis {Louis IX.) of 
France, who exerted all the powers of peaceful remonstrance 
to protect Frederic II. from the implacable vinilictiveness of 
Gregory IX. Moreover, the relation of the Gennan Emperors 
to the hierarchy of their kingdom was quite different from that 
held by Charlemagne, who acted the part of an ecclesiastical as 
well as a civil ruler. An indispensable and effective support the 
popes found in the German princes themselves, the great vassals 
of the Empire, and in their dispodtion to put checks upon the 
power of their sovereigns. The same cause which impeded the 
emperors in acting upon Italy aided the popes in acting upon 
Germany. The strength of the popes lay in the intestine di\i- 
aons which they could create there. The attempt of Gregory 
VII. to dethrone Henry IV. would have been utterly hopeless 
but for the disaffection which the arbitrary conduct of Henry 
had provoked among his own subjects. On the contrary, the 
municipal spirit of hberty in the Italian cities, and their deter- 
mined struggle for independence, provided the popes with potent 
atlies against the imperial authority. The pontiffs were able 
to present themselves in the attractive light of champions of 
popular freedom in its battle with despotism. The crusades 
gave the popes the opportunity to come forward as the leaders 
of Christendom, and turn to their own account the religious 
enthusia.'^ra which spread as a fire over Europe, The immediate 
influence of this great movement was seen in the augmented 
power of the pontiffs, and the diminished strength of the im- 
pwial cause.' 

Tlie Papacy was victorious in the protracted struggle with 
the Empire. The humiliation of Hemy IV., whom Hildebrand 
kept waiting for three winter days, in the garb of a penitent, 
in the yartl of the castle at Canossa, whatever might be the dis- 
grace which it inflicted upon the imperial cause, was but the 
politic act of a passionate young ruler, who saw no other way of 
regaining the allegiance of his subjects (1077). Vthffd lUe MV 

' See Citeeler, lit. iji. ], S *8. 



ing of the pxcommunipation was found not to include the fuB 
rcstoralion of his riglits as a sovnnign, he took up arms wilhl 
an energy and success that showed how little his spirit waflj 
broken by the indignities to wliich he had submitted. Tha) 
Worms Concordat which Calixtus II. concluded with Henry V. 
in 1122, and which pronded both for a secular and a spiritual 
investiture, was a marked, though not a fully deeifdve, trtunif^H 
of the Papacy. It was a long step towards complete emanci-^ 
pation from imperial sway.' But the acknowledgment wiiich 
Frederic Barbarossa made of hia sin and error to Alexander III, 
at Venice, in 1177, after a contest for imperial prerogatives 
which that monarch had kept up for nearly a generation, waa 
an impressive indication of the side on which the victory waqfl 
to rest. The triumph of the Papacy appeared complete when" 
Gregory X. (1271-1276) directed the electoral piinces to choose 
an emperor within a given inter\-al, and threatened, in case 
they refused to comply with the mandate, to appoint, in con- 
junction with his cardinals, an emperor for them; and when 
Rudolph of Hapsburg, whom they proceeded to choose, ac- 
knowleilged in the most unreserved and submissive manner the_ 
Pope's supremacy. | 

It was during the progress of the struggle with the Empire, 
that the papal power may be said to have culminated. In the— 
eighteen years (1198-1216) in which Innocent III. reigned, thu 
papal institution shone forth in full splendor.' The enforce- 
ment of cehbacy had placed the entire body of the clergy in a 
closer relation to the sovereign pontiff. The ^'ica^ of Peter had 
a.s.sumed the rank of Vicar of God and of Christ. The itlea of a 
theocracy on earth, in which the Pope should rxJe in this char-, 
acter, fully possessed the mind of Innocent, who united to the 
courage, pertinacity, and lofty conceptions of Gregory VII., 
broader range of statesmanlike capacity. In his ■view the two) 
swords of temporal and ecclesiastical power had both been 
jiven to Peter and to his successors, so that the earthly sover- 
_ 1 derived his prerogative from the head of the Church. The 
king was to the Pope as the moon to the sim — a lower luminary 
shining with borrowed light. Acting on this theory, he assumed 
the post of arbiter in the contentions of nations, and cl 

' Gieecbrecht, i. 017. 

' Hurler, aeiehieht» Paptt I-HnocaU d. Dritten, 3 vols. (1B4I). 



the right to (Ipllironc kings at bis pleasure. Thus he interposed 
to decide the diaputi^d imperial election in Germany; and when 
Otho IV., the emperor whom he had placed in power, proved 
false to his pledges respecting the papal sec, he excommunicated 
and deposed liim, and brought forward Frederic II. in his etead. 
In hie conflict with John, King of England, Innocent laid his 
kingdom under an interdict, excoinniunicateil liini, and finally 
gave his dominions to the sovereign of France: and John, after 
the most abject huniihation, received them back in fee from the 
Pope. In the Church he assumed the character of universal 
bisliop, under the theory that all epi-scopal power was originally 
tposited in Peter and his successors, and communicated througli 
is source to bishops, who were thus only the vicars of the Pope, 
and might be deposed at will. To him belonged all legislative 
authority, councils having merely a deliberative power, while 
the right to convoke them and to ratify or annul their proceed- 
ings belonged exclusively to him. He alone was not bound by 
the laws, and might dispense with them in the case of others. 
Even the doctrine of papal infallibihty began to spread, and 
seems implied, if not explicitly avowed, in the teaching of the 
lost eminent theologian of the age, Thomas Aquinas. The 
lesiastical revolution by which the powers that of old had 
n distributed through the Church were now absorbed and 
concentrated in the Pope, was analogous to the political change 
in which the feudal system gradually gave place to monarchy. 
The right to confirm the appointment of all bishops, even the 
riglit to nominate bishops and to dispose of all benefices, the 
exclusive right of absolution, canonization, and dispensation, 
the right to tax the churches — such were some of the enor- 
mous prerogatives, for the enforcement of which papal legates, 
clothed with ample powers, were sent into all the countries of 
Europe, to override the authority of bishops and of local eecle- 
aa.stira1 tribunals. The establishment of the famous mendi- 
cant orders of St. Francis and St. Dominic raised up a swarm of 
itinerant preachers who were closely attached to the Pope, and 
ready to defend papal prerogatives and papal extortions against 
whatever opposition might arise from the secular clergy. Gain- 
ing a foothold in the universities, they defined and defended in 
lectures and scholastic systems that conception of the payal \iv&\.\- 
tution in which all these usurpations and abuses were compxXscd. 



g iu| 


But at the same time that the Papacy was achieving 
victory over t!ie Empire, a power was at work iu the bosom of 
society, which was destined to render that victory a barren 
one, and to wrest the scepter from the land of the conqueror. ■ 
This power may be described as nationalism, or the tendency . 
to centralization, wliich involved an expansion of intelligence 
and an end of the exclusive domination of reUgious and eccle- 
siastical interests.' The secularizing and centralizing tendency, 
a necessary st«p in the progress of civilization, was a force ad- 
verse to the papal absorption of authority. The enfranchise- 
ment of the towns, which dates from the eleventh century, and 
the growth of their power ; the rise of commerce ; the crusades, 
which in various ways lent a powerful impulse to the new crj^s- 
tallization of European society; the conception of monarchy 
in its European form, which entered the minds of men as early 
as the twelfth century — these are some of the principal signa 
of the advent of a new order of thin^. Before the end of the 
thirteenth century, the last Syrian town in the hands of the 
Christians was yielded to the Saracens, and the peculiar en- M 
thusiasm which had driven multitudes by an irresistible force ■ 
to the conquest of the holy places had vanished. The struggle 
of the Papacy with the Empire had been really itself a contest 
between the ecclesiastical and the lay elements of society. The ■ 
triumph of the Papacy had been owing to the peculiar constitu- | 
tion and intrinsic weakness of the German monarchy. It had 
been effected by the aid of the German princes; but they, in 
their turn, were found ready to resist papal encroachments. 
From the time of the barbarian invaaons, Europe had formed, 
so to speak, one family, united by the bom! of religion, imder 
the tutelage of the Papacy. All other influences tended to 
division and isolation. The empire of Charlemagne formed but 
a temporary breakwater In opposition to these tendencies. The 
German spirit of independence was unfavorable to political 
unity. The feudal system was an atomic condition of pohtical 

' " The gradual but alow reaction ot the national feoUng {de» ataatliohcn 
GeistAs) sgainst ecclesiasticnJ KovemmeDt in Europe (curopiiacbe Kirclienrecht), 
ia, in general, the most weighty clement in tlie hislorj' of tbe Middle Agp; it 
appears in every period under diiTcrent forms and niimes, partjciilarly in the 
struggle about inVDstituns and the conflict of Ibe Hobenstaulen, Is continued in 
tbe RcfiirmHtion, in the I'Vencii Revolution, and ia still visible in the mon re- 
cent Concordatfl and in the antaeooisins of our own Uiue."— ^ GregoroviuB. Gt* 
icMehtc der Stadt Bon im MiUtlaUcr, v. 561. 




8odety. In this state of things, the Church, through its hier- 
archical organization under one chief, diii a benefic&nt work 
for civilization by fusing the peoples, as far as its influeiicewent, 
into a single community, and subjecting them to a uniform 
training. The mediieval Papacy, whatever evils may have 
been connecteti with it, saved Europe from anarchy and law- 
lessness. "Prondence might have otherwise ordained, but it 
is impossible for man to inia^ne by what other organizing or 
consolidating force, the commonwealth of the Western nations 
could have grown up to a discordant, indeed, and conflicting 
league, but still to a league, with that unity and conformity of 
manners, usages, laws, religion, which have made their rivalries, 
oppugnancies, and even their long, ceaseless wars, on the whole 
to issue in the noblest, highest, most intellectual form of civiU- 
sation known to man,"' But the time must come for the 
diversifj-ing of this unity, for the developing of the nations in 
their separate individuality. This was a change equally indis- 

The development of the national languages which follows 
the chaotic period of the ninth and tenth centuries, is an inter- 
esting agu of that new stage in the advancement of civilization, 
upon wliich Europe was preparing to enter. It is worthy of 
notice that the earliest vernacular literature in Italy, Germany, 
France, and England involved to so great an extent satires and 
invectives against ecclesiastics. Many of the WTiters in the 
li\Tng tongues were laymen. A class of lay readers sprang up, 
so that it was no longer the case that "clerk" was a synonym 
for one who is able to read arid write. "The greater part of 
literature in the Middle Ages," says Hatlam, '"at least from the 
twelfth century, may be considered as artillery leveled ag^nst 
the clergy." ' In Spain, the contest with the Moors infused 
into the earliest literary productions the mingled sentiments of 
loyalty and reli^on.* But in Germany the minnesingers abound 
in hostile allusions to the wealth and tyranny of ecclesiastics. 
Walter von der Vogelweide, the greatest of the lyric poets of 
his time, a warm champion of the imperial side against the popes, 
denounces freely the riches and usurpations of the Church.* 

' Uilman. Hittnry of Lalia Chn'ttianily, ii. 43. See also iii. 360. 
■ Liifrature nf Europe, i. 150. 

* Ticknor. Hi^irry of Spanith Liieralure, i. 103. 

• Kurtx, OaehichU der deulnhen Litrralar. i. 4S •oq., whfre pasngea are given. 



It is true that the bruto ppir, ot which Rpynard (he Fox mEy 
be considered the blossom, which HgurCB largely in the early 
literature of Germany and the neighboring countries, was not 
didactic or satirical in its design.' But later it was converted 
into this use and turned into a vehicle for chastising the faults 
of priests and monks.' The Provencal bards were bold and 
unsparing in their treatment of the hierarchy until they were 
silenced by the Albigensian crusade. In Italy Dante and 
Petrarch signalized the beginning of a national literature by 
their denunciation of the vices and usurpations of the Papacy ; 
while in the prase of Boccaccio the popular religious teachers 
are a mark for imboundecl riiUcule, English poetry begins 
with contemptuous and indignant censure of the monks and 
higher clergy, with the boldest manifestations of the anti- 
liierarchical tendency. "Teutonism," says Milman, "is now 
holding its first initiatory struggle with Latin Christianity."' 
"The Vision of Piers Ploughman," by William Langland, 
which bears the date of 1362, is from the pen of an earnest re- 
former who values reason and conscience as the guides of the 
soul, and attributes the sorrows and calamities of the world to 
the wealth and worldly temper of the clergy, and especially 
of the mendicant orders.' The poem ends with an assertion of 
the small value of popes' pardons and the superiority of a 
righteous life over trust in indulgences. "Pierce the Plough- 
man's crede," is a jKiem from another hand, and supposed to 
have been written in 1394. The poet introduces a plain man 
who is acquainted with the rudiments of Christian knowledge 
and wants to learn his creed. He applies successively to the 
fom orders of mendicant friars, who give him no satisfaction, 
but rail at e^ch other, and are absorbed in riches and sensual 
in<lulgence. Leaving them, he finds an honest ploughman, 
who inveighs against the monastic orders and gives him the 
instruction which he desires." The author is an avowed Wick- 

' Vilmar, Oach. d. deulich. Lit., p. 396 eeq. 

■ Seo Gen'inus, GkH. d. drutichen Lit., i. i41. 

' Hiilon/ o/ Latin Christianity, vm. 372. In UiIb and id the three preced- 
ing thaptera, Milman givca an LnlcrBsling description of the early vernacular 
lilvniturca. In ch, W. he spealu of the satirical Latin poems that aprang up 
ainoriR the clergy and within the walls of convcnla. 

* The poem u among Ihe publtfationa of the Early ErtgtisK Text Society, tt 
{■ Biiulyioil in tlie preface of Port 1. Text A. See, bJw, WbHoii, Hilary o/ Siiff- 
Mi Partri/, Bpct. viii. (vol. ii. 44). 

' The poem is published by the Early EngliA Tact Soeuty (1867). Warton, 
act. ix. (ii. 87). 



lilGte. Chaucpr, in tlip picture of social life which he has ilrawn 
in the "Cant^rhury Tales," shows himself in full accord with 
WiclilifTe in the hostihty to the mendicant friars. Chaucer 
reserves his admiration for the simple and faithful parish priest, 
"rich in hoiy thought and work"; the higher clergy he handles 
in a genuine anti-sacerdotal spirit. In the "Pardoner," laden 
with his relies, and with his wallet 

"Brimful of pardons, come from Rome all hot," 

he depicts a character who even then excited scorn and repro- 

It IB curious to observe in many of the early writers who 
have been referred to, how reverence for religion and for the 
Church is blended with bitter censure of the arrogance and 
wealth of ecclesiastics; how the spiritual office of the Pope is 
distinguished from his temporal power. In the one character 
he is revered, in the other he is denounced. The fiction of 
Constantine'g donation of his western dominions to Pope Sil- 
vester, which was current in the Middle Ages, accounted for all 
the evils of the Church, in the judgment of the enemies of the 
temporal power. There was the source of the pride and wea,lth 
of the popes. Dante adverts to it in the lines; — 

"Ah, CutidfanTine of how muph ill wiu mother, 
Not thy ponvenion, but that mHiri agendo wer, 
Which "iho firat weftUhy (athct look from liiee,"' 

And in another placfl, he refers to Constantine, who 

" Became a Qrvek by cHlltig la the Pastor," 

and says of him in Paradise, 

"Now knowetli he how all the ill deduced 

Prom hia good action is not liarmful to him, 
Although the world thereby m»y be deatroyed.'" 

We find a like lament respecting the fatal gift to Silvester, in 
the Waldensian poem, "The Noble Lesson." Walter von der 
Vogelweide makes the angels, when Constantine endowed Sil- 
vester with worldly power, cry out with grief; and justly, he 

■ Inf. 2iz, lis. 

• Farad, xz. 68. 

"Ahi. Costantin. di quanto mal fu mstre, 
Non la Ilia convprHion, ma quella dole 
Che da tc preae il prinio ricco patre I " 

**Ora eonosce come 1 mal, dcdiitto 

Dal BUo bene operar. non gti e nocivo, 
Avvrgiut cbeNB 1 ondo ioiU diitrulU)," 


adds, since the popes were to use that power to ruin the em- 
perors and to stir up the princps against them.' These hitter 
lamentations continue to he heard from advocates of reform, 
until the tale of the alleged donation was discovered to be des- 
titute of truth,' 

The anti-hierarchical spirit was powerfully reinforced by the 
legists. From the midiJle of the thirteenth century the Uni- 
versity of Bologna rose in importance as the great seat of the 
revived study of Roman jurisprudence. As Paris was the 
seminary of theology, Bologna was the nursery of law. Law 
was cultivated, however, at other universities.* That a class 
of laymen should arise who were devotf^d to the study and ex- 
position of the ancient law was in itself a significant event. The 
legists were the natural defenders of the State, the powerful 
auxiliaries of the kings.* Tlieir influence was in opposition to 
feudalism and on the side of monarchy, and placed bulwarks 
round the civil authority in its contest against the encroach- 
ments of the Church, The hierarchy were confronted by a 
body of learned men, tlie guardians of a venerable code, who 
claimed for the kings the rights of Carsar, and could bring for- 
ward in opposition to the canons of the Church canons of an 
earlier date,' 

The effectual reaction against the Papacy dates from Uie 
reign of Boniface VIII., who cherished to the full extent the 
theories of Hildebrand and Innocent III., but was destitute of 
their sagacity and practical wisdom." The resistance that he 
provoked sprang from the spirit which we have termed national- 
ism. The contest in which the Hohenstaufen had perished, 
was taken up by the King of France, the country which through- 
out the Middle Ages had been the most faithful protector of the 
Papacy, and whose royal house had been established by the 

' Kurt», Gich. d. dndtch. Lit., i. 50. The Bonnet — "Dcr Pfaflen wahl" — 
ia given by Kurti, p, 66. 

' TliF Grst public and formal exposure of the Gction was nude by Lfturentiua 

Valla io the fiftvetilh centurj-. 

* SB\-igny, GewhiehU dtt torn. Rcchl, iii. 152 seq. 

* Laiirriit, Ffudalili a I'tglUe. p. 630. 

* MilniBQ. %-i, 211. 

* Drumaon. Gich. Soni/aciui dea Achlen (1852). An spolo^tie biographer 
of nonifaoc "ib ToBti. Sttpn'a di Bonilaeio Vllt. c de' tuni tempi (ISW). In Iha 
■ame vein 'a the article at Wigenian (in review of SisnionJi), BunyK on Various 
Subjerli, iii. 101 teq. Schwab, in the (Roman Catholie) Quitiinlitchrilt (1846, 
No, 1), con«i(icr» that Toati oiid Wiseman are unduly biased in favor of Boni- 
face. His reign was from 1204 to 1303. 



popes on an Italian throne as a bulwark against the Empire. 
It was ordained that their protectors should become their 
conquerors.' The conflict of Boni/ace with Philip the Fair is of 
remarkable interest for many reasons. One source of Boniface's 
anger was the levj-ing by Philip of extraordinary taxes on the 
clerg}' and his prohibiting of the exportation of gold and silver 
from his kingdom. Another point, in the highest degree 
interesting, is the manner in which the rights of the laity in 
relation to the clergy come up for discussion. One defining char- 
acteristic of the Protestant Reformation was the release of the 
laity from subserviency to clerical control. There is something 
orainous in the opening words which give its title to one of the 
famous bulls of this pontiff: Clericis laicos. It begins with 
reminding Phihp that long tradition exhibits laymen as hostile 
and mischievous to clergymen. Not loss significant, in the 
light of subsequent history, is one of tlie responses of Philip to 
the Pope's indignant complaints, in which the king affirms 
that "Holy Mother Church, the Spouse of Christ, is composed 
not only of clergymen, but also of laymen;" that clergymen 
are guilty of an abuse when they try to appropriate exclusively 
to themselves the eccleaaatical liberty with which the grace of 
Christ has made us free; that Christ himself commanded to 
render to Casar the things that are Ca'sar's. More remarkable 
still is the fact that PhiUp twice summoned to his support the 
estates of his realm, and that the nation stood firndy by its 
excommunicated sovereign. The pontifical asserlions in regard 
to the two swords, the supremacy of the ecclesiastical over 
the temporal power, antl the subjection of every creature to 
the Pope, who judges all and is judged by none, were met by 
a determined resUtance on the part of the French nation. When 
Boniface summoned the French clergy to Rome to sit in judg- 
ment on the king, the act roused a tempest of indignation. The 
Pnpal Bull, snatched from the hand of the Legate, was publicly 
burned in Notre Dame, on the lUh of February, 1302. The 
clergj" of France addressed to the incensed pontiff a denial of 
hia proposition that in secular matters the Pope stands above 
the King. Finally all France united in an appeal to a general 
council. It was by two laymen, William of Nogaret, keeper of 
the king's seal, and Sciarra Colonna, that the personal attack 

' Orcgoroviiis, Geaekiclite dtr Sladt Rom im MUteiaUer, v, BOO, 



was made on Boniface at Anagni, which resulted shortly after- 
wards in his death 03(13). 

We have now reached the point when the prestige of the 
Papacy began to wane as rapidly as, in the preceding centuries, 
it had grown. This fall was due to the expansion of intelli- 
gence, to the general change in society to which reference has 
been made. But it was accelerated by influences which were 
subject, to a considerable extent, to the control of the popea 
themselves. It is the period of the Babylonian captivity, oti 
the long residence of the popes at Avignon, and of the great! 
schism. During a great part of this period the Papacy was] 
enslaved to France, and administered in the interest of the] 
French court. This situation impelled the popes to unjust 
and aggressive measures relating to Germany, England, ajid 
other Catholic countries, measures which could not fail to pro-fl 
voke earnest resentment, France was willuig, as long as the^ 
Papacy remained her tool, to indulge the popes in extravagant 
assertions of authority, which could only have the effect to aggra- 
vate the opposition on the part of other nations. The revenues 
of the court at Avignon were supplied by means of extortions 
and usurpations which had been hitherto without example. 
The multiplied reservaHons of ecclesiastical offices, even of 
bishoprics and parishes, whicli were bestowed by the popea 
upon unworthy persons, or given in commemhm to persons 
already possessed of lucrative places; the claim of the tirst^ 
fruits or annates — a tribute from new lioldcrs of benefices — f 
and the levying of burdensome taxes upon all ranks of the 
clergy, especially those of the lower grades, were among the 
methods resorted to for replenishing the papal treasury. The 
effect of these various forms of ecclesiastical oppression uponJ 
public opinion was the greater, when it was known that the] 
wealth thus gained went to support at Avignon an extremely^ 
luxurious and profligate court, the boundless immorality 
which has been vividly depicted by Petrarch, an eye-witne^, 

Th"^ aitempt of John XXII. to maintain the absolute su- 
premacy of the Pope over the Empire and to deprive Louis of ' 
Bavaria of liia crown, that he might place it on the head of the, 
King of France, had an effect in Germany analogous to thatl 
produced in France by the conflict of Boniface and Philip. Tliej 
imperial rights found the boldest defemlers. At length, inj 




1338, the electoral princes solemnly declared that the Honion 
king receives his appointment and authority solely from the 
electoral collt^. 

In England, from the Constitutions of Clarendon under 
Henry II., in 1164, there had been manifest a disposition to 
limit the jurisdiction and set bounds to the encroachments of 
the Church, and especially to curtail foreign ecclesiastical into 
fereDce in the affairs of the kingdom.* Now that the Papacy 
had become the instrument of France, this spirit of resistance 
was naturally quickened. Two important statutes of Edward 
III, were the consetjuence : the statute of provisors, which 
devolved on the King the right to fill the Churclj ofhces that bad 
been reserved to the Pope; and the statute of prirniuuire, 
which forbade subjects to bring, by du"ect prosecution or appeal, 
before any foreign tribunal, a cause that fell under the King's 

la this contest of the fourteenth century, "monarchy" was 
the watchword of the adversaries of the Papacy, the symbol of 
the new generation that was breaking loose from the dominant 
ideas of the Middle Ages. "The monarchists rose against the 
papists." ' In France it was the rights of the throne and its 
independence of the Church which were maintained by the 
jurists, and by the schoolmen, as John of Paris and Occam, 
who came to their help. In Germany it was the old imperial 
rights as defined in the civil law, and as preceding even the 
existence of the Church, that were defended. In opposition 
to the political ideas of his master in theology, Thomas Aquinas, 
Dante wrote his note<l treatise on monarchy, in advocacy of 
Ghibelline principles, against the claims of the popes to tem- 
poral power. Apart from the great influence of this book, and 
outside of Italy, the question of the origin of the Empire and the 
nature of moimrchy in general, led to earnest investigation. 
In Gommny especially, legists and theologians immersed them- 
selves in historical and critical inquiries upon the foundation 
of civil authority, and the ground on which papa! interferences 
with secular government professed to repose. Tlieee writers 
did not atop with confuting the notion that the Empire was 

' TTie Oinslilulioiia of CUrendon ero fully Hwcrihed hy Reuler, Gaehiehit 
AS^xandrrt d, I>ritUn 't. d. Kifche »finer Znf., 3 voU. flS<UI), 
• Gi*goroviu», vi. 1 24, 




transferred by papal authority from the East to the West 
The celebrated work of Marsilius of Padua, the "Defense 
Pads," went beyond the ideas of the age, and assailed even 
spiritual authority of the Roman bishop. It denied tliat Peter' 
was supreme over the other Apostles, and even denied that j 
he can be proved to have ever visited Rome. This work maia<fl 
tained the supreme authority of a general council. The Minor- 
ites, or schismatical Franciscans, who insisted on the rule of 
poverty as binding on the clergy, and accascd John XXII. o^M 
heresy for rejecting their principle, contended on the same 
side. William of Occam seconded Marsilius in a treatise entitled, 
"Eight Questions on the Power of the Pope." Occam, like] 
Dante, rested his denial of the validity of the alleged donatiou 
of Constantine on the ground that an emperor had no right, tc 
renounce the inalienable rights of the Empire. He placed thfl 
Emperor and the General Council above the Pope, as his judges.! 
Coronation, he said, was a human ceremony, which any bishop] 
could perform. "These bold writings attacked the collective) 
hierarchy in all its fundamental principles; they inquired, wJthJ 
a sharpness of criticism before unknown, into the nature of the" 
priestly office; they restricted the notion of heresy, to which 
the Church had given so wide an extension; they appealed, 
finally, to Holy Scripture, as the only valid authority in matters 
of faith. As fervent monarchists, these theologians subjectedfl 
the Church to the State. Their heretical tendencies announced" 
a new process in the minds of men, in which the unity of 
the Catholic Church went down." It is to be observed that 
among the principal literary champions of Louis of Bavaria 
there was found a representative of each of the cultivated 
nations of the West.* ■ 

During the schism wliich ensued upon the election of Urban " 
VI,, in 1378, there wa.s presented before Christendom the spec- 
tacle of rival popes imprecating curses upon each other; each 
with his court to be maintained by taxes and contributions, _ 
which had to be largely increased on account of the division. M 
When men were compelled to choose between rival claimants 
of the office, it was inevitable that there should arise a still — 

' GregoroviiiB. vi. 129, 130, Copious pitrarti from (lie Drlrmar Facii, 
wliicli was tlit joint proiluction of Mareiliiis of Pailua and John of JboiIud, the 
Emperor Louie's phyaiciaii, are given by Gieseler. 111. iv- o. I- % 90, n, 15. 




' deeper iDveetigation into the origin and grounds of papal au- 
thority. Inquirers reverteti to the earlier ages of the Church, in 
order to find both the causes and the cure of the dreadful evils 
under which Cluistian society was suffering. More than one 
jurist and theologian called attention to the ambition of the 
popes for secular rule and to their oppressive domination over 
the Church, as the prime foimtain of this frightful disorder. 

We have now to glance at the vigorous and prolonged en- 
deavors, which proved for the most part abortive, to reform the 
Church "in head and members." Princes intervened to make 
peace between popes, as popes had before intervened to make 
peace between princes.' It is the era of the Reforming Coun- 
cils of Pisa, Constance, and Basel, when, largely under the lead 
of the Paris theologians, a reformation in the morals and ad- 
ministration of the Church was sought through the agency of 
these great assemblies.' The theory on which D'Ailly, Gerson, 
and the other leaders who coiiperated with them, proceeded, 
was that of episcopal, as contrasted with papal, supremacy. 
The Pope was primate of the Chiu-ch, but bi.'^hops derived their 
authority and grace for the discharge of their office, not from 
; him, but from the same source as that from which he derived 
his powers. The Church, when gathered together by its repre- 
' eentatives in a general council, is the supreme tribunal, to 
which the Pope himself is subordinate and amenable. Tlieir 
aim was to reduce him to the rank of a constitutional instead 
of an absolute monarch- The Galilean theologians held to an 
infallibility residing somewhere in the Church ; most of them, 
and ultimately all of them, placing this infallibility in oecu- 
menical councils. The flattering hopes under which the Council 
of Pisa opened its proceedings were doomed to cUsappoititment, 
in consequence of the reluctance of the reformers to push 
I through their measures without a pope, and the failure of 
Ale-xander V. to redeem the pledges which he bad given them 
prior to his election. Moreover, the schism continued, with 
three popes in the room of two. TTie Council of Constance 
j began under the fairest auspices. The resolve to vote by nations 
I was a significant sign of a new order of things, and crushed the de- 
[aign of the flagitious Pope. John XXIII., to control the assembly 
Iby the preponderance of Italian votes. Solemn declarations of 

Laurecl, La Rt/ormt, p. 29. 

' (1400-1443.) 




the supremacy and authority of the Council were adopted, and 
were carried out in the actual deposition of the infamous Pope. 
But the plans of reform were mostly wrecked on the same rock 
on which they had broken at Pisa. A pope must l)e elected; 
and Martin V., once chosen, by skillful management and hy 
separate arrangements with different princes, was able to undo, 
to a great extent, the salutary work of the Council, and even 
before its adjournment to reassert the very doctrine of papal 
superiority which the Council had repudiated. The substantial 
failure of this Council, the most august ecclesiastical assemblage 
of the Miiiflle Ages, to achieve reforms which thoughtful and 
good men everywhere deemed indispensable, wa.s a proof tliat 
some more radical means ' of reformation would have to be 
aiIopt«d. But another grand effort in the same direction wa« 
put forth; and the Council of Basel, notwithstanding that it 
adopted numerous measures of a bencfieent character, which 
were acceptable to the Catholic nations, had at last no better 
issue; for most of the advantages that were granted to them 
and the concessions that were made by the popes, especially 
to Germany, they contrived afterward, by adroit diplomacy, 
to recall. 

If we look at the condition of Europe in the fifteenth cen- 
tury, after the time of the schism and the reforming councils, 
we observe that political considerations preponderate in the 
room of distinctly ecclesiastical motives and feehngs.' Na- 
tional rivalries and the ambition of princes are everywhere 
prominent. The sovereigns of Europe are endeavoring to 
augment their power at the expense of the Church, especially 
by taking into their hands ecclesiastical appointments. It was 
during the fifteenth century that the European monarchicB 
were acquiring a firm organization. In England the wars of 
the Roses ended with the accj3s.sion of Henry VII., and in hia 
son and successor the rights of both lines were united. In 
France the century of strife with England had been followed 
by the reduction of the great feudatories to subjection to the 
crown. In Spain, Castile and Aragon were united by the mar- 

' The controvprey, during this period, between llie advocBtea of Uie orifto- 
crntic or GallJcaQ aod of the papal systems, is described, wth copious citatiata 
from the polemical writers who parti ci pa led in it, by Gieneler, Church History, 
■II. V. i. S 136. 


riage of thpir sovpreigns, and their kingdom was consolidated 
by the conquest of Granada. 

At this critical epoch, when it wouki have been in the highest 
degree difficult for pontiffs devoted to the interests of religion 
to breast the dominant spirit of nationaliMii, it appeared to be 
the sole ambition of a series of popes to aggrandize their families 
or to slrengthen the states of the Church.' No longer absorbed 
in any grand public object, Uke the crusades, they plotted and 
fought to build up principalities in Italy for their relatives. To 
the furtherance of such worldly schemee, they often applied the 
treasures which they had procured by taxing the Church and 
from tlie sale of church offices, Qphe vicious character of several 
of them augmented the scandal wiich thiy corrupt policy created. 
Sixtus IV., aiming to found a principality for his nephew, — 
or, according to Machiavelli, hie illegitimate son Girolanio 
Riario, — favored the conspiracy against the lives of Julian and 
Lorenzo de Merlici, which resulted in the asKa-'sinalion of the 
former on the steps of the altar, during the celebration of high 
mass. He then joined Naples in making war on Florence. In 
order to gain Ferrara for his nephew, he fir,st incited Venice to 
war; but when his nephew went over to the side of Naples, the 
Pope forsook his Venetian allies and excommunicated them. 
Little regard was paid to this act. and his eonsecjiient chagrin 
hastened his death. Innocent VIII., besides advancing the 
fortunes of seven illegitimate children, and waging two wars 
with Naples, received an annual tribute from the Sultan for 
detaining his brother and rival in prison, instead of sending him 
to lead a force agajnst the Turks, the enemies of Christendom. 
Al(!xander VI., whose wickedness brings to mind the dark days 
of the Papacy in the tenth century, occupied himself in building 

' No kdequato impmuoii of the BeculBnulioo of Ihe Papacy can hr gained 
williout the ntmatx to the historical delaila, Ono of the Fpc^inlly vaJuabtc 
worki an the subject ia "The CambridEe Modern History, Tlii: litnaiuanrt," 
vol. 1. p. 663 Bpq. ch, xi»., "Tlie Eve of the Rptormalion." by Hcory C, Lea. 
Annlher highly inMniclive work is the late Bishop Crcigliton'B llislory o[ the 
Pa^ic\j during Ihr Ptrind ot Ihr Rrfnnnatuin. 6 vols, (l«82-18n4). In partlpulnr 
Uie periiwi from 1420 to 1520 should be einniiiipd. The work of chief value [min 
Roman Catholic source! is that of Pastor, Gmchirhlc rfcr f'lipile iril dtm Aiiegang 
drt Afi/ti'Mfi^i efr. 3 voIh. (LtSii i<r<|,'l : in the E^eliah translalLon. S vols. It 
trrminBlM at the death of Pope Julius II. (1513). The author had Bceess 1o the 
Vatican papcrrs. It hac Ihe merit of relating frankly iiiiich of the evil in the liven 
o/ the Pop« during the period reviewed. See, tor cxaiQ|i!e, the pontiticRte o( 

lu IV, 




.vity, ™ 

up a principality for his favorite son, that monster of depravity, 
C.Tsar Borgia, and in amassing treasm-es, by base and cruel 
means, for the support of the licentious Roman Court. He is 
said to have ilied of the poison which he had caused to be pre- 
pared for a rich cardinal, who bribed the head-cook to set it 
before the Pope himself, j If Julius IT. satisfied the ambition 
of his family in a more pFaceable way, he still found his enjoy- 
ment in war and conquest, and made it liis sole task to extend 
the States of the Church. He organized alliances and defeated 
one enemy after another, forcing Venice to succumb, and 
not hesitating, old man as he was, to take the field himself, 
in winter. Ha\'ing brought in the French, and jnined Ilic 
league of Cambray for the sake of subduing Venice, he called 
to his side the Venetians for the expulsion of the French 

Tliis absorption of the popes in selfish and seciJar sehemi 
was not in an age of ignorance, but just at the period when 
learning had revived ajid when Europe had entered upon an 
era of inventions and discoveries which were destined to put a 
new face upon civilization. The demoralized condition of thi 
Chuich was a fact that could not fail to draw to itself general 

Leo X,, made a cardinal at the age of thirteen and pope at 
thirty-seven, whose pontificate was to be signalized by the be- 
ginning of the Reformation, w^as free from the revolting ^ccs 
which had degraded several of his near predecessors, and from 
the violent and belligerent temper of Julius TI., wlio immediately 
preceded him.' Yet the infiuctice of his character and poUcy 
was calculated to strengthen the disidTection toward the Papacy.fl 
Rarpi, in lus "History of the Council of Trent," after praising 
the learning, taste, and liberality of Leo, remarks willi fine wit, 
that "he would have been a perfect Pope, if he had combined 
with these qualities some knowledge of the affairs of religion 
and a greater inclination to piety, for neither of which he manl 




' GerroBDV embodiml its complsitits Hgunst Ihe rarrupt and extortionate >d- , 
miiiiitraitiaii of Julius, a» related 1o that country, in Graeamirut. A revolt againit 
eoclMiaatica. or a gniil ilctccdi-.ii rrniii Ihi? RoiTian fhiirch, like tliat ot Ibe Bo- 
horaians, vera declared to he imminent, if lliHie erila were not corrected. — ^B 
Gieseler, in. v. 1, $ 135. n. S. ■ 

' There is no ground for believing the arandalouA chargwi of immorality wldrh 
hSiVQ bean made afiainBl Ijiiu. They are brougliL tugetliei [,-om the ori((iual 
sources in Jjayls'a Dictiounr^. 



much concern.'" Even Pallavicini, the opponent of 
Sarpi, laments that Leo called about him those wVjp were rather 
familiar with the fables of Greece and the delights of the poets 
than with the history of the Church and the doctrine of the 
fathers. He deplores the devotion of Leo to profane studies, 
to hunting, jesting, and pageants; to employments ill suited 
to his exaltod cfiice. If lie had been surrounded by theologians, 
Pallavicini thinks thaT~he"WOTilrt have been more cautious in 
distributing indulgences and that the heresies of Luther might, 
perhaps, have been quickly suppressed by the writings of learned 
men.* The Italian historians Murafori and Guicciardini, in 
connection with their praise of Leo, state the iniFgivings that 
were felt by wise men at the costly pomp wliich he displayed 
at his coronation, and censure hi.s laxity in the administration 
of hia office.' Tiie eliief pastor of the Church was seen to give 
him-seif up to the fascinations of literature, art, and music. In 
liis gay and luxurious court, religion was a matter of subor- 
dinate concern. Vast sums of money which were gathered from 
Christian people were lavished upon his relatives.* Leo's in- 
fluence fostered what Ranke has well called "a sort of intel- 
lectual sensuality," 

It is true that occasionally the interests of sovereigns moved 
them tacitly to admit pretensions on the sides of the popes, that 
were fast becoming ol)solete. In 1452 Nicholas V. granted to 
Alphonso, King of Portugal, the privilege of subduing and 
reilucing to peri^etual servitude, Saracens, Pagans, and other 
infidels and enemies of Christ, and of appropriating to himself 
all of their kingdoms, territories, and property of whatever sort, 
public or private; and two years afterwards, by the same 

' "EaMphbeslBtounperfettoPonlcfie*, no con quote Bvcsae congiunlo qiinlehe 
eopii^one drile cose di^lta reU^one, ed aliquonto piu d'inclinftiiono alia pietjl, 
dril' una e dell' alln dfllp qu&li non mostrava avpr gran cura." Iti-'ria dtl Ctm- 
rSie Trid., Ub. i. (lom. J. 51. Not very diffprenl ia Uie eBtunntp ot a modem 
CalholiE vrilrr: " Er brsaia liprrlirhp EiK^nschadpii des Gci«1fs und Berieiu 
rice feioe Bildung, Keiuitniss lUid Liebe fur Kuuat und Wisscnschaf t ; aber (ur 
einea PapsI war M vicl >iL vcrpiUgungsiiclitig, verBchwenderisih und laoder- 
•uclitig." J. I. Hitler, Kirc/irtii/rerliichlr, ii. I'M. 

* Itloria Hi Concilia di Trenln, torn, i. lib. 1. o. U. 

' Muntori. Annali d' Italia, fom, xiv. 166, Guicciardini, /•Carta i' Italia, 
lom. vi p. 81. 8m, also, turn. vii. pp. t08. 100. 

• R«ake. Dtultche Gftckiehlt, i. 2S5. Rmcoe (Li/e o/ LtoX., iv. ch. ixiv.) 
iWrada him against tile imputation of unchastity, but docs nol mnceel \^ 
pIcMurr he look in buftooneij, and mildly ngrets bi< double-dealins m ^u ui.\<a- 
coime witb »oterriga». 


I the_ 

e toM 


"aposfolif ftuthority," he bestowed on him the new discoverieal 
oil lin^ wnsti-'ij coast, of Africa. Alexander VT., in virtue of| 
righta derived from Peter to tlie Apostolic See, assumed to give 
away, "ot liis mere liberality," to Ferilinand and IsabeUa, all 
the newly discovered regions of Ameriea, from a line stretching 
one hundred leagues westward of the Azores, and extending 
"from the arctic to the antarctic pole." Afterwards Ferdinand 
allowed to the King of Portugal that this line sliould run three 
hundred and seventy, instead of one hundred, leagues to thej 
west of the Azores. But the importance of the popes in 
period was cliiefly dependent on their temporal power in Italy,, 
and on the political combinations which they were able 
organize. The concessions which they obtained from prince 
were often of more ap|)arent than real consequence. This fact ' 
is illustrated in the surrender of the Pragmatic Sanction by 
Francis I. to Leo X. (1516). f 

In 1438, after the Council of Basel had passed its reforming 
measures, Charles VII. assembled the clergy of France in a 
great Synod at Bourges. Nearly two centuries before, tha^fl 
devoted son of the Church, Louis IX., — St. Louis of France, — 
had issued the famous Pragmatic Sanction, the charter of Gal- 
ilean liberties, by wliich interference with free elections to bene^ 
fices in France, and exactions and assessments of money on the 
part of the popes, except on urgent occasions, and with the_ 
king's consent, were forbidden. With this example before the 
the Synod of Bourges asserted the rights of national churches,! 
not only above the Pope, but also above the Council, a part* 
hut not all of whose reformatory decrees it adopted. It declared 
the Pope subject to a general council, and bound to convoke 
a council every ten years. The right of nomination to benefices 
was denied to the Pope, except in a few instances specially tq-M 
served, and appeals to him were restricted to the gravest eases. 
Among the provisions of the Bourgea Sanction was the denun- 
ciation of annates and first-fruits as simony. The efforts otM 
Pius II. and Paul II, to procure the repeal of the Pragmatic 
Sanction were steadily resisted by the Parliament of Paris. 
When, therefore, Leo X. succeeded in obtaining from Francis I., 
after his victorious campaign in Italy, the abandonment of the 
Sanction, it seemed to be a great advance on the side of the 
Papacy. In reality, however, although the Gallican Church] 





was robbed of its liberties, the Pope gained only the annates, 
while the power of nominating to the great benefices felt to the 
king- Moreover, the eoercion tliat was required to bring the 
Parhanient to register the new Concordat, ami the indignation 
which it awaliened throughout France, proved that it resulted 
from DO change in the sentiments of the nation. 

The long struggle of Francis I. and Charles V,, and the way 
in which it affected the fortunes of Protestantism, afford a con- 
stant illustration of the predominance which had been gained 
by secular ami political, over purely ecclesiastical interests. 
There were critical moments when not only ihe King and the 
Emperor, but the Pope also, were led from motives of pohcy to 
become the \irtual allies of the Protestant cause. 

It is a striking incident, and yet iUustrative of the spirit of 
llie age, that the Emperor Maximilian sent word to the Elector 
Frederic of Saxony to take gooti core of Luther — "we might, 
|)erhaps, have need of him some time or other." ' For fear that 
Charles V. would be too much strengthened by the destruction 
of the Protestant League of SmalcakI, Pope Paul III. recalled 
the troops which he had lent to the Emperor, and encouraged 
Francis I. to prosecute his design of aiding the Protestants, 
The Pope sent a message to the French king, "to help those 
who were not yet beaten." At the moment when the Protestant 
cause might seem to be on the verge of extinction, the Pope and 
the King of France appear as its defenders. Francis even 
sought to make the Turks his allies in his struggle against 
the Emperor. What a change was this from the days when 
the princes and nations of Europe were banded together, at the 
call of the Church, to wrest the holy places from the infidels!' 

TTiurt, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, there are 
two facta which arrest attention: — 

First, the development and consolidation of the nations, in 
their separate individuality, each with its own language, culture, 
laws, and institutions, and animated by a national spirit that 
chafed under foreign ecclesiastical control. 

Secondly, the secularizing of the Papacy. The popes had 
virtually renounced the lofty position which they still assumed 
to hold, and which, to a certain extent, they had once really 

' RMke, Dr,iiwh. O'eh.. i. 21(1, IlUtory of l\e Po^a, \. W. 
' Buikc Deu/icA. fl-ch., j. 83. 




held, of moral and religious guardians of society. As temporal 
rulers, they were immersed in political contests and schemes of 
ambition. To further these, they prostituted the opportunitira 
afforded by their spiritual function, and by the traditional 
reverence of mm, which, though weakened, was still powerful, 
for their episcopal authority. It was unavoidable that they 
and their office with them, should sink in public esteem. " Dur- 
ing the Middle Ages," says Coleridge, the Papacy was another 
name " for a confederation of learned men in the west of Europe 
against the barbarism and ignorance of the times. The Pope 
was the chief of thi.s confederacy ; and, so long as he retained 
that character, his power was just and irresistible. It was the 
principal means of preserving for us and for all posterity all thati 
we now have of the illumination of past ages. But as soon aa 
the Pope made a separation between bis character as premier 
clerk in Christendom and as a secular prince — as soon as he 
began to squabble for towns and castles — then he at once broke 
the charm, and gave birth to a revolution." "Everywhere,— 
but especially throughout the North of Europe, the breach offl 
feeling and sympathy went on widening; so that all Germany, 
England, Scotland, and other countries, started, like panta 
out of their sleep, at the first blast of Luther's trumpet," ' I 

■ Table Talk (July 24, 1830). Almost Ihe Bame slatenient bs to the montl 
fall dF ItiD Papacy la mods by & fair-miDdcd Catholic hialorian. He traces iU 
decline from the BahyloniBn csplivity. through the period of the Reforming 
CrDUncih, and the reign of Julius II. and the popes of the house of Medici. "Bis 
dahin hutleu die Papate durch ilir Vermittleramt Ubcr den Ftlritteu geatandenj ■ 
jetjit aber fllellten sie sich denselben gleich und erwerkten, durdi ihre Landei^ I 
und KriegBlust, Neid und Ilasa Ecgen aich. So war die game moraliarhe Kraft, 
wodurch Rom seit vier Julirhunderl^n die Wolt beherrscht hatte, uutcrgrftbea, 
und ea bedilrftc niir einm kriifligen Sloescs, um tie jlber dcD llaufeu xu werfea." 
J. I. Ritter, Kirchengachichtt, li. 143. 




The mediajval type of religion, in contrast with primitive 
Christianity, is pervaded by a certain legalism. Everything 
is prescribed, reduced to rule, subjected to authority. Medieval 
Catholicism niay be contemplated under the three departments 
of d ygmfl , n f pnl'ty, nud nf rhrisijpn life, Under which modes of 
worship are included.' Under this last comprehensive rubric, 
tnoDosticism, for example, which springs out of a certain con- 
ception of the Christian life, belongs. The dogmatic system, 
85 elaborated by the schoolmen from the materials furnished 
by tradition and sanctioned by the Church, constituted a vast 
body of doctrine, which every Christian was bound to accept 
in all its particulars. The polity of the Church lodged all gov- 
ernment in the hands of a superior class, the priesthood, who 
were the commissioned, indi-spensable almoners of divine grace. 
The worship centered in the sacrifice of the mass, a constantly 
repeated miracle wTought by the hands of the priest. In the 
idea of the Christian life, the visible act was made to count for 
9o much, ceremonies were so multiplied and so highly valued, 
tliat a character of externality was stamped upon the method 
of salvation. Salvation, instead of being a purely gratuitous 
act, flowing from the mercy of God, was connected with human 
merit. The quantitative, as opposed to the qualitative standard 
of excellence, the disposition to lay stress on performances and 
abstinences, instead of the spirit or principle at the foundation 
of the whole life, lay at the root of celibacy and the monastic 
institutions. The masses, pilgrimngefl, fastings, flagellations, 
prayers to saints, homage to their relics and images, and similar 
features so prominent in mediaeval piety, illustrate its essential 

' UnmanB, RefornnOorm tor drr Reformation, \. p. \Z ««\. 






character. CliristiaDity was converted into an external ordi- 
nance, into a rouiui of observances.' 

The reaction ivliicli manifested itself from time to time 
witliin tbe Church, anterior to the Reformation, might have & 
special relation to eitlier of the constituent elements of the 
media'val system, or it might be directed againet them all 
together. It might appear in tlie form of dissent from the pre- 
vailing dogmas, especially from the doctrine of human merit 
ia salvation ; it might be leveled against the priesthood as usurp- 
ing a function not given them in the Gospel, and as departing 
in various ways from the primitive idea of the Christian ministry, 
it might take the form of an explicit or indirect resistance to 
the exaggerated esteem of rites and ceremonies and austerities. 
In either of these directions the spiritual element of Christianity, 
which had become overlaid and cramped by traditions, might 
appear as an antagonistic or silently renovating force. 
general progress of intelligence, especially if it should lead 
to the study of early Christianity, would tend to the same 

The forerunners of the Reformation have been properly 
divided into two classes.' The first of them consists of the 
men who, in the quiet path of theological research and teaching, 
or by practical exertions in behalf of a contemplative, spiritual 
tone of piety, were undermining the traditional system. The 
second embraces the names of men who are better known, for 
the reason that they attempted to carry out their ideas prac- 
tically in the way of effecting ecclesiastical changes. The first 
class are more oUscure, but were not less influential in preparing 
the gi-ound for the Reformation. Protestantism was a return to 
the Scriptures as the authentic source of Christian knowledgol 
and to the principle that salvation, that that inward peace, ia 
not from the Church or from human works ethical or ceremonial, 
but through Christ alone, received by the soul in an act of| 
trust. Wlioever, whether in the chair of theology, in the pulpit, 
through the devotional treatise, or by fostering the study of 
languages and of history, or in perilous combat with eccleei- 
aatical abuses, attracted the minds of men to the Script 


' This faot is well representpd by UllmanQ, Rflormatorcn vor der Eelormati<m,\ 
i. p. xiii. scq., p. 8 HCq, 
' UUnmun, i. p, IS acq. 


and to a more spiritual conception of religion, was, in a greater 
or less measure, a rcEormer before the Reformation. 

In Ihe preceding chapter we have reviewed tlie rise of the 
hierarchical order, and have noticed one of the main causes, the 
tf-ndency to centralization, the spirit of nationalism, which had 
weakened the authority of the clergj', ami especially, at the 
l»eginning of the sixteenth century, had materially reduced the 
power of the Papacy. 

We have now to direct attention to various special causes 
and omens, earlier and later, of an approaching revolution, 
which would affect not only the polity but the entire religious 
system of the media:;val Church. 

I. Among these phenomena is to be mentioned the rise of 
anti-sacerdotal sects which sprang up as early as tlie eleventh 
century, but flourished chiefly in the twelfth and thirteenth. 
Tlicse indicated a widespread dissatisfaction with the worklli- 
ness of the clergy, and with prclatical government in the Church. 
Tlicre were individuals, like Peter of Bruys, himself a priest, and 
Henry the Deacon, a monk of Clugny, who, in the earlier part 
of the twelfth century, made a great disturbance in Southern 
France by vehement "invectives against the immoralities of 
the priesthood and thcii* usurped dominion. The simultaneous 
appearance of |MTsons of this character, whose impassioned ha- 
rangues won for them nnmerous adherents, shows tliat the popu- 
lar reverence for the clergy was shaken. Conspicuous among 
the sectaries of this period are the Catharists, who were found in 
several countries, but were most numerous in the cities of Nortli 
Italy and of the south of France. The dualism of the ancient 
Manioheaas and of the later Paulicians — the theory that the 
empire of the world is divided between two antagonistic prin- 
ciples — together with the a.sceticism that grows out of it, re- 
apiK-ars in a group of sects, which wear different names in the 
various regions where they are found.' They are characterized 

' Upon tlie Qri([in anJ miitiml relation ot lliese bpcIb, their tPnctH. odd llieir 
rolalioD to the mrlier diiBliutic licf«ie*, eeo Neandpr. Church Hitlnry, iv. 552 
•pf|.; QinwlM-, Kirrhfngrmhiehle. m. Ui. 7, J 87 ; Milmaa, HiXory of Latin 
TAnViawirv. v, 15B aeq,; Baur, KirchejinrxfhkUe, iii. 480 wq. : Bchmidt, Hi»t. 
nDnclr{7U)hlnSairdrrCatham(Pari), IS49), and artlde " Kstharor" in Hpriog'« 
IteJ-f TjnyrfoprirfiV ,• IlDhn. Gciehichlf d. Kriier ini MilUlaller, i. ; Mnilland, FarW 
amd PoeumrnU tUuitr'ilii'e of Ikt Hintory, tie, i-l t'li: Athiiinuict and Ihe Wnidrnfei 
(1832) : also, Eiglu E.rau* (Lotid. i852J. Ddllinger. Bcilragc tur ScktcngMcKicW* 
ilditltlaUerc lHuuieli, 1890). 




in common by a renunciation of the authority of the priesthood. 
In Southern Franco, where Ihey acquired the name of Albigen- 
sea, they were well organizeil, and were protected by powerful 
laymen. The poems of the troubadours show to what extent 
the clergy had fallen into disrepute in this wealthy and flourish- 
ing district.' In the extensive, opulent, and most civilized 
jiortion of France, which formed the dominion of the Count of 
Toulouse, the old religion was virtually supplanted by the new 
sect. The Albigensian preachers, who mingled with their het- 
erodox tenets a sincere zeal for purity of life, were heard with 
favor by all cla.sses. The extirpation of this numerous and 
formidable sect was accomplished only through a bloody cru- 
sade, that was set on foot under the auspices of Innocent III., 
and was followed by the efforts of the Inquisition, which here 
had its beginning.' The Albigeases, in their opposition to the 
authority of ecclesiastical tradition and of the hierarchy, and 
in their rejection of pilgrimages and of certain practices, like 
the worship of saints and images, anticipated the Protestant 
doctrine; although in other respects their creed is even more 
at variance with the spirit of Protestantism than is that of their 
opponents. It is interesting to observe that at the moment 
when the Papacy appeared to be at the zenith of its power, a 
rebellion broke out, which could only be put down by a great 
exertion of military force, and by brutalities which have left 
an indelible stain upon those who instigated them.* 

The Wahienses, a party not tainted with Manichean doctrine, 
and distinct from the Catharists, arose in 1170, under the lead 
of Peter Waklo, of Lyons. Finding themselves forbidden to 
preach in a simple manner, after the example of the Apostles, 
the "Poor Men of Lyons," as they were styled, made a stand 
against the exclusive right of the clergy to teach the Gospel. 
Although the Waldenses are not of so high antiquity as was 
often supposed, since they do not reach further back than Waldo, 

' Milman, Lalin Chrirtianiii/, v. IS4. See, also, p. 137. 

'"It wu s wsr," nBya Ouiiot. "between fcudjd France and munidpal 
Frkdce. " HiMory o/ CUnlitation, lecl. i. 

' The Histinguished Catholic llicologian. Herein, in the Kirchm-Lrrikon, sit. 
" Albigona^?," L'ndeavora to Lessen the rcnpanAibitity of the Pope and the e^ 
cleaiHatical nulhoritiea Fur the AlbigctiBiBD mafiaacrca. But this ia po^bte onif 
to a very liraitei] eilent. It was not until frightfu! atrocilies had been cora- 
niittfd. that an attempt was made to curb the ferocity whisli had been exoiled 
by the most urgent appeals. 


and although they were far less enlightened as to doctrine than 
they became after they had been brought in contact with Prot- 
estantism, yet their attachment to the Scriptm-es, and their 
opposition to clerical usurpation and profligacy, entitle them 
to a place among the precursors of the Reformation,' l\"her- 
ever they went, they kindled among the people the desire to 
read the Bible. The principal theater of their labors was Milan, 
and other places in the north of Ilaty and the south of France, 
where the hierarchy had a weaker hold on the people, and where 
many who were disgusted with tiie priesthood were likewise 
repelled by the obnoxious theology of the Calharists. 

The departure of the Franciscans from the rule of poverty 
led the stricter party in that order to break off; and all efforts 
to heal the schism proved ineffectual. The Spirituals, as the 
stricter sect were called, in their zeal against ecclesiastical cor- 
ruption did not spare the Roman Cliurch; and they, especially 
the lay bretlireii among them, the Fratricelli, were delivered 
over to the Inquisition. 

At the end of the twelfth century there were formed in the 
Netherlands societies of praying women, calling themselves 
Beguines, who led a life of devotion without monastic vows. 
Similar societies of men, who were called Beghards, were after- 
wards formed. Many of both classes, for the sake of protection, 
connected themselves with the Tertiariea of the monastic orders. 
Many, following the rule of poverty, became mendicants along 
the Rhine and perhaps, through the influence of the sect of 
the Free Spirit — a Pantheistic sect — adopted heretical opin- 
ions; so that the names Beguine and Beghard, outside of the 
Netherlands, became sj-nonymous with heretic. A swarm 
of enthusiasts and fanatics, known by these appellations, 
cherished a sincere hostility to the corrupt administration of 
the Church. 

The existence and the number of this species of sectaries, 
whom the Inquisition could not extirpate, and who, it should 

■ Tlif principal works whiob h»ve served to »ett]e disputed points respecting 
Ihe WalrJeDSH sre Diwkhoff. Die Waldcrucr im MiUdidtn (IftSI);> 
raiKoniKAm WaidenfT (1S,)3). Htjoe has brought fotKn«i ntw infortiiotion 
in 1k» article on Ilie Wnldi^nscs in hin Heal'Fiici/elitpii'iic. See, alno, Comba, 
HtMr/rti ol Iht Waldmtrt a) Italy (ISSt)). The diacoven' or the matillseript of 
Ihe SMa Ltj/cton rendered it highly probable That this poem was composed 
In llic fiTleentb century. That Ihc Wnlden»ea bad no exialetire prior to Waldo, 
ia ouioedeid at pmenl by coropelent scholars. 



be observed, were mostly plain and unlearned people, prove 
that a profound dissatisfaction with the existing order of things, 
and a deep craving, mingled though it was with ignorance and 
superstition, for tlie restoration of a more simple and apostolift 
type of Christianity, had penetrated the lower orders of society, 
Formerly they who were offended by the wealth and woridlj 
temjier of the clergj', had found relief by retreating to the aii* 
teritiee of monastic life within the Church, But the monaslit 
societies, each in its turn, as they grew older, fell into the luxu- 
rious ways from whicli their founders had been anxious to escape, 
Now, as we approach the epoch of the Reformation, we ohservi 
the tendency of this sort of disaffection to eniboily itself in sccM 
which assume a questionable or openly inimical attitude towanli 
the Church. Yet it is well that the ecclesiastical revolution wa) 
not left for thein to accomplish, but was reserved for enlightenei 
and sober-minded men, who would know how to build up ai 
well as to destroy. 

II. The Conservative Reformers, the champions of the lii> 
eral, episcopal, or Gallican, as contrasted with the papal, con- 
ception of the hierarchy ; the leaders in the reforming councils^ 
both by what these eminent men achieved and by what thej 
failed to achieve, prepared the way for the great change from 
which they themselves would have recoiled in dismay. In carry' 
ing forward their battle they were led to expose with imsjiaring 
severity the errors and crimes, as well as the enormous usurp* 
tions of authority, with which the popes were chargeable. Thii 
could not but essentially lower tlie respect of men for the papa 
office itself. At the same lime the discomfiture of these reform 
ers, aa far as theu principal attempt is concerned, to reform thi 
Church "in head and members," a discomfiliu"e effected by lh( 
persistency and dexterity of the popes and their active adherent^ 
could not fail to leave the impression on many minds that i 

I more stringent remedy would have to be sought for the unbear 
able grievances under which the Church labored. It must noW 
be forgotten, however, that Gerson, D'Ailly, and their compeers^] 
were as firmly wedded to the doctrine of a priesthood in the 
Church, and to the traditional dogmatic system, as were their 
opponents. At Constance, the Paris theologians almost ou 
stripped their papal antagonists in the violent treatment 
Huss duiing the sessions of the Council, and in the alacrity wi 



rUch Ihey condemned him and Jerome of Prague to the stake. 
^It was a refornialion of morals, not of doctrine, at which they 
^Kmed; the distribution, but not the destruction, of priegtiy 

III. But there were individuals before, and long before the 
lime of Luther, who are appropriately called radical reformers; 
ineD who, in essential points, anticipated the Protestant niove- 
DKDt. There were conspicuous efforts which, if they proved to 
, considerable extent abortive at the moment, left seed to riper 
ftCTwartis, and were the harbinger of more effectual measures 
' all this class of reformers before tlic Reformation, John Wick- 
Bfle is the most remarkable.' Living in the midst of the four- 
ilh century, nearly a hundred and fifty years before Luther; 
not an obscure or illiterate man, but a trained theologian, a 
lessor at Oxford; not hiding his opinions, but proclaiming 
^1fa«n with boldness; he, neverthM^s, took the position not only 
<rf a Protestant, but, in many inf^irliiij^Harticulars, of a Puri- 
tan. In his principal work he ■affirms that no writing, not even 
a papal decree, has ajiv validiW further than it is founded on 
the Holy Scriptuwj; he deifies fransubstantlation, and attrib- 
uttt the origin of thi^|logma to the substitution of a belief in 
papal deolaraliclis foc belief in the Bible ; he asserts that in the 
primitive Church there were but two sorts of clergy; doubts 
■ibr Scriptural warrant for the rites of confimiation and extreme 
Hbnelion ; would have all interference with civil affairs and tem- 
^noral authority interdicted to the clergy; siieaks against the 
'^ntetfeity of auricular confession; avers that the exercise of the 
^^ONrer to bind and loose is of no effect, save when it is conformed 
^Bo the judgment of Christ ; is opposed to the multiplied ranks of 
^Bfe elerg>' — pojjes, cardinals, patriarchs, monks, canons, and 
^Wrtst; repudiates the doctrine of indulgences and super- 
erogatory merits, the doctrine of the excellence of poverty, as 
that was held and as it lay at the foundation of Ihc mendicant 
^ordws; and he sets himself against artificial church music, 
^fcctune in worship, consecration with the use of oil and salt, 

^■_ ' tiifj attd Sufftringi ol John WiclUt. by J. Lewis (Oiforcl, 1S20) ; it/i- n/ 
^PVMii/, by Cbarletl U't-hb Lf Bos (lg4S) ; John dt Wi/difji-. o Manografh. by 
Roten Vaughao. D.D. (London, 1893); Wcbtr. Geachichle i/ir n^tiirAo/iWn 
KinJ^m u. Jittlm rvn Grou-Briltnnien, i. fVi *fi\-\ HBrcJwJcb. History of lh« 
rVkUam ri> III 1 1> Miitdlir Age, p. 402 ii-q. G LM-bl^r./n^niin ivn tt'iWi'/ (1873) ; 
W. W. Cafir*. r*' E"i)ti'h CIturch in rlir Fotirlrcnth ami Fi'lii'^lh Ccnl«riee. p. lOB 




canoniaation, pilgrimages, church asylums for criminals, celibacy 
of the clergy.' Almoat every liistinguishing fealure of the 
medieval and papal church, as contrasted with the Protestant, is 
directly disownetl and combated by Wickliffe. How was ^g 
possible that he could do this so long, in that age, with compaiiH 
live impunity, and die at last m his bed, when so many whom 
he immeasurably outstripped in his reformatory ideas paid for 
theu- dissent with their lives? The reason is found partly in 
the fact that he identified himself with the University of Oxford, 
and with the secular or parish clergy in their struggle against 
the aspiring mendicant orders, and still more in the fact tl!at_ 
he stood forth in the character of a champion of civil and king 
authority, against ecclesiastical encroachments. He was pr 
tected by Edward III., whose cause against papa! tyranny 
had supported ; and after Edward's death, by powerful nobles. 
He was strong enough to withstand the opposition to his work 
of translating the Bible, and publicly to defend the right of tlie 
people to have the Scriptures in their own tongue. Not until 
the reign of Henry V,, when the relation of the kings to the cler gy^ 
was changed, was the persecution of the Wickliffites, or Ld| 
lards, as they were called, vigorously undertaken. They were 
not exterminated; but the principles of Wickliffe continued to 
have adherents in the poor and obscure classes in England, 
down to the outbreaking of the Protestant movement. It is re- 
markable that WicklifTe predicted that among the monks them- 
selves there would arise persons who would abandon their false 
interpretations of Christianity, and, returning to the original reli- 
gion of Christ, would build up the Church in the spirit of Paul.' 
In the same rank with Wickliffe stands the name of John 
Huss.' Before him in Bohemia there had appeared Militz 

' Large pstracts from the Trialogiu are in GipBeler, m. iv. 8. j 126, n. 1. 
•salysia of it is given in Tumor, History o/ finf/iond, v. 

' The followinK paaaage is from the TriaingM^, "Suppono autem quod aliqil 
fratreg, quoa Oeus docere dignatur, nd religiuDem prinutvam Cliri-it.l devotia 
eoDvertentur, et reliclB xus petGdiB, aive obtenia site petita AnticLriati lireDtit,^ 
redibunt libere ad rpligionem Christj primievBm. et tunc [pdificabunt ecelesiam 
mcut PauluB," See Neandcr, v. 172. 

* Hiitorio et Wonumimfa Jo. Hut rl Hitron. Pragmiis (1715); Palatky, 
Doeummln Mngialri J. Htm. and the Orschirhtr Bohnirnn by tlie same aulhor; 
Neander, Church Iligtory. v. 235 spq. ; Gillptt, Lite and Timrn iif Ji>ht> Wuju (18711^ 
the works of Vui der Hardl and Lenfant upon the Counpil of Constsnoe; I^H 
Krumind, Gtschichtr d. Buhmisch. Rrlormat. im XV. Jahrh. (I8S6); Wesienberj^ 
Dir groMfii Kirchrni'rrtammlunscn det XV. u. XVI. Jahrh. (vol. u. 1840): C^o- 
wcnka, Gich, der Evang. Kirclic in Bbiimen, 2 vols. Leipaig, 1869-70. 




Conrad of Waltlhauecn, preachers animated with the fiery eeal 
of prophets, and lifting up their voices, in the face of pej-secu- 
tiou, against the corruption of religion.' Still more was Huss 
indebted to Matthias of Janow, whose ideas respecting the 
Church and the relations of clergy to laity involved the germs 
of changes more radical than he himself perceived. Huss was 
strongly influenced, likewise, by the writings of Wickliffe, and 
was active in disseminating them. The Bohemian reformer 
had less theological acumen than the English, with whom he 
agreed in his advoc'acy of philosophical realism and predestina- 
tion ; nor did ho go so far on the road of doctrinal innovation ; 
since Huss, to the last, was a behever in transubstanliation. 
But in his conception of the functions and duties of the clergy, 
in his zeal for practical holiness, and in his exaltation of the 
Scriptures above the dogmas and ordinances of the Church, in 
moral excellence and heroism of character, Huss was outdone 
by none of the reformers before or since. Luther, when he was 
a monk, accidentally fell upon a volume of the sermons of Huss, 
in the convent Ubrary of Erfurt, and was struck with wonder 
that the author of such eentinients as they contained should 
have been put to death for heresy. In the attitude which Huss 
assumed before the Council of Constance, there was involved 
the assertion of one of the distinctive principies of Protestant- 
ism — that of the right of private judgment. He was com- 
manded to retract his avowals of opinion, and this he refused 
to do until he could be convinced by argument and by citations 
from Scripture that his opinions were erroneous. That is, he 
went behind the authority of the Council. This itself, in their 
eyes, amounted to flagrant heresy, and was sufficient to con- 
demn him. It was a repudiation, on his side, of the principle 
of Church authority, which was a vital part of the ecclesiastical 
system. The cruel execution of Huss (1415) and of Jerome, 
especially as the former had rested on the Emperor's safe-con- 
duct, excited a storm of wrath among their countrymen and 
adherents.' Bohemia was long the theater of violent agitation 

' Ncander, v. 173 leq. ; Jord»n, VarlSutir da lluttitenlhumi in Bahmm 
(l^plig. 1846) 

' Tii»l Uiere was no violation of the safe-Ponduct is assumed by Pulncky, 
lOtacA. Bihmtaii, vid is maintBined by Ilcfple, Conetlimgnchiehtt, vii, For k 
Iwvitw of H«fele anij a diwuwion of thin point, see Nev Englander, Apnli, \%1Q. 
I Om of the prittcipal offeiuea of IIusm, in ()ic eyea of the CoutHn\ Mtd ot nuk-v 




and of civil war. Repeated erusades were underlaken against 
the Husates, but resulted in the defeat of the assailants. More 
pacific measures, coupled with internal conflicts in their own 
body, finally reduced their strength and left them a prey to 
their persecutors; but the Bohemian brethren, an offshoot 
from the more radical of the Hussite parties, continued to 
exist in separation from the Church; and in their confes- 
sions, drawn up at the beginning of the sixteenth century. 
they reject transubatantiation, purgatory, and the worship of 

Other names exist, less renowned than those of Wickliffe 
and Huss, but equally deserving to be inscribed among tie 
heralds of the Reformation. Among them is John Wessel, wlio 
was connected at different times with the Universities of Co- 
logne, Louvain, Paris, and Heidelberg, as a teacher of theol<^, 
and died in 1489.' He set forth in explicit and emphatic lan- 
guage the doctrine of justification by faitli alone. Against the 
alleged infallibility of bishops and pontiffs, he avers that many 
of the greatest popes have fallen into pestilent errors both of 
doctrine and practice; giving as examples, Benedict XIII., 
Boniface IX., John XXIII., Pius II., and Sixtus IV. It has 
been said that there is scarcely a fundamental tenet of the 
reformers which Wessel did not avow. Luther, in bis preface 
to a collection of several of Wessel's treatises, declares him to 
have been a man of admirable genius, a rare and great soul, 
and so far in accord with him as to doctrine, that if he had 
read sooner the words of Wessel, it might have been plausibly 
said by his enemies that he had borrowed everything from 

A man whose doctrinal position was far less diverse from 

writers aince. was the doclrine, imputed lo him, thnt prelates and magislralB 
sepnroteil from Christ by iDortnl sin, really ceaae to be invested witli Ihtir offipcs. 
This was thought lo strike at the foundations of all civil and ccclesiaHtical niithor- 
ity. But Iluna explained to the Council that, in Ins view, such persons are ilill 
to be reeogniied guond oUtdum. though not quoad mtHtum. They ore deslitul* 
of the ethical chsracler that forms the moral essence of the office, though still 
exerciainR its functions. See. on Ihia important queation. Polncky. ill. i. 353; 
Knimmiil. p. .519; Wesscnburg. ii. 171: also. Hefele, ConcUiFngrtchi/Jile. VH. 
i. 163. To Wickliffe wert> imputed similar opinions. Only those in a aisle ol 
grsec, ho held, can po™«w properly; olhers may occupy but not Aaw. — GtM«J«. 
ill. iv. c. viii. § 125, n. 18; Sehrockh, Kirchengrnchichle, xxxiv, 536. 

' The career of Wessel and his princi])les are fully described by UllmMH, 
vol. ii. pp. 287-642. For the reformatory opinions of .lobii of Oocb aod John 
of Weasel, see Ullmann, and Giefvlorj ill. v- 6, § 153. 



current system, but who must be ranked among the noted 
precursors of the Reformation, is Savonarola.' From 14S9 to 
his death in 1498, he hved at Florence, and for a while, by the 
force of his intellectual and moral character, and by his com- 
manding eloquence, exerted a ruling influence in the affairs 
of the city. He was largely instrumental in the expulaon 
of the house of Medici from Florence. Against their tyranny 
and the immoralities which they fostered ho directed from the 
pulpit his sharp invectives. On the invasion of the French 
under Charles VIII., which Savonarola had predicted, he was 
able, through the personal respect, amounting to awe, with 
which he inspired the king, to render important services to 
Florence. His position there resembled that which Calvin 
long maintained at Geneva. A Dominican, stimulated to 
stricter asceticism by the demoralized condition of the Church 
and of society, he jKnu-ed out his rebukes nithout stint, until 
the political and religious elements that were combined against 
him, effected his destruction.' He had pronounced the excom- 
munication, which was issued against him by the flagitious 
Alexander VI., void, had declared that it was from the devil, 
and he had continued to preach against the papal prohibition. 
In prison he composed a tract upon the fifty-first psalm, in 
which he comes so near the Protestant views of justification 
that Luther published it with a laudatory preface. Savonarola 

' The two prinripol OcnDin biographies of Ssvonarolft are by Budelbaoh 
(Hamburg, 1836) and Mpier (Rerlio. IS36), the farmer of wbich treats prin- 
dpally of BBVonBrola'« doclrine, the latter of the events of his career. From 
the t'rench we have Jfrfmie Savonarola, sa Vie, aea PfMitations, ars Ecriis, par 
F. T. Permi (Paris, 1S53). Ad extremely valuable life of Savonoroln is that 
by Vi[]mri — La StoHa de Giroliuno Savnnaroia e de' buoi Icnipi, narrata da Paa* 
qvaU ViUari eon I'aiuia di nuovi ducumLtili (Pireoie, 1859). Villari, in his Prrf- 
axumr, critieisea the previous biognipiiera, including the English work by UnJden. 
He oonaiders that Rudelbach and others have exa^erated the Protestant ten- 
dcEDcica of the great Dominican; that he adhered subeitanlially to the do^iatia 
syiMem of the fhureh, though hostile to papal alwolutiiiin. Villari vindientesi him 
against the common impiitatioa o( a deraagngieal temper and exhihila him aa a 
thoroi^h patriot, fie oiw shoe's that Pavonarola'a vacillation under torture was 
only in reference to the source of his prophecies, whether nalurnl or aupernatural ; 
K point oQ which he had oherinhed ro uniform conviction. An instructive and 
bnlliant arliele by Milman (written prior to the publication of Villari's Life) 
appeared in the Quarlrrly Strieur (1859). See, also, E. Amulrong, in Cambridge 
Multm Hiatory. i. 144 acq. Rotnola, by George Eliot (Mra. Lewes), one of the 
moal mnarkable novels of the reoeiit times, presents a striking picture of Savona^ 
rola and of Florentine life in his time. 

' For an example of his deuuneiation of the venality and other sins of the 
ctfTgy, aee Villari, ii. 80: "Veodono i benefiii. vcndono i sacramcnti, vendono le 
meaM dd matrimonii, vendono ogni coaa," etc. 



did not despair of the cause for wliich he laid down hia life, but 
predicted a coming Reformation. 

IV. We turn now to another class of men who powerfully, 
though indirectly, paved the way for the Protestant Revolu- 
tion — the Mystics.' 

Mysticisui had developed itself all through the scholastic 
period, in individuals of profound religious feeling, to whom the 
excla'dvely cUalectical tendency was repugnant. Such men were 
St. Bernard, Bonaventura, and the school of St. Victor. An- 
selm himself, the father of the schoolmen, mingled with hia 
logical habil a mystical vein, and this combination was in fact 
characteristic of the best of the scholastic theologians. But 
with the decline of scholasticism, partly as a cause and partly 
as an effect, mysticism assumed a more distinct shape, tlic 
characteristic of the Mystics is the life of feehng; the prefereoce 
of intuition to logic, the quest for knowledge through hght im- 
parted to feeling rather than by processes of the intellect; the 
indwelling of God in the soul, elevated to a holy calm by the 
consciousness of His presence ; absolute self-renunciation and 
the absorption of the human w^ill into the divine; the ecstatic 
mood, liie theory of the Mystic may easily slide into panthe- 
ism, where the union of the human spirit with the divine is 
resolved into the identification of the two.' This tendency is 
perceptible in one class of the ante-Protestant Mystics, of which 
Master Eckart is a prominent representative. He was Provin- 
cial of the Dominicans for Saxony ; the scene of his labors was m 
the neighborhood of the Rhine, and he died about 1329. Affili- 
ated societies calling themselves the Friends of God, although 
they formed no sect, grew up in the south and west of Germany 
and in the Netherlands. TTiey made religion center in a cahn 
devoutness, in disinterested love to God and in labors of benevo- 
lence. It was in Cologne, Strasburg, and in other places in the 
neighborhood of the Rhine, that the preachers of this class chiefly 
flourished. Of them the most eminent is John Tauler {129 


' Upon the Hyalioa, bemdes IDItnaiui'a work, Die Rf/omoEoren nor der 
formation, ond Nponder. v. 380 BPf|,, see C. Schmidt, Eliirlr) but Ir Myitii' 
Attrmavd ait XIV. tirett (18471; HelPTeneh, Die ehriaU. MyBtik (IS42): Nowk. 
Gach. d. Myslik {1S53) : R. A, VBughaD, Hour* v:ith the Mt/itiai il8S6). 

' On (he nature of royHticism. sec Ritt«r. Otaeh. d. chriill. PhiloiofAia. iv, 638 
*eq. Kilter explaitu wpeeislly the ideu of Gstbod. 8m, klaa. Haw, H^ 

n, HMn. 


1361), Doctor sublimis et illimiinatuB, as he was styled, a pupil 
of Eckart. but an opposcr of pantheiRni and a preachrr of evan- 
gelical fervor.' To him Luther erronrously ascribed the little 
book which emanated from some member of this mystical school, 
called "The German Theology," a book which Luther published 
anew in 1516, and from which he said that, next to the Bible 
and St. Augustine, he had learned more than from any other 
book of what God, Christ, man, and all things are. The Mystics 
were eagerly heard by thousands who yearned for a more vital 
kind of religion than the Church had afforded them. The "Imi- 
tation of Christ," by Thomas h Kempis, a work which has prob- 
ably had a larger circulation than any other except the Bible, is 
a hue example of the characteristic spirit of the mystical school." 
The reformatory effect of the Mystics was twofold : they weak- 
ened the influence of the scholastic system and called men away 
from a dogmatic r'eUgion to something more inward and spiritual ; 
and their labors, likewise, tended to break up the excessive es- 
teem of outward sacraments and ceremonies. Standing within 
the Cliurch and making no quarrel with it, they were thus pre- 
paring the ground, especially in Germany, through the whole of 
the fourteenth century, for the Protestant reform. With these 
pioneers of refonn, and not with men like Huss and Wickliffe, 
the reUgious training of Luther and his great movement have a 
direct historical connection. 

In speaking of the leading to the Reformation, it is 
natural to associate with this l^-rm the renoimcing of papal 
authority or of one or more of the dogmas in the creed of the 
Church of Rome. It must be remembered, however, and has 
Ifpen already iliscemed, that social movements charftcteristie of 
the Ronai.ssance p<Tiad had soniptuues partakers in them, often 
not a few, who did not waver in their professed fealty to the 
Roman See. Due credit must be gjven to individuals or asso- 
ciations of this claa? for everything meritorious in aim or 
influence. Numerous sincere Mystics were trained at De- 
venter, the School of the Brothers of Common Life. Among 

• C. Srhmidt, Johanna Taulrr von Slmibvrg (1841); Lift of Taultr, vUh 
Ttemttr-firr ol hit Sermani, traiiBluted from the German by Suwmna Wlnk- 
vartb. to wbich are added b prpfftpe bv Ilov. C. Kingaley, and an introduction 
bf Rer. R. D. Hilcbrotk, D.D. {Nfw York. 1858). 

* npoD the autborehip of this work, ace Gieaeler, Itt. v. 4. { 146; UUmwiti, 
9. 711 •eq.; Schmidt in Hpnog'a Rtal-Encyd. 




those taught there, if Erasmus was the foremost man of genius, 
he was far from being the sole man of note who had been 
a pupil tliere. It was an earnest preacher, Gerard Groot, by 
whom the first steps were taken in its origin,' He collected 
about him a group of young men who looked forward to the 
attaiiunent of the spiritual attainments requisite for ecclea- 
astic office. Pious laymen were permitted to join them. Like 
gatherings in the Netherlands and North Gennany made it a 
principal aim to ethieate the people and to promote spiritual , 
religion among devout monks and clergy. They likewise ea^t 
gaged in copying manuscripts of Scriptures and of the Fathers." 
They were concerned in promoting the study of antiquity and, 
in general, tc increase and diffuse religious knowledge. For 
Christian sisters as well as for males houses were established. 
In their houses ami schools they made it their aim to cultivate 
a true piety after their own ideal. Tlie Brethren were signally 
successful in their (hsinterested, spiritual exertions. 

A new era in the intellectual life of Germany was attendant 
on Gutenberg's use of the printing press and movable types 
(about 1450) — a new era, in fact, in all Christendom, Co- 
incident with the rise of this new period is the career of Ca^ 
dinal Nicholas Cues, — or Cusanus, whose family name was 
Krebs, ^ more honored for his life and labors, especially by 
his fellow-churchmen, than any other of the class reformers 
adhering to the Papal See of whom wc have .spoken.' Cues, a 
place near Treves, was his birthplace. Hence the name 
"Nicholas Cusamis." ■ 

He died in 1464. After leaving the Brothers' House at 
Deventer, he began the study of law at Padua, which he gave 
up to take up the study of theology. He became an Archdeacon, 
and took part in the Council of Basel, where at first, both orall; 


' The hiatary and rharac (eristics of tho Brethren of Commoa Life an? fuQy 
set fortJi in Hauok'a Kealcneyklnpadu fur Thcologii u. Kirche. vol. iii. p. 4T2 sqq. 
Briefer sketches nro given. E.g. in Kurti. Kirchengcsl., vol. i, § 113, 9. Miiller, 
Kirchengeil.. B and II, 2d Heft. Muller, History o/ (7ib Church, Engl. lian«l., 
Middle Ari<-a. pp. 409 Hrjq., 538. 

' A full Bcpciunt ot Cusanus may bp read in the work ot Joliannes Jbiumii, 
History nj (he Gertiuin Pfople at the Close of the Middle Ages, English tn^nsJatioa, 
2 voU. nS97)- In connection with Jans-sen's history of this period, the cnlical 
review of it by Protestant autliors arc entitled to attention, especially Koatlin. 
See, also. "Cambridge Modem History," vol. i. The Renaissance, p. 628 aeii. The 
»ccouat of Cusanus, given by Pantor in hia Hillary of the Popes in the Renais- 
aance, ia by a RomBa Catholic author of merit. 




and in wiiting, he advocated the view that the Council takes 
rank above the Pope, but later he adopted the opposite view. 
On account of his erutUtion, his cleverness, and rhetorical gift, 
he was employed by Pope Eugene IV. in diplomatic missions 
and other transactions, and in the successful sale of Indulgences 
in Germany for the rebuilding of St. Peter's Church. In 1448 he 
was made by Eugene a Cardinal. He was held in honor for 
his virtues as a priest. For years he traveled as an apostle 
and an industrious reformer, reviving ecclesiastical discipline, 
preaching to the clergy and people, promoting education among 
both classes. He pursued his aims by holding councils and 
BjTiods in great number. He framed rules for the inspection of 
monasteries. It is undeniable that he was bent on promoting 
the eanse of practical reform of the whole Church. At the 
same time he made no attempt to motlify its organic structure. 
He was warmly interested in humanistic studies, and not less so in 
mathematics and in natural science. He was fond of classical 
studies. In Italy he was untiring in the study of Plato and 
Aristotle. He had been appointed by the Pope Bishop of 
Brixen and encountered serious difficulties by extending reforms 
of which there was urgent need. His principal work was a noted 
treatise in three volumes, "de docta ignorantia," in which lead- 
ing schola.stic metaphysical theories are discussed. He wrote, 
promptPtl by the fall of Constantinople, his " Dialogue on Peace 
or Concord of Faith," in behalf of religious tolerance. Chris- 
tianity, he treated as the most perfect of all religions, but held 
that in all the other religions, including Mohammedanism, hke- 
wise essential elements of eternal truth are to be recognized. 
His raetaphy-sjcal turn and his relish of the teaching of Master 
Eckart imparted to some of his writings a decideil Pantheistic 
tinge, which has led iiim to be styled a speculative Copernicus, 
and was not without its impresnon later on Giordano Bruno, who 
was imprisoned at Rome and in 1600 was burned at the stake. 
V. An event of signal importance, as an indispensable pre- 
reqmHite and means of a reformation In religion, was the revival 
of learning. This great intellectual change emanated from Italy 
as its fountain. During the Middle Ages, in the of pre- 
vailing darkness and disorder, Italy never wholly lost the traces 
of ancient civilization. "The night which descended upon her 
was the night of an Arctic summer. Tlie dawn began to reap- 



pear before the last reflection of the preceding sunset had fadetl 
from the horizon." ' Tlic three great nTitere, Dante, Petrarch, 
and Boccaccio, introduced a new era of culture. To the long 
neglect which the classic authors had suffered, Dante refer^l 
when he says of Virgil that he 

"Seemed from long-continiied sitence boftrae."' 

The mind of Italy more and more turned back upon its ancient' 
history and literature. The study of the Roman classics be- 
came a passion. No pains and no expense were spared in recov- 
ering manuscripts and in collecting Ubraries, Princes became 
the personal cultivators and profuse patrons of learning. TTie 
same zeal extended itself to Greek Hterature. The philosophers 
and poets of antiquity were once more read with delight in their 
own tongues. The capture of Constantinople by the Turks, iofl 
1453, brought a throng of Greek scholars, with their invaluable™ 
literary treasures, to Italy, and gave a fresh impulse to the new 
studies. From Italy, the same literary spirit spread over the 
other countries of Europe. The humanities — grammar, rhet^ 
oric, poetry, eloquence, the classical authors — attracted the, 
attention of the studious everywhere. 

"Other futures stir the world "a grcst heart, 
Europe is came to hrr majocity, 
And enters on the vast inheritance 
Won from the tombH of mighty anceBtorv, 
The seeds, the gold, the gems, the silent harps 
That lay deep buried with the memories ot old renowa." 

"For now tlie old epic voices ring Qgain, 
And vihrate with tlic licat and melody, 
Stirred by the warmth of old Ionian dayv. 
The martyml ongo, the attic oralor, 
Immulahly incnrnate, Like the gods. 
In apiritiiaL bodien, winged wotda. 
Hall ling a uiiivenjo impnJpable, 
Find a new audience."' 

This movement brought with it momentous consequences ii 
the field of religion. It marked the advent of a new stage 
culture, when the Chiu'ch was no longer to be the sole instructor; 
when a wider horizon was to be opened to the human intellect 
— an effect analogous to that soon to be produced by the grandj 

■ Hacaulay, Biuay on ^facehiaB^lli. Stiaya, i. (New York, 1861). 

* Inf., i. 63. "Chi per lunjto aileniio parea Goco." 

* Oeorgo Eliot's Spaniih Oypty, pp. G, 0. 



geographical discovery of a new hemisphere. Christianity was 
to come into contact with the products of the intellect of the 
ancient nations, and to assimilate whatever might not be ahen 
to ita own nature. 

For several hundred years the Scholastic philosophy and 
tlieology had reigned with an almost undisputed sway. When 
the Schoolmen arose with their methods of logical analysis and 
disputation, the old compilations or books of excerpts from the 
Fathers, out of which theology, for a number of centuries, had 
been studied, quickly became obsolete, and the adherents of the 
former method were utterly eclipsed by the attractiveness of 
the new science. Young men by thousands flocked after the 
new teachers. From about the middle of the eleventh century 
Scholasticism had been tlominant. Nor was this era without 
fruit. As a discipline for the intellect of semi-civilized peoples; 
as a counterpoise to the tendencies to enthusiasm and super- 
stition which were rife in the Middle Ages; as a means of reduc- 
ing to a regular ami tangible form the creetl of the Church, so 
that it could be examined and judged, the scholastic training 
and the intellectual products of it were of high value.' But the 
narrowness and other gross defects of the scholastic culture were 
laid bare by the incoming of the new studies. The barbarous 
style and the whole method of the Schoolmen became obnoxious 
and ridiculous in the eyes of the devotees of classical learning. 
The extravagant hair-splitting of Scotus and Durandus, when 
compared with the nobler method of the philosophers of antiq- 
uity, excited disdain. The works of Aristotle, which were now 
possessed in their own language, exposed blunders in the trans- 
lation and interpretation of him, which brought disgrace upon 
the Schoolmen. Tlieir ignorance of history, their uncritical 
habit, their overdrawn subtlety and endless wrangling, made 
them objects of derision ; and as the Schoolmen had once sup- 
planted the Compilers, so now the race of syllogistic reasoners 
were, in their turn, laughed off the stage by the new generation 
of classical scholars. 

But the fall of Schola.'^ticism did not take place until it had 
run its course and lost its vitality. Tlie essential principle of 
the Schoolmen was the correspondence of faith and reason; 
tlie characteristic aim was the vindication of the contents of 

' CKeaeter, Dosmengetchie/ili, p. 473 aeq. 






failh, the articles of the creed, on grounds of reason. This con- 
tinued to be the cliaracter of Scholasticism, although the suc- 
cessors of Anselm did not, like him, aspire to establish the positive 
truths of Christianity by arguments independent of revelation, 
"Fides quarit intellectum" was ever the motto. There were 
individuals, as Abelard in the twelfth century, and Roger Bacon 
in the thirteenth, who seem restive under the yoke of authority, 
but who really differ from their contemporaries rather in the 
tone of their mind than in their tbeologicAl tenets. Scholasti- 
cism, when it gave up the attempt to verify to the intelligence 
what faith received on the authority of the Church, confessed 
its own failure. This transition was made by Duns Scotus, It 
was Occam, the pupil of Scotus, by whom the change was con- 
sunmiateil. He was the leading agent in reviving Nominalism. 
Although both Wickliffe and Huss were Realists, it was Nomi- 
nalism that brought Scholasticism to an end. In giving oidy a 
subjective validity to general notions and to reasonings founded 
on them, in seeking to show that no settled conclusions can be 
reached on the path of rational inquiry and argument, and in 
leaving no other warrant for Church dogmas except that of 
authority, a foundation was laid for skepticism. Tlie way was 
paved for the principle whicli found a distinct expression in the 
Bfteenth century, that a thing may be true in theology and false 
in philosophy. Occam was a sturdy opponent of the temporal 
power of the popes, a defender of the independence of the civil 
authority as related to them. When he suggests propositions 
at variance with orthodoxy and argues for them, he saves him- 
self from the imputation of heresy by professing an absolute 
submission to authority; but it is difficult to believe these pro- 
fe,ssions perfectly sincere. Nominalism necessarily tended to en- 
courage, also, an empirical method, an attention to the facts of 
nature and of inner experience, in the room of the logical fabric 
which had been subverted. The scholastic philosophy, when it 
came to affirm the dissonance of reason and the creed, dug its 
own grave.' It may be mentioned here that Luther in his youth 
was a diligent student of Occam. From Occam he derived M 


' On Ocoun, aee Bbut. Dogmengeachiclile, il. 236 BCq. ; Doraer. Enlvndt»- 

tungtgMh. ibh der Prmm Ckrinli. it, 44T Bpq. ; Riltcr, Gicli. d. chrinU. PhS,. iv. 

674 acq.; Uaurcau, Dt la Phil. SchoUutique, t. ii. ; Hauck, Realencyklopiulit, art. 


defenses, as to another Nominalist, D'Ailly, he owed the sug- 
stion, of his doctrine of the Lord's .Supper.' 
But other effects of a more positive character than the down- 
fall of Scholasticism flowed from the renovation of learning. 
The Fathers were brought out of their obscurity, and their teach- 
ings might be compared with the dogmatic system which pro- 
fessed to be founded upon them, but which had really, in it« 
passage througli the niedijeval period, taken on features wholly 
unknown to the patristic age. More than this, the Scriptures 
of the Old and New Testament, the primitive documents of the 
Christian religion, were brought forward in the original tongues, 
to serve as a touchstone by which the prevailing doctrinal and 
ecclesiastical system must be tested. The newly invented art 
of printing, an art which almost immediately attained a high 
degree of perfection, in connection with the hardly less impor- 
tant manufacture of paper from linen, stimulated, at the Bame 
time that it fed, the appetite for literature. It is evident that 
the freshly awakened thirst for knowledge, with the abundant 
means for gratifying it, must produce a widespread ferment. 
A movement had begun, in the presence of which Latin Chris- 
tianity, that vast fabric of piety and superstition, of reason and 
imagimition, would not be left undisturbed. 

From the beginning of the humanistic revival, it a.ssimied, 
nortli of the Alps, especiidly in Germany, characteristics differ- 
ent from those which pertained to it in Italy. In Italy the 
Humanists were so smitten with antifjuify, so captivated with 
ancient thought, as to look with indifference and, very frequently, 
with a secret skepticism, upon Christianity and the Church.* 
Even an Epicurean infidelity as to the foundations of religion, 
which was caught from Lucretius and from the dialogues of 
Cicero, infected a wide circle of literary men. Preachers, in a 
strain of florid rhetoric, would associate the names of Greek and 
Roman heroes with those of apostles and saints, and with the 
name of the Saviour himself. If an example of distinguished 
piety was required, reference would be made to Numa Pompi- 
lius. So prevalent was disbelief respecting the fundamental 
truths of natural religion that the Council of the Lateran, under 

' Rellberg. Oceam uTid LiilhfT. Sljidicn u. Kritiken, 1S.11, I. Domer, ii. 607. 
"Diu muK'iiaiiue iept tcnpls Occnm. Ilujua Qcuracn BDteferabBl Thomte et 
Bcoto-" Mplanellion, Viin Liillirri, v. 

• Voigl, Die WiedfrMcbuag d. rlnsaisehtn AlCrrihvma, p. 475 »eq. 



I Leo X., felt called upon to affirm the immortality and indi^-idu- 
H ality of the soul. The revival of literature in Italy was thus, U) 
H a considerable degree, the revival of paganism. When we look 
H at the poets and rhetoricians, we should suppose that the gods 
B of the old mythology had risen from the dead, while in the minda 
I of thinking men Plato and Plotinus had supplanted Paul and 

■ Isaial). If in the Florentine school of Platonists, under the 
I lead of Marsilius Ficinus, a more believing temper prevailed, 
I yet these mingled freely with Christian tenets fancies borrowed 
M from the favorite philosophy. It is not meant that religion was 

■ driven out by humanism. The spirit of religion had vanished 
H to a great extent before, and Humanism took possession of 
H vacant ground. Under the influence of the classic school, says^ 
I Guizot, the Church in Italy "gave herself up to all the pleasures V 
H uf an indolent, elegant, licentious civilization, to a taste for 
H letters, the arts, and social and physical enjoyments. Look 
B at the way in which the men who played the greatest political 
B and literary parts at that period passed their lives — Cardinal 
B Bembo, for example — and you will be surprised by the mix- 
B ture which it exhibits of luxurious effeminacy and intellectual 
B culture, of enervated manners and mental vigor. In surveyingB 
B this period, indeed, when we look at the state of opinions and 
B of social relations, we might imagine ourselves living among the 
B French of the eighteenth century. There was the same desiieB 
I for the progress of intelligence, and for the acquirement of new 
fl ideas; the same taste for an agreeable and easy life, the same 

■ luxury, the same licentiousness; there was the same want olB 
I political energy and of moral principles, combined with singular 
W sincerity and activity of mind. The literati of the fifteenth 

century stood in the same relation to the prelates of the Church 

Las the men of letters and philosophers of the eighteenth did to, 
the nobility. They had the same opinions and manners, lived 
agreeably together, and gave themselves no uneasiness about 
the storms that were brewing round them. The prelates of the 
fifteentli century, and Cardinal Bembo among the rest, no more 
foresaw Luther and Calvin than the courtiers of Louis XIV. 
foresaw the French Revolution. The analogy between the two 
cases ia striking and instructive." ' 
The semi-pagan spirit was not confined to elegant literature. 
■ Ouiiot, Hitl. of CivSimUiim, lect. xl. 



It entered the sphere of politics and practical morals, and in 
this department found a systematic expression in "The Prince" 
of Macchiavelli. This work, which was intended neither as a 
satire, nor as an exposure of king-craft for the warning of the 
people, but as a serious code of political maxims, sets at defiance 
the principles of Christian morality. The only apology that can 
be made for it is that it simply reflects the actual practice 
of that age, the habitual conduct of rulers, in which treachery 
and dissimulation were accounted a merit.' Macchiavelli was a 
patriot, he was at heart a republican, but he seems to have con- 
cluded that Italy had no hope save in a despot, and that all 
moans are justifiable which are requisite or advantageous for 
securing an end. Yet he was supported and held m esteem by 
Leo X. and Clement VII., and inscribed his flagitious treatise 
to young Lorenzo de Medici. Tlie political condition of Italy 
favored the growth of a public opinion, in which the vices recom- 
mended in "The Prince" were looked upon not only without 
disapprobation, but as commendable qualities in a statesman. 
In Germany, on the contrary, from the outset, the new learn- 
ing was cultivated in a religious spirit. It kindled the desire 
to examine the writings of the Fathers and to study earnestly 
the Scriptures. Reuchlin, the recognized leader of the German 
Humanists, considered that his greatest work, his most durable 
monument, was his Hebrew Grammar. His battle with the 
monks is a decisive event in the combat of the new era with the 
old. Reuchlin had studied Greek at Paris and Basel; he had 
lectured in various schools and universities ; had been employed 
in important offices by princes; had visited Rome on official 
business: at Florence had mingled with Politian, Pico de Mi- 
randola, Marsilius Ficinus; had devoted himself enthusiastically 
to the study of Hebrew, not only as the language of the Scrip- 
tures, but also because he supposed himself to find in the 
Kabbala corroboration and illustration of Christian doctrines. 
He was everywhere famous as a scholar. The Dominicans of 
Cologne, with Iloogstraten, an ignorant prior, at their head, 
vexed at Reuchlin's refi^al to support them in their project for 
<lestroying Judaism by burning all the Hebrew literature except 

* See Ilic rrmarbfl of n'liealon, Etemenli of Ir^lernalionnl Law, i. pp. IS, 19. 
' See Uacaulay'i Ensay. MacehiavMi. L. A. flurd, in Cambridgt Modem 
nittam, i. 100 ipq. 




the Old Testament — a project to which they had been incilcd 
by Pfefferkorn, aconverted Jew— put forth a resolute and malig- 
nant effort to get him convicted of heresy or force him to retract 
liis published opinions. Finding that soft words and reasonable 
concessions were unavailing, he took up the contest in right 
earnest, and, being supported by the whole Humanist party, 
which rallied in defense of their chief, he at length succeeded, 
though not without passing through much anxiety and peril, 
in achieving a \'ictory. By it the scale was turned against tbe 
adversaries of literature. The scholars vanquished the monks. 
In this conflict Reuchlin was efficiently aided by Francis of 
Sickingen and Ukich von Hutten, both of them quite disposed, 
if it were necessary, to make use of carnal weapons against the 
hostile ecclesiastics. It was the alliance of the knights nith 
the pioneers of learning. Tlie Epislolir Obsctirorum V'irorum, 
composed by Hutten and others, are a scornful satire upon the 
ignorance, bigotry, and intolerance of Hoogstraten and the 
monks.' The applause that greeted the appearance of these 
letters, in which the monks are held up to merciless ridicule, 
was a significant sign of the progress of intelligence (1516), 

The Humanists were slow in gaining a foothold in the uni- J 
versities. These establishments in Germany had been founded ' 
on the model of Paris. Theolog>' had the uppermost seat, and 
the scholastic philosophy was enthroned in the chair.? of instruc- 
tion. In particular, Paris and Cologne were the strongholds of 
the traditional theology. The Humanists at length gained ad- 
mission for their studies at Heidelberg, Tubingen, and some 
other places. In 1502, the Elector Frederic of Saxony organ- 
ized the university at Wittenberg. Tliis new institution, which 
declared .Augustine to be its patron saint, was from the first 
favorable to Biblical studies, and gave a hospitable reception 
to tlie teachers of classical learning.* Here was to be the hearth- 
stone of the Reformation. 

In other countries the cause of learning was advancing, and 
brought with it increased liberality, and tendencies to reform 
in religion. In 1498, Colet, the son of a wealthy London mer- 
chant who had been Lord Mayor of the city, had returned from 


' On this work see Boiir, KircftmgachitMt, iv. 17, and Sii WiUikni Hunit 

Ion, DinctDsiont, etc (IS.'V.I). 

' Von Raumer, detihidiU der PSdogagik, jv. 3'!. 


his studies in Italy, and was expounding the Greek epistles of 
Paul at Oxford, to the delight of all who aspired after the "new 
learning," and tlie disgust and alarm of the devotees of the 
scholastic theology. He was joined by Erasmus, then thirty 
years of age, of the same age as Colet, and not yet risen to fame, 
but full of ardor in the pursuit of knowledge, and glad to enter 
into the closest bonds of friendship and fellowship with the more 
devout, if less brilliant and versatile, English scholar. To them 
was united a young man, Thomas More, who was destined to 
the law, but whase tove of knowledge and sympathy with the 
advancing spirit of the age, brought him into intimate relations 
wilh the two scholars jast named.' Colet, More, anil Erasmus 
continued to be friends and fellow-laborers in a common cause 
to the end. Colet became Dean of St. Paul's, founded St. Paul's 
school at his own expense, and boldly, yet with gentleness, ex- 
erted his influence, not only in fiivor of classical and Biblical 
study, but also, not without peril to himself, against supersti- 
tion and in behalf of enlightened views in religion. More fol- 
lowed the same path, and in his "Utopia" he has a chapter on 
the reli^ons of that imaginary commonwealth, in which he 
represents that the people were debating among themselves 
"whether one that were chosen by them to be a priest, would 
not be thereby qualified to do all the things that belong to that 
character, even though he had no authority derived from the 
Pope." It waa one of the ancient laws of the Utopians that no 
one should be punished for his religion, but converts were to be 
made to any faith only "by amicable and modest ways, without 
the use of reproaches or violence." They made confession, not 
to priests, but to the heads of families. Their worship was in 
temples, in which were no images, and where the forms of devo- 
tion were carefully framed in such a way as not to offend the 
feelings of any class of sincere worshipers. In this work, as 
in the sermons of Colet, even such as were preached before 
Henry VUI., there was a plain exposure of the barbarities and 
impolicy of war. In referenee to what we term political and 
social science, there appear in the teachings of Colet and More, 
and of their still more famous associate, a humane spirit and a 

' At Oxford, S8 at Paris ftnd clxewherc. Ihe aiivpnutrips of (he "new learn- 
ing" unilnJ in a hosliJily lo thp study of Greek. It reminds one of the nn- 
lipBllij' to the Ksme iludy which exialcti aJnang the conservBtive Romaiu whoD 
Ciocro wu a youth. Fornyth, Life of Cicere, i. 20. 



hostility to tyranny and to all oppressive legislation, which are 
not less consonant with the spirit of the Gospel, than they were 
in advance of the practice of the timea.' 

The foremost representative of Humanism, the incarnation, 
as it were, of its genius, was Erasmus.' The preeminence which 
he attained ai a literary man is what no other scholar has ap- ■ 
proached, unless it be Voltau-e, whom he resembled in the def- 
erence paid to him by the great in worldly rank. Each was a 
wit and an iconoclast in his own way, but their cliaracters in 
other respects were quite unlike.' The fame of Erasmus was 
rendered possible, in part, by the universal use of Latin, as the 
common language of educated men ; a state of things of which 
his want of familiarity with Italian and English, although he 
had sojourned in Italy and lived long in England, is a curious ■ 
eign. By the irresistible bent of his mind, as well as by assidu- 
ous culture, Erasmus was a man of letters. He must be that, 
whatever else he failed to be. His knowledge of Greek was 
inferior to that of his contemporary and rival, Buda?us; he took 
no pains to give his style a classical finish, and laughed at the 
pedantic Ciceronians, who avoided all pliraseology not sanc- 
tioned by the best ancient authority, and sometimes all words 
not found in their favorite author.* He WTote hastily: "I pre- 
cipitate," he says, "rather than compose."' Yet the wit and 
wisdom and varied erudition which he poured forth from his 
full mind, made him justly the most popular of writers. He 
sat on his throne, an object of admiration and of env-y. By his 
multifarious publications and his wide correspondence with 
eminent persons, ^ ecclesiastics, statesmen, and scholars, — his 

' The relations of Colet. More, and Erasmus, and the charHcIcriatic work of 
each, arv finely described In the truly intpreating work of Soebohui, The Oxfafd 
Rtformtri of H9S (London, 1869). 

' Opera, xi. vo!a., folio, elc, (Clericmi) 1703. There are lives of EihidUs by ' 
Le Clerc. Bs3'le. Knight. Biirigiiy (Paris, 17E7), Jorlln (175S-flO), H«a (Zuritli, 
1790), Adolf MiiUer (1828), by Krhard ju Ernh und Gnber't Encyclnpad. (ixxi-i.l, 
and by others ; a sketch by NiaiirJ in hw Etu4ti »ur la Rmaiiminer. These biog- 
raphies are criticised by Mihiinn in Us interesting artiete on EnLvmun, Qu/tri. 
RtB., No. ccxi., reprinted in liis Eetai/M, Life by Druramond. 2 vols. '1373), J. 
A. Froude, Life and Letters (1895), Life by Gmerlon (1S9Q). Notwitlutariding lh« 
unfavorable judgmeDt a( Johusoii, .lortin's Life is anything but a "dull book." 
For a scholar, no I withstanding its want of plan and of syinioelry, it is one of ths 
most delightful of biographies. 

' Coleridgo hus cora[iBred and controsUnl them, Tht Friend, First Landing 
"laec: Essay i. 

' Jorlln, i. 163. ' Ibid., i. 1S2. 



PMC was diffused over all Europe, In aU the earlier part 
lis career Erasn^us struggled with incligence. His health 
iftoV strong and he thought that he could not live upon a 
sie. His dependence upon patronage and pensions placed 
rGers upon liun, to some extent, to the end of his life; yet he 
>'(tA independence, frequently chose to receive the attentions 
JL il* great at a distance from them, and selected for his place 
rf »!bode the city of Basel, where he was free ahke from secular 
and ecclcsVastical tyranny. Erasmus, by his writings and his 
enVirt personal influence, was the foe of superstition. In his 
«riy iiya he liad tasted, by constraint, something of monkish 
We, and bis natural abhorrence of it was made more intenee by 
htf> bilter recollection and by the trouble it cost him, after 
^■W become famous, to release himself from the thraldom to 
^Bhich Vis former associates were inclined to call him back. In 
^■■ith, he conducted a lifelong warfare against the monks 
^nd their ideas and practices. His "Praise of Folly" and, in 
partkukr, the "Colloquies," in which idleneiis, the illiteracy, 
irii'indulgence, and artificial and useless austerities of " the reli- 
pouB," WCTe handled in the most diverting style, were read with 
ififinite amusement by all who sympathized with the new studies, 
and by thousands who did not calculate the effect of this tell- 
ing satire in abating popular reverence for the Church. The 
"Praise of Folly" was MTitten in 1510 or 1511, in More's house, 
for the amusement of his host and a few other friends. Folly 
B pefStmified, and represented aa discoursing to her followers 
00 the affairs of mankind. All classes come in for their share 
f4 ridicule. Grammarians and pedagogues, in the ftEtid atmos- 
phere of their schoohooms, bawling at their boys and beating 
lh«m: aeholastic theologians, vsTangling upon frivolous and 
lomluble questions, and prating of the physical constitution 
of the world aa if they had come down from a council of the 
gods — "with whom and whose conjectures nature is mightily 
UDueed:" monks, "the race of new Jews," who are surprised 
at East U> And themselves among the goats, on the left hand of 
the J'ldge, faring worse than common sailors and wagoners; 
kio^ who forget their responsibilities, rob their subjects, and 
think only of their own pleasures, as hunting and the keeping 
of fiae boises; popes who, though infirm old men, take the sword 
ilo their hands, aod " turn law. religion, peace, and all human 

^^lo to 



IDi i 

affairs upside down" — such are some of the divisions of mac- 
kind who are held up to ridicule. At this time Julius II. filled 
the papal chair, and all readers of Erasmus must have reei^- 
nized tlie portrait which he drew of the warlike old pontiff. 
Erasmus did not spare the legends of the saints, which formed 
BO fair a mark for the shafts of wit; and by his observationB 
on the stigmata of St. Francis, he offended the order of which 
he was the almost adored founder. When requested by a cardi- 
nal to draw up the lives of the Saints, he begged to be excused; 
they were too full of fables,' His comments on mi^ovemnieDl 
in the Church, on the extortions and vices of the clergy, from 
the Pope downwards, were not the less biting and effective, fi 
the humorous form in which they were generally cast. Indeed, 
as Coleridge has saiil, it is a merit of the jests of Erasmus that 
they can all be translated into arguments. There was what 
he called a "Pharisaic kingdom," and he would never write 
anything, he said, that wmdd give aid and comfort to the de- 
fenders of it.' In his own mind, he distinguished between the 
Church and the " Popish sect," as he designated, even in a letter 
to Melancthon, the supporters of ecclesiastical abuses and 
tyranny.' There were, in his judgment, two evils that must 
be cut up by the roots before the Church could have peace. The 
one was hatred for the court of Rome, occasioned by her intol- 
erable avarice and cruelty ; the other was the yoke of hum; 
constitutions, robbing the people of their religious liberty. Hi 
would have made the creed a very short one, limited to a fe 
"plain truths contained in Scripture," and leaving all the rest 
to the individual judgment. He thought that many things 
should be referred, not according to the popular cry, to "the 
ne.xt general council," but to the time when we see God face t^ 
face.' Partly from the natm-al kindness of his temper, partly" 
from his liberal cidture, and still more, perhaps, from a personal 
appreciation of the difficulties and uncertainties of religious doc- 
trine, he went beyond almost every other eminent man of his 
age in his liking for religious liberty. He was conscious that 
without the practice of a pretty wide toleration on the part of 
rulers in Church and State, he would himself fare ill. He was,, 
in fact, obliged to be constantly on the defense against char 

' Jorlin, i. 204, u. 34. 
' Ibid., i. 284. 

' Ibid., i. 313. 
• Ibid., i. 26d 


of heresy. He had said things without number which could 
easily be turneil into grounds of accusation. His enemies were 
numerous and vindictive, and although, in the literary combat, 
he was more than a match for all of them, he was sensitive to 
their attacks. He complains that the Spaniard, Stunica, had 
presented to Leo X. a libel against him, containing sixty thou- 
Baod heresies extracted from his writings.' Notwithstanding 
all his denials and professions, there lurlted in the minds of the 
ardent aiihercnts of the niediajval system, an instinctive feeling 
that he was a dangerous enemy, and that his influence, so far 
as it prevailed, could only conduce to their overthrow. In this 
feeling, whatever may have been true of their specific charges, 
they were fully justified. Yet it is doubtful whether the con- 
demnation of bis "Colloquies" by the University of Paris, and 
other proceedings of a like nature, which emanated from the 
monkish party, did not operate to give to his ideas a wider 

But there was a positive work which Erasmus did, the solidity 
and value of which it is difficult to overestimate. By his edi- 
tions of Cyprian and Jerome, and his translations from Origen, 
Athanasius, and Chrysostom, he opened up the knowledge of 
Christian antiquity, and gave his contemporaries access to a 
purer and more Biblical theology. His edition of the New 
Testament, his paraphrases of the New Testament, which were 
at one time appointed to be read in the churches of England, 
his commentaries, his treatise on preaching, and various other 
works, promoted Christian knowledge in a most remarkable 
degree. In his wTitings of this sort, along with enlightened 
views of doctrine and of the nature of the Christian life, were 
earnest complaints against the multitude of church ordinances 
contrived for the oppression of the poor and the enriching of 
the clergy. He would have the laity instructed; he wished 
that the humblest woman might read the Gospels. The judaiz- 
ing customs and rites with which the Church was burdened, 
are pointed out in his comments on Scripture. In these publi- 
cations, which the art of printing scattered in multiplied editions 
over Europe, the great lights of the patristic age, and the Apos- 
tles themselves, reappeared to break up the reign of superstition. 
Never was an alliance between author and printer more happy 

> Jortin, i. 269. 



for both parties, or more fruitful of good to the public, than was 
that between Erasmus and Froben of Base). In view of the 
whole career and various productions of the Chief of the Hu- 
manists, it is not exaggerated praise to say that he was "tlie 
hving embodiment of almost all that which, in consequence of 
the revival of the study of the ancients, the mind of the Western 
nations for more than a hunthed years had wrought out and 
attained. It was not only a knowledge of languages, not only 
cultivation of style, of taste; but therewith the whole menial 
cast had received a freer turn, a finer touch. In this compre- 
hensive sense, one may say that Erasmus was the most culti- 
vated man of his times." ' 

Of the relations of Erasmus to Luther and the Protestant 
cause, there will be an occasion to speak hereafter. His writ- 
ings and the reception accorded to them show that the European 
mind had outgrown the existing ecclesiastical syatem, and was 
ready to break loose from its control. 

Some of the principal points of view which have been pre- 
sented in this and in the preceding lecture, respecting the causes 
that paved the way of the Reformation, may be briefly set forth 
as follows : — 

Among the salient features characteristic of the Middle Ages 
were : the subordination of civil to ecclesiastical society, of the 
State to the vast theocratical community having its center at 
Rome ; the government of the Church by the clergy ; the unioa 
of peoples under a common ecclesiastical law and a uniform 
Latin ritual; an intellectual activity" shaped by the clergy 
and subservient to the prevailing religious and ecclesiastical 

Among the symptoms of the rise of a new order of things 
were; — 

1. The laical spirit; becoming alive to the rights and inter- 
ests of civil society ; developing in the towns a body of citizens _ 
bold to confront clerical authority, and with their practical f 
understanding sharpened and invigorated by diversified industry 
and by commerce; a laical spirit which manifested itself, also, 
in the lower classes, in satires aimed at the vices of the clergy ; 
which, likewise, gave rise to a more intense feeling of patriotism, 

1 Stniuas, Ulrieh von Hulten p. 481. 


lottsm, M 



a new sense of the national bond, a new vigor in national 

2. A conscious or unconscious religious opposition to the 
established system; an opposition which appeared in sects like 
the Waldenses, who brou^t forward the Bible aa a means of 
correcting the teaching, rebuking tlie officers, or reforming the 
organization of the Cliurch ; or in Mystics who regarded religion 
aa an inward life, an immediate relation of the individual to 
God, and preached fervently to the people in their own tongue. 

3. A literary and scientific movement, following and dis- 
placing the method of culture that was peculiar to the mediieval 
age; a movement which enlarged the area and multiplied the 
subjects of thought and investigation; which drew inspiration 
and nutriment from the masterpieces of ancient wisdom, elo- 
quence, and art. 

These three latent or open species of antagonism to the medi- 
a;val spirit were often mingled with one another. The Mystic 
and the Humanist might be united in the same person. The 
laical spirit in its higher tj-pes of manifestation was reenforced 
by the new culture. Satirical attacks upon absurd ceremonies, 
upon the follies and sins of monks and priests, had a keener 
e<lgp, as well as a more serious effect, when they emanated from 
students familiar with Plautus and Juvenal. 

' See HagGD. DfulKhland'i tiUrariiiche u. rfligiote Verhaltniue im Reforma- 
tiemieilallrr, i. 1-32, But Ungen (p. IS) separates Lhe "satyriach volksmiiflBige " 
oppoflition, aa a dbtincl head, in Uie riKim of the more general rubric above. 
He doc* not omit to notice, hovever, the other clemeuta involved in the lay 



Germany, including the Netherlands and Switzerland, was 
the center, the principal theater, of the Reformation. It is 

not without truth that the Germans claim, a?i the native cJm- 
acteristic of their race, a certain inwardness, L^r spiritu ality in 
the large sense of the term. _This goes f ar to explMn the ho a- 
pitable reception which the Germanic tribes gave to rhristianity, 
and the docility with whJcK Ihcy "emliraceil TT."^^^ii ■\' fotiml in 
the Christian r'eli^on a congenial spirit. Tin- ('.■ nii:iii spirit of 
^ifidepentiwicej _ or love of _ gersQnal_hbtj:t ^ i;^ a Ij i anuli of tliis 
eneral habit of mind. Germany began its existence as a dia- 
tinct nation in a successful resistance to the attempt of t 
clejgy to dispose of the inheritance of Charlemagne," It w. 
the Germans who prevented his monarchy from being conver 
into an ecclesiastical State. On the field of Fontenay 
forces of the Franks were separated info two hostile divisiom 
the one composed predominantly of the Gennan elemen 
which planted itself on the German traditional law for regulat- 
ing the succession; the other of the Roman element that had 
the support of the ecclesiastics. Mysticism, the j)rod_uct^^ 
craving for a religion of less show and more heartj_hadj_as W( 
liave seerij its stronghold, in the latter part of the mediH*v. 

' "Eb wht dju Chris ton Ilium tiichTfi w^ dem Doutscben fremd imd wiiicintar^ 
tig gevmaen ware, vivlmelir bcksni dcr d^utsche Charaktpr duroh ilaa ChiuUiD- 
lliuin HUT die Vollpndung seiner aelbat; er faod sioli in dcr Kirehc Cliristi wlbal, 
Dur gelioben, vcrklart und gelieiligt. " Vilmar, Gtfhichlc dcr dciiMcfim LU- 
tratnr, p. 7. Tacitus aa>'s of the ancient OennanB, that Ihcy conceived it un- 
worthy of the godfl to be confined within walla, or to be reprwienttil by tnngo; 
bud tbat the head of a. TaTnily exercised a pneAliv function. Geifnanta, cc, ix., 
I. Orimm finds in the denoriptiona of Tacitu? flic complete germ of rrotalout- 
ism — 'Men voLlen keim des Proles lAnti^mus." Detitfiche Mylholftgie. p. xliii. 
For like viewa from a French writer, see Taine, Art in (fta NelheHanili, pp. 32, 
33, 64. The Saxoos reaUted the Gospel, because it was forced on them by a eon- 

■ Ranlce, Dmlaelu Gachiehle, i. 10 seq. 




periofi, in Gcnnany. Tlie triuniph of the Papacy had bee n 
due to tliPi UvisioD between tLe em pero r and the great vaasa lB. 
not to any Jeep -Beated fondnes s f^ir a forpign and.ecfilfiaag|Jca] 
supremacy." Tf waa natural that lljr R* fojination, which was 
an uprising against clerical usurpation and in favor of a more 
kiward and spiritual worsliip, ^oukl spring up in Germany. 
/"& Genuan philosopher has dwelt with eloquence upon the fact 
Y that while the rest of the world had gone out to America, to the 
\ Indies, in quest of riches and to found an earthly empire en- 
/ circhng the globe, on which the sun should never set, a ample 
/ monk, turning away from the thiuge of sense and empty forms, 
/ was finding Him whom the disciples had once sought for in a 
\..BepuIcher of stone. / Hegel attributes the inception and success 
of the ReformatiorT to this "ancient and constantly preserved 
inwardness of the German people," in consequence of which 
tliey arc not content to approach God by proxy, or put their 
religion outsiile of them, in sacraments and ceremonies, in sen- 
suous, imposing spectacles.' A German historian has made 
sutxtantially the same assertion respecting the genius of the 
German people: "One peculiar characteristic for which the 
German race has ever been thstinguished is their profound 
eense of the religious element, seated in the inmost 
depths of the soul ; their readiness to be impelled by the dis- 
cordant strifes of the external world and unfruitful human \ 
ordinances, to wek and find God in the deep recesses of their f 
own hearts, and to experience a hidden life in God springing 
forth in opposition to barren conceptions of the abstract in- j 
tfllect that leave the heart cold and dead, a mechanism that / 
convtTts religion into a rounci of outward ceremonies." * 

Unquestionably the hero of the Reformation was Luther. 
Wthout him and his powerful influence, other reformatory 
movements, even such as had an inilependent beginning, like 
thai of Zwingh, might have failed of success. As far as we can 
judge, they wouhl have produced no widespread commotion 
as to lead to enduring results. I It has been saiii, with truth, 
of Luther, that "hi.s whole life and character, his heart and soul 
^B and mind, are identified and one with his great work, in a man- 
^" ner ve-ry different from what we see in other men.^''Melancthon, 

■ Hegel; Ph3. drr OttcSUMe: Werkt, ix. 499 acq. 
»Np»ndM. V. SI. 





for instance, may easily be conceived apart from the Refor- 
mation, as an eminent di^Tne, livijig in other ages, of the^ 
Churoh, as the friend of Augustine or the companion of F^nc-I 
Ion. Kven Calvin may be separated in thought from the age 
of the Reformation, and may be set among tlie Schoolmen, or 
in the council chamber of Hildebrand or of Innocent, or at the| 
Synod of Dort, or among Cromwell's chaplains." "But Luther' 
apart from the Reformation would cease to be Luther." ' 
t/ He was born in 14S3, at the very time when Columbus was 
struggling to obtain the means of prosecuting that voyage 
which resulted in the discovery of a new world.' It is a marked ^ 
Matorical coincidence, which has more than once been pointed H 
out, that the reform of the Christian religion should be simul- " 
tancous with the opening of new regions of the globe, into which 
Christianity was to be carried.' Luther's family, before his I 
birth, had removed to Eisleben from Mohra, a village in the " 
Thuringian Forest, near the spot where Boniface, the apostle 
of Germany, had first preached the Gospel.' ■ 

Six months later they removed to Mansfeld. "I am a peas- 
ant's son," he says, "my grantlfather, my great grandfather 
were thorough peasants (rechte Bauem)." His domestic train- 
ing was overstriet and austere. A hke rigor characterized both 
father and mother. So he felt in after hfe. "The apple," 
he said, should always lie beside the rod.* But at heart, hea 
said, "they meant it well." Then and ever after they were 
faithful in their affection and interest in his welfare. Both 


' Archdeacoa Hari^, Vindixi^v/n of huGwr againat hit rremt Englitk AMMaH- 

anta, p. 2. 

■ Mdiincthaa stnteti that Luther^ mother often aaid th&t while alie reraeni*' 
bcrtd with certainty tlie dav and hour, eho CDltId not reuipmber the yoar of hla 
birth : hut liix bruthiT, James, un hunest and uprrght man, mid that it was 1483. 
Vila M. Lidhiri, ii. It was not 14S4, ns some have thought. See Sludien h^ 
Kritikcn (Out. 1871, 1873, 1874). Hia birthday wa.« the lOlh of November. 

' The coincidence at the great geographical discoveries with the access of ! 
U^ht rerifiecting the Gospel and with the revival of leiLming, ia noticed by the 
Freneh Retomior, LcfSvre. Correnpomlance da Rflnrviateurt dant Ui Fayt dt 
la LaniiMe Frani;aige, par A, L. Remiinjard (1886), i. fll. ^ 

' A copioTiH writer upon the carher portion of the life of Luther ts Jurgau,^| 
Lulhtr von iciner Gtbnrl bin mm AUasi-alrrile, 1483-1517. 3 vols. (1846). 

^ This LH from ottc of hia talks (o his Wittenberg btudentn. "My parentv," 
he satd. "dealt with me very severely, emd that I becHtno on accouDt of it quite 
liniid. My mother flogged roe once on account of a tittia nut, so that after it 
blond flawed, and their severity and the rigorous hfe that they led with me waa 
the oecaslon of my being driven into a cloister and beroming a monk." H« 
points out the bad elTect on children from exrcssivo punishment From pareoU 
and ■cboolmaslerB. 


^ to 1 



parents were honest and just. The purity and piety of his 
mother are extolled by Melancthon. His father was unbend- 
ing in his moral and rehgious principles. They taught him to 
pray and inculcated the decalogue, the Apostles' Creed, and the 
Lord's Prayer. But the father had not a warm feeling towards 
the Clerg)' as a body. He suspected in the background the 
presence of hypocrisy and knavery. By the practice of econ- 
omy, he was able to send his son, Martin, to the school in 
Mansfeld, where the poor teaching had a little Latin mixed in 
it and a large amount of harsh discipline. At the end of a 
year, his situation was improved by his being transferred to 
a better school in Magdeburg, where his teachers were a 
branch of the "Brethren of the Common Life." Having spent 
a year in study at Magdeburg, he was sent to the Franciscan 
school at Eismach, where he sang at the doors of the principal 
citizens, after the old German custom, for the means of sup- 
port. Destined for the legal profession, he pursued, at the 
University of Erfurt, the Nominalist logic and the classics, and 
made a beginning in the study of Aristotle. He was twenty 
years old and had taken the Bachelor's degree when it hap- 
pened that, while he was looking one day at the books in the 
Erfurt Ubrary, he casually took up a copy of the Latin Bible, 
It was the first time in his life that he had ever taken the sacred 
volume in his hands. Struck with surprise at the richness of 
its contents, compared with (he extracts which he had been wont 
to hear in the Church services, he read it with eagerness and 
^ntense delight.' This hour was an epoch in his existence. 

p religious anxieties that had haunted him from childhood, 
moved him, two years later, against the will of his father, to for- f 
sake the legal profesrfon and enter the Auguslinian convent. 

The motive for this change, in opposition to the plan of his 
father, was the monitions of conscience which made him feel 
more and more that this was the only right and safe course. 
The sudden death of a friend, some say by assassination at his 
side, followed by a stroke of lightning in a forest which was 
near costing him hb life, moved him to a final decision. After 

' MaUmius, Hitlonen von d. EhrvUTdigm M. LuOirr. p. 3 (ed. 1580). Thia 
hoiuflt chronicler bIidwh how grouly defective was the religious iiulrucUon given 
|0 youth Yiy reference to hl> own case. The passage may be read in Harbeinecke, 
Otidtithia d. drutichen Ar/orma^ion, i. 6. 





an evening spent with his friends in social converse and enjoy- 
ment, he was received into the Ejfnrt Cloister of Augustiniaii 
Eremites (Hermits), an earnest and devout Order, and became 
a monk and a priest. He conformed to the rules, drawn from 
teachings of Augustine, ami took the monastic vows. He 
studied Occam and the scholastic authors already known to 
him, but especially the Bible, a vuIgate copy of which was 
placed in his hands. His father came to witness his first cele- 
bration of the mass after his ordination (in 1507), and acquiesced 
reluctantly in his adoption of a new career, but without being 
convinced of its wisdom. 

Here we must pause to speak further of the religious expe- 1 
rience of Luther; for whoever would explore the causes of 1 
history must look beneath the surface of events at the spiritual 
life of men. His earlie r concept inii nf rhristiftnifyjsf-rmilpnapil . 
in one exprrsstonTthat he had looked u pon Chr ist as a lawpver, 
a second Moses, only that the former was a legislator ol more 
awful rigor, ^' Wc "vrefe^ all faugIit7'Tie~SB^~m"M8"''TaWF" 
talk," "that we must make satisfaction for our ans, and that 
Christ at the last day would demand how we had atoned for our 
guilt, and how many good works we had done." Melancthon 
thus defines the motive which led him to adopt tlie monastic 
life: "Often when he thought on the anger of God or of the 
wonderful instances of divine punishment, he was seized with 
a terror so violent that he was well-nigh bereft of life." ' When 
he heKl his first mass, and came to recite the words, "I bring 
tliis offering to thee, the eternal, living God," he was with diffi- 
culty restrained fi'om rushing away from the alfar in fear and 
dismay. "I had," he confesses, "a broken spirit, and was 
ever in sorrow. " "I wore out my body with vi^ts and fastings, 
and hoped thus to satisfy the law and deliver my conscience 
from the sting of guilt." "Had I not been redeemed by the 
comfort of the Gospel, I could not have lived two years longer." 
This comfort he began to obtain through an old monk who 
pointed Mm Eo the sentence in the Apostles' CreeJl"! believe 
in the forgiveness of sins," and to a passage in St. BernarS'wHere 
eference Ls made to Paul's doctrine that "man is justified" by 
fMth." Still more was he aided by the judicious counsels of 
John Staupitz, the learned and pious Vicar-general of his order, 

> Vita M. Lvlh., V. 



whose words, Luther afterwards said, pierced him "like tlic 
fJisrp arrow of a strong man." Staupitz told him that "Chriet 
does not terrify but consoles." 

la 1508, Staupitz, whom the Elector, Frederick the Wise, had 
made Deau of the Theological Faculty in the University at 
Wittenberg which he had founded, made Luther one of the^^ 
instructors there. After giving, for a short time, lectures on 
philosophical teachings of Aristotle, he began his work as a 
theological teacher. 

The Elector gave to the professors charge over the principal 
Church and the enjoyment of its incomes; his idea being not 
only to organize a place of instruction, but to collect a learned 
body, to which, in difficult and doubtful questions, he might, 
according to the prevailing custom, resort for counsel. Here, 
to cjuut*' another's words, we find the poor miner's boy who, 
having "become a young Doctor, fervent and rejoicing in the 
Scriptures, well versed in his Augustine, Aquinas, Occam, and 
Gcrson, familiar with all the subtle theological and philosophical 
controversies of the day, was already spoken of honorably in 
wider circles, as a good, clever thinker, as a victorious assailer 
of the supremacy of Aristotle; took a lively interest in the^ -■^ 
stnigglee of the Humanists against the ancient barbarism ; 
was esteemed by the most celebrated chftnjpions of the freedom 
of science; was exalted by the approbation of his colleagues, 
of the students that flocked to his lectures — in a word, was 
advancing with rapid steps to the highest honors of literary 
renown." He had the same relish for literature, in more 
full blossom, as he bad when the only two books that he 
carrieti into the Convent were his Plautus and Vergil. He 
studied Augustine and Tauler, and caught glimpses of evan- 
gelical doctrine in them,' It was in these days that he came 
across the little book, so highly prized by him, which he 
published in 1516, giving it the title of " German Tlieology.'Y 
Especially he devoted himself to the study of the P-salms, the\ 
prophets, and apostles. He applied himself hkcwise to the' 
study of Greek. He had hardly begun to expound to his pupils 
Uie Epistle to the Romans, when his eye fastened upon the! 

* Be ncoDuoeiidB Tauler lo his friend Spalnlin (Dec. 14, 10161 : " Neque 
«Dim eKO vel in Latina, vel ia noalra hiiguu. Ibcologium vidj lolubriorcm ct cum 
pv&ugcUo conaoaanUaium."— Up WvUl-, i. 46. 




citation from a prophet, "the just shall live by faith." These 
words ncvor ceased to sound in his ear. Going to Rome od a, 
inidsioQ for his order (1511), he ran about full of devotioiufl 

1 ardor, from church to church. On his knees he climbed thel 
steps leading to the vestibule of St. Peter's Church. But thosej 
words of the Apostle Paul, "the just shall live by faith," more] 

Land more impressed themselves upon his thoughts. During I 

rhis slow journey homeward he pondered these words. At j 
length their full meaning burst upon him. "Through the 
Gospel that right<?ousness is revealed which avails before God I 
— by which He, out of grace and mere compassion, justififs j 
us through faith." "jlere I felt at o nce," he says, "that I] 
was wholly born again and that I had'enTS^d tTirnugh oppn 
doors into Paradise itself. TTiat passage of Paul Kas_tj:iily to 
me the gate of Paradise." ' He saw that Christ is not come as 
a lawgiver, but as a Saviour; that love, not wrath or ja-^tice, 
is the motive in His misdon and work ; that, the forgiveness of 
sins through Him is a free gift; that the relationship of thfl 
Boul to Him, and through Him to the Father, which is expressed 

'by the term " faith," the responsive act of the soul to the divine 
mercy, is all that is required. This method of reconciliation is 
without the works of the law. Good works are the fniit of 
faith, a spontaneous and necessary product. Now he had 
found a clew to the understan(Ung of the Bible. If John was 
his favorite Evangelist, he found in them all one doctrine. .But 
in the writings of Paul, whose, religi ous d evelopment so closely 
resembled his own, he found a protest against judaizing'theology 
and an assertion of salvation by faith, in opposition lo a Icgai 
system, which gave him intense satisfaction. The Epistles to 
the Romans and Galatians were his famihar companions; the 
latter he styled, in his humorous way, his wife, his Catharine - 
von Bora. f 

The logical consequences of his new position, in relation to 
the ordinances and ceremonies of the Church, and the principle of j 
Church authority, had not occurred to the thoughts of Luther, | 
It was only providential events, and the reflection which they 
induced, that brought the latent contents of his principle to dis- 
tinct consciousness. The first of these events was the appea':ance 
of a hawker of indulgences, in the neighborhood of Witt^nbSg-, 

F ' Praf. Oprrum (1646). 




This was John Tetzel, a Dominican from Lcipsic, to whom this 
office bad bepn coniniilteii. The mischief resulting from this^^-- 
trafBc was forced on the attention of Luther by facts that were 
disclosed to him in the confessional. Members of his gwn -^^ 
flock brought to him in the confessional indulgence papers 
obtained from Tetzel which they regarded as a sufficient basis 
for absolution. He was moved to preach against it, to write 
to bishops in opposition to it, and finaUy to post his five and 
ninety theses on the door of the Church of All Saints at Witten-^^ 
berg (1517). These were not meant as a formulated creed, 
plainly as they reflcct^xl the author's tendencies of thought. 
They were a challenge to an academic tlebate — a placard such 
as his colleagues were accustomed, at short intervals, to post. 
They were in Latin, being meant for scholars and students. 
Yet, the same night, he preached, in the Augustinian cloister, 
in German a sermon of the same tenor. 

Indidgences, in the earlier ages of the Church, had been a 
relaxation of penance, or of the discipline imposed by the Church 
on penitents who had been guilty of mortal sin. The doctrine 
of penance required that for such sin satisfaction should be 
superadded to contrition and confession. Then came the cus- 
tom of commuting these appointed temporal penalties. When 
Christianity spread among the northern nations, the canonical 
penances were frequently found to be inapplicable to their 
condition. Other satisfactions were accepted as an equivalent, 
such as pilgrimages, alms, etc. The practice of accepting offer- 
ings of money in the room of the ordinary forms of penance 
harmonized with the penal codes in vogue among the barbarian 
peoples. At first the priest had only exercised the office of an 
intercessor. Gradually the simple function of declaring the 
divine forgiveness to the penitent transfonned itself into that 
of a judge. By ,\quinas, the priest is made th? instrument of 
conveying the di\Tne pardon, the vehicle through which the 
grace of God passes to the penitent. With the jubilees, or 
pilgrimages to Rome, ordained by the popes, came the plenary 
indulgences, or the complete remission of all temporal penalties 
— that Ls, the penalties still obligatory on the penitent— on 
the fulfillment of prescribed conditions. These penalties might 
extend into purgatory, but the indulgence obliterated (hem all. 
In the thirteenth century, Alexander of Hales and Thomas 


_ klory merits or 
tht Qiurrh through Cli 
«f the Churcti might 
WKtfcy Hd more needy. This 
ti* poau of the keys, tbe power 
'the priesthood aloDc. 
howerer, was reduced 
with iitm to aOrtrion, i,e. 

pwnHiipgit of mortal 
bf tbe abaJutiwi of the prii^t 
Ub igntB, — for the Pope cou!(I| 
— by tbe grtot of indulgpnces, to 
pendties that still rested on 
: Tkm wokM might be delivered fonJf 
Sr. PUfti Shtm n'., in 1477, hsd^ 
■facMly B purgatory are nuanci- 
i; ifatt is, the work done in behalf of j 

ID a way analogous to ttej 

Ifcw it ht ka B, tbe power that was claimHl] 
■at p u ctittBy diminished by this reeUiivJ 
flf Kflfaig Bidu]gaic«s had gronn by ibel 
«{ k. ** Ewprbov," ays Erasmus, "the 
toraoit is sold: nor is it sold only. 
«ba irfoBe it." * As managed by Tetnel ant] 
_ oat to collect money for the built. ., 
the indtilgence was understood lo b»l 
to whidi, on the payment of ■■ 

, ncOTcd a fiill fliaoharge 

I V pionnd tbe relea^ o' 

rwilwwn of letter! 
MirpRted tbcBL A^ 
Albm. oOTff ■ 

t^ Mikt for • 7 







These were the right to choose a confessor preferred by him, 
share in the merits stored up by the Church, and the deliverance 
of souls from purgatory. Against this lucrative trade Luther 
lifted up an earnest remonstrance. Tlie doctrine of his theses 
was that the Pope can absolve only from the punishments 
which he himself imposes ; that these do not reach beyond 
death ; moreover, that the right to absolve pertains to bishops 
and pastors, not less than to the Pope ; that the foundation of 
indulgence is in the power of the keys; that absolution belongs 
to all penitents, but is not indispensable, and is of less account 
than works of piety and mercy. If the Pope c^n free souls from 
purgatory, why not deliver them all at once ? The treasury of 
merits is not denied, but the Pope cannot dispense it further 
than he holds in his band the intercessions of the Church. The 
real and true treasure of the Church is asserted to be the gospel 
of grace. It is an error for preachers to say "tliat, by the in- 
dulgence of the Pope, a man is loosed and saved from all pun- 
ishment." ' If the Pope knew what extortion is practiced by 
the preachers of indulgences, he would rather, it is said, see 
St. Peter's Church reduced to ashes than built up out of the 
bones and flesh of the lambs of his flock. The theses were an 
attack on the Thomist theory of indulgences; but in spirit, 
though unconsciously to the author, they struck much deeper.' 
No one can reasonably doubt that Luther's conscience was 
in the work on which he had entered. If ever a man was actu- \/ 
ated by simple, profound convictions of duty, it was he.' The 
abuses against which he cried out were so iniquitous and mis- 
chievous in his eyes that he could not keep silent. He had no 
ambition to gratify. As far as his earthly prospects were con- 
cerned he had nothing to gain, but apparently, in case he per- 
severed, everything to lose. He had no thought of throwing 
off his allegiance to the Roman Church. He makes no attack 
on the Pope. At ^ later time he said of the theses: "I allow 

■ FVom the 30tb Th«ris. 

> For s litvnl mpy of the thcwa, «ee Ranke. vj. SO; LSscbcr, Belormationt- 
OcCrn. i. 438. They arc given \a English in Schaff, lliil. of the Chriitlan Ch,, vi, 

' I.uther speaka of his molivw in a letter to the RiBhop of Merseburg (Fob. 4, 
1S20) ; De Welte. i, 402. His course. Im saya, would be tliat of a madman if 
he were •cluktml by wordly inolivra. Ste also, De Welte. iii. 215 (teller to 
Helsnethonl : "OloHa men «i hrr uoa, quod vcrbum Dei pure tradidi, net stlul 
lH»vi ullo itudio gloriic ant opulcnlix." 



these propofdtions to stand, that by them it may appear how ' 
weak I was, and in how fluctuatiog a state of mind I was when 
I begao this bu^ness. I was then a monk, and- a mad papist; i 
ready to murder any |>eraon who denied obedience to the Po pe." ' 
He had embraoed with his whole soul a truth which he knew 
to be in the Scriptures, but where it would lead liim he could ( 
not anticipate. He was still an obedient son of the Church. 
His theses were propositions for tiispute; they concluded wilh 
the ancere and solemn declaration that he affirmed nothing hut 
left everything to the judgment of the Church. \\'hat he would 
do in case the Church should declare against him, and forbid ■ 
him to teach what he knew to be the Gospel ; what course he ■ 
would take when the alternative should be presented of ^ving ' 
up a truth wliich stood in letters of light on the page of Scrip- 
ture and had imprinted itself on his soul, or of renouncing an 
allegiance in which he had grown up, the obligation to which 
he had never found occasion to doubt — this was a question 
which did not occur to him. Thjsjortionof the career of 
Luther is intelligible only when we reme mber ttiat tne incom - 
patibleness of the IrfldTffnnal vTpwnrTTT urch aiiflinrify with his 
interpretation of the "Gospel was something that he discovered 
by degrees, and that was opened to him by the actuat' I n-atuient- 
which his doctrine received" from the ecclesiasticaVinnefs^ Nolli- 
ing but his intense, living belief respecting the nature* of the 
Gospel could have sufficed to neutralize and at last overcome, 
his established deference for Church superiors. "O!" he ex-* 
claims, "with what anxiety and labor, with what searching of J 
the Scriptures, have I justified myself io conscience, in standir 
up alone against the Pope 1 " 

The theses were designed to subserve an immediate, Ic 
end, but they kindled a commotion over all Germany. Bot 
[the religious and political opponeuts of the tratie in indulgejiceaj 
greeted so able and gallant a spokesman.' "No one," says 
Luther, "would bell the cats; for the heresy-masters of the 
Preaching Order had driven all the world to terror by their 

1 P™/. Oper. (1546). Thp rollowing year (May 30, 1518), in his Irtler Ifl 
Lpo X.. covering the Rriiiulionea of the thsara, hp aays. \a cotinaclion with othM 
eipreraiona of apirilual nllegiancp ; '"VncEiii luam, vovem CbrisU, id to pniai"M 
di'Ulis et 1[H|UCtitiH agnoacam." De Wetio, i. 122. ■ 

' "Et fovpbal mo ulciimque Buru Uta popularis, quod invlsiB Jam bshptiI om- 
nibua art«s et RomaiiHlion«i illm, quibus totum arbem implpveranl rt fatigavcr- 
■nt." Praf. Operuni (1546), 


sent to Wittenberg with a glowing prophecy of the eminence 
that awiuted him.' At the age of twenty his powers and his 
Bcholarahip were alike mature. Unlilte Luther in his tempera- 
ment, they were the counterparts of each other. Melancthon 
found rest and support in the robust nature, the intrepid spirit 
of Luther; Luther admired, in turn, the fine but cautious in- 
tellect, and the exact and ample learning of Melancthon. Eacli 
lent to the other the most effective assistance. So intimate is 
their friendship that Luther dares to get hold of the manuscript 
commentaries of his young associate, whose modesty kept them 
from the press, and to send them, without the author's knowledge, 
■to the printer,' "This httle Greek," said Luther, "surpasses 
me in theology, too." By his commentary on the Epistle to 
the Romans, Melancthon laid the foundation of the Protestant 
exegesis; and his doctrinal treatise, the "Loci Communes," won 
for him a like distinction in this department of theology. 

TTie disputation at Leipsic went on for a week between Carl- 
stadt and Eck, on the intricate themes of free will and grace, 
in which the former defended the Augustinian and the latter 
the semi-Pelagian side, and in which the fluency and adroitness 
of Eck shone to advantage in comparison with his less facile 
adversary.' Then Luther ascended the platform. He was in 
the prime of Ufe, in his thirty-sixth year, of middling height, 
at that time thin in person, and with a clear, melodious voice. 
It is a fact not without interest that he carried in his hand a 
nos^ay of flowers.* He took delight in nature — in the sky, 
the blossoms, and birds. In the midst of his great conflict he 
would turn for recreation to his garden, and correspond with 
his friends about the seeds and utensils that he wanted to pro- 

' Reiichlin to Mpianothoii, Carput Rrf., i. 33. Reuchlin applies Id him the 
promise |0 Abraham (Gpn. xii.) : "Its mihi prn>Aa)^t aoimiis, ila spcro fulu- 
nun da te, nii FhiSipjir, incum opus et meum Bolaliuni." Melanclhon's original 
name waa Schwanerd, which, accordiDf; to the p^e^'aQing custoin, ho rendprnd 
Into Gnvk. To render proper oatnm into Qrerk or Latin was lUiual witli adiolani. 
TbUB HauAschein bocame (HcnlanipaUiua ; Schneider — i-'. Komfichnpider — 
waa traiuformpd into Agrioota. Johannes Krachcmbrrgcr wrote lo Reuchlin 
to furnish him Kith a Grr«k ciiiivalent lor hii not very t'upboniouB name. Vpn 
Ralunrr, Grathifhtf der Padatfogik, i. 120. 

■ Letli-r la Mtlancthon, De Wpttc. il. 238. Sep also ii. 303. 

• A roneiiw, instructive Article on " Eck " in Ilauck, Hralencyklopaiiie . v. 138 
■eq., descrtbpH tliU combatant and the otin^r parlicipanlji in the LcipBJe Debute- 

* For au intcrt^ting di.-?crip1ion of Luther, as ite appeart'il in Oiin Di.'^puUilion, 
tro.n the pm ot Polrue Mowllanua, see Waddington, i. 130, 8ee nlsu llaiikc, 
Drufdt. CwA., L 281. It lHt«d from June 27, to July 10, 1519. 






Loure for it.' At home and mth his friends he was full of humor, 
rwaa enthusiastically fond of music, and played with skill on the 
lute and the Bute; in his natural constitution the very opposit^| 
of an ascetic." His powerful mind — for he was, probably, 
the ablest man of his time — was connected with a childlike 
freshness of feeling, and a large, generous sympathy with 
human nature in all its innocent manifestations. 

Standing before Duke George, who proved to be a decided 
enemy of the Reformation, and before the auditory who sat 
with him, Luther discussed with his opjionent the primacy of 

^the Pope. In the course of the colloquy he declared that the 
headship of the Pope is not indisijensable ; that the Oriental 
Chiu-ch is a true Church, without the Pope; that the primacy 
is of human and not of divine appointment. Startling as these 
propositions were, they were less so than was his avowal, in re^ 
spouse to an inquiry, that among the articles for which John 

i/Huss had been condemned at the Council of Constance, there 
were some that were thoroughly Cliristian and evangelical. XM 
feeling of amazement ran through the assembly, and an audible ' 
expression of surprise and anger broke from the lips of the 
Duke." m 

The Disputation at Leipsic, by stimulating Luther to further" 
studies into the origin of the Papacy and into the character of 
Huss and of his opinions, brought his mind to a more decided 
renunciation of human authority, and to a growing suspicion 
that the papal rule was a usurpation in the Church and a hateful 
tyranny.* Up to this time his attempt had been to influence 

J, the ecclesiastical rulers; now he turned to the people. His 
"Address to the Christian Nobles of the German Nation" was 
a ringing appeal to the German laity to take the work of refor- 
mation into their own hands, to protect the German people 
against the avarice and tyrannical intermeddling of the Roman 

1 "While Satan nith lije membpn ia raging, I will laugh at him and will . 
tend to my gardenfl, that ia, tho hlesaings oF the Creator, and enjoy them praiai 
him." Letter to Wenc. Link. (Der. Ifi25), De Wotle, iii. 58. See'. bIbo, iii. 172." 

* But he wna abxtemioua in food and drink: "valde modici cibi et potus,* 
aaya MelBncthon. Often tor many conjecutive dsya lie would take only a lilt' 
bread and fiah, VUa Luilieri, v. 

* Ranke. i. 279 »eq. 

* Before the Diiiputation at Lejpsio, he wrote to Spalatin (March 13. 15l9)i 
"Verso et decreta Pontificium, pro mea diapiitatione, et (in aurem tibl loquor) 
neacio an Papa lit Antiehriatua ipso vel apoeloluB ejus: adao miaero corrumpitui 
Dt crucifigitur Chriatiu (id est veiit«B) ab eo in decretis.V De Wette, i. 338. 



^^^^^^ to deprive the Pope of liia rule in secular afTairs, 
IHBI^W compulsory celibacy, to reform the convents and 
restrain the mendicant orders, to come to a reconciliation with 
Uie Bohemians, Iy^ fngtpr ptlin-atinn The spiritual Power en- 
throned at Rome was able by its pretensions to shield itself 
against reforms. It claimed to be the sole authoritative source 
of reforms. If Scripture was cited in behalf of them, it was 
answered tliat the Pope alone is competent to say what Scripture 
meant. In this harangue Luther strikes a blow at the dis- 
tinction between laymen and priest, on which the hierarchical 
sjrstem rested, "We have one baptism and one faith," he says, 
"and it is that which constitutes a spiritual person." He com- 
pares the Cliurch to ten sons of a king, who, having equal 
rights, choose one of their number to be the " minister of their 
common power." "A company of pious laymen in a desert, 
having no ordained priest among them, would have the right to 
confer that office on one of themselves, whether he were married 
or not ; and " the man so cliosen would be as truly a priest as if 
bU the bishops in the world had consecrated him." The priestly 
character of a layman and the importance of education are the 
leading topics in this stirring appeal. His treatise on the Baby- 
lonian Captivity of the Church followed, in which he handled/ 
the subject of the sacraments. Tlie number of these he limits 
to three, Baptism, the Lord's Supper, and Repentance, and 
holds that the last is not properly a sacrament, but a return to 
Baptism. Absolution is not a function confined to the priest.;, 
TVansuhstantiation is an idea which no one is bound to accept, c 
Tie Eucharist is not a sacrifice. He condemns the denial of ; 
the cup to the laity. In one passage he declares that the bishop 
of Rome has become a tyrant; he, therefore, has no fear of his 
(iecrees. Neither he nor a general council has a right to set up 
new articles of faith. He attacks the statutes that violated 
Christian liberty, such as those which prescribed pilgrimages, 
hatings, and monasticism. He had discovered the close con- 
OMtion between the doctrinal and practical abuses of the church,' 
e regards with favor the marriage of the clergy, and divorce 
in some cases lawful. At this time (1520) he sent to Leo X. 
a letter containing expresaiona of personal respect, but com- 
paring bim to a Iamb in the midst of wolves and to Daniel among 

' Wmddiivtoii, i. 267. 



tlin lions, and invoking bim to set about a work of reformation 
in his corrupt court and in the Church,' With it he sent his 
Discourse De Libirtale Christiana. 

In this sermon on "The Freedom of a Christian Man," 
Luther set forth in a noble and elevated strain the inwardness 
of true religion, the marriage of the soul to Christ through faith 
in the Word, and the vital connection of faith and works. Faith 
precedes since by faith we are justified; but good works are 
necessarily the fruit of faith. In this treatise he rises above 
the atmosphere of controversy, and unfolds his idea of Chris- 
tianity in the genial tone of devout feeling. 

Hia course during the period between the posting of the 
these.s ant! the final breach with Rome can be judged correctly 
only when it is remembered that his mind was in a transition 
state. He was working his way by degrees to Uie light. This 
explains the seeming inconsistencies in his expressions relative 
to the Pope and the Church, which occasionally appear in bis 
letters and publications during this interval. "I am one of 
those," he said, "among whom Augustine has classed himself 
— of those who have gradually advanced by writing and teach- 
ing; not of those who at a single bound spring to perfection 
out of nothing." ' 

The Bull which condemned forty-one propositions of LutJier, 
and excommunicated him if he should not recant within sixty 
days, after which every Christian magistrate was lo be required 
to arrest him and deliver him at Rome, was i,ssued on the 16th 
of June, 1520. It had been prepared by Cajetan, Prierias, and 
by ICek, whose numerous attacks on Luther in speech and in 
writings received the reward of carrying to Germany this Papal 
fulmination, in which one item in the condemned propositiona 
ascribed to Luther was the 33d : " that to burn heretics is against 
the will of the Holy Spirit." The papal condemnation of errors 
was made binding on all persons and States. Was it not, then, 
ex cathedra f Luther, in review of it, cited with telling emphasis 
the condemnation of Christ of the treatment of heretics sane- 





1 Luther seemA to have entertained, up to this t!m&, a personnJ regard and , 
respect for Loo, hut the mtcmuTigUng of peraoaal rompliraeala with denuncia- 
tions of iiifl court umt of the Roman CImrch (which la alvled "a licentious Jen 
of robbors ") was ill a"lapl*HJ to roncilialc the Pope's favor. 

' PrtpJ. Op^rutn : "IJvii de nihiTo r^'prutc Hual Bummij Ctun liihU oiiit, iiMtM 
oppTTLli, neqiie teotati, nequc ei^perti," 



lioBtd in it. Luther put forth a pamphlet in response to this 
au^Me Bull of Antichrist, as lie caUed it. On the 10th oi-^'' 
^^BEber, in the public place at Wittenberg, — whither all 
ftieods of Evangelical truth had been invited on the bulletin I 
board ot llie University, — in the presence of an assembly of 
doctors of the University, students and people, he threw it, 
Ipgether with the boolt of Canon Law, anil a few other equally 
Obnoxious WTitings, into the flames. By this act he completed 
his rupture with the Papal See, There was no longer room , 
for retreat. He had burned his ships behind him.' 
■ This decisive step drew the attention of the whole German ' 
■ktion to Luther's cause, and tended to concentrate all the 
Bkriuus elements of opposition to the Papacy.' Luther found 
political support in the friendly disposition of the Elector, and , 
from the jurists with whom the conflict of the spiritual with ' 
the civil courts was a standing grievance. The Papal Bull was ' 
^xlenavely regartled as a new infringement of the rights of the J 
^n^'U power. The religious opposition to the Papacy, which had (^ 
neen quickened by Luther's theological wTitings, and which 
found an inspiring ground of union in his appeal to the Divine 
Word and his arraignment of the Pope as an opposer of it, 
Mtg3f»cil the sjTTipatby of a large portion of the inferior clergy 
and of the monastic orders. Luther also found zealous allies 
ID ihe literary class. T^e^ Huinanists were either quiet, labo- 
j scholars, who applied tiieir researches in philosophy and the iUusU'ation of the Scriptm-ea and the 
of Scriptural truth against human traditions, of whom 
"ion was !i tyi'w; qr they wore jirtets, filled .witli a national 
, eager to avenge theT tRlignitieH sufTcred by Germany under 
lian an d Papal ru leTMid ready not uuly to vindicate their 
JtTi invectives and satires, but ;il^" willi tlu'ir .swords. 
weje the combatants for Rcuchlin ;ig;Liiisl the Dominican 
prrsccmion; the authors of the "Epistola; Obscurorum Vi- 
ronitn." Luther, with his deeply religious feeling, had not 
kcd the tone of these productions. Ulrieh von Hutten, one 
tJie writers, the most prominent representative of the youth- 
Hterati, to whom we have just referred, had not been inter- 
at first in the affau- of Luther, which he regarded as a 
tDonkish and theological dispute. But he found help for his 

■ 8miM^ VIridk mn UtiOm, p. 307. ' See R&nke, v. 307 te<\. 



own aims in its wide-reaching scope and became one of the Re- 
former's ardent supporters. He seconded Luther's religious 
appeals by scattering broadcast his own caustic philippics and 
satires, in which the Pope and his agents and abettors in Ger- 
niaoy were lashed with unbriiiled severity. Abandoning the 
Latin, the proper tongue of the Humanists, he began to write 
in the vernacular. Hutten enlisted his friend Francis von Sick- 
ingen, another patriotic knight, and the most noted of the class 
who ofifered themselves to redress wrongs by exploits and incur- 
sions undertaken by their own authority, often to the terror of 
those who were thus assailed. Sickingen sent to Luther an 
invitation, in case he needed a place of refuge, to come to his 
strong castle at Ebernburg." 

We must pause here to look for a moment at the political 
condition of Germany. In the fifteenth century the central 
government had become so weakened, that the Empire existed 
more in name than in reality. Germany waa an aggregate of 
nuraerou.s small states, each of which was, to a great extent, 
independent within its own bounds. The German king having 
held the imperial office for so many centuries, the two stations 
were practically regarded as inseparable; but neither as king 
of Germany nor as the head of the Holy Roman Empire, had he 
sufficient power to preser\-e order among the states or to com- 
bine them in common enterprises of defense or of aggression. 
By the golden bull of Charles IV,, in 1356, the electoral con- 
stitution was defined and settled, by which the predominance 
of power was left in the hands of the seven leading princes to 
whom the choice of the Emperor was committed. No measures 
affectmg the common welfare could be adopted except by the 
con,?ent of the Diet, a body composed of the electors, the princa, 
fl,iid the cities. Private wars were of frequent occurrence be- 
tween the component parts of the country. They might enter 
separately into foreign alUances. During the reign of Maxi- 
miUan great efforts were made to establish a better constitution, 
but they mostly fell to the ground in consequence of the mutual 
unwillingness of the states and the Emperor that either party 
should exercise power. The Pubhc Peace and the Imperial 
Chamber were constituted, the former for the prevention of 



■ See the very Jaterestiiig biography by D. F. StnuH, Vlrich von HiMm 
(2ded., 1871). 



intrstine war, and the latter a supreme judicial tribuaal; but 
neither of these measures was more than partially successful. 
Tlie f^lurc to create a better organization for the Empire in- 
creased the ferment, for which there were abundant causes 
prior to these abortive attempts. The efforts of tlie princes to i^ 
increase their power within their several principalities brought 
on quarrels with bishops and knightSj whose traditional privi- 
logps were curtailed. Especially among the knights a mutinous Y^ 
fifling was everywhere rife, which often broke forth in deeds 
of xiolence and even in open warfare. The cities complained 
of the oppresfdon which they had to endure from the imperial 
goyemment and of the wTongs inflicted upon them by the princes 
and by the knights. Thriving communities of tradesmen and 
artisans invited hostility from everj' quarter. The heavy bur- 
dens of taxation, the insecurity of travel and of commerce, were 
for them an intolerable grievance. At the same time, all over 
Germany, the rustic population, on account of the hardship of 
their situation, were in a state of disaffection which might at 
any moment burst forth in a formidable rebellion. In addition 
to all these troubles and grievances, the extortions of Rome 
had stirred up a general feeUng of indignation.' Vast sums of 
money, the fruit of taxation or the price of the virtual sale of 
Church offices, were carried out of the country to replenish the 
coffers of the Pope. 

On the death of Ma^dmilian (January 12, 151EI), the prin- 
cipal aspirants for the succession, were Charles, the youthful 
King of Spain, and Francis I,, the King of France. Charles, 
who was the grandson of Maximilian, and the son of Philip and 
of Joanna, the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, inherited 
Austria and the Low Countries, the crowns of Castile and Aragon, 
of Navarre, of Naples and Sicily, together with the vast terri- 
tories of Spain in the New World. The Electors offered the 
imperial office to Frederic of Saxony, a prince held in universal 
esteem for his wisdom and high character ; but he judged that 
the resources at liis command were not sufficient to enable him 
to govern the empire with efficiency, and he cast his influence 
^with decisive effect in favor of Charles, The despotism of the 
ench King was feared, and Charles was preferred, partly 
because, from the situation of his hereditary dominions in Ger- 

> Ranke, L 132 Beq. 



many and from the extent of Iiis power, it was thought that he 
would prove the best defender of the Empire against the Turki-, 
But the princes took care, in the "capitulation" which accom- 
panied the election of Charles, to interpose safeguards against 
encroachments on the part of the new Emperor. He promised 
not to make war or peace, or to put any state under the ban of 
the Empire without the assent of the Diet; that he would 
give the pubhc offices into the hands of the Germans, fix hia 
residence in Germany, and not bring foreign troops into the 

The concentration of so much power in a single individual 
excited general alarm. Such an approach to a universal mon- 
archy had not been seen in Europe since the days of Charle- 
magne. The independence of all other kingdoms would seem 
to be put in peril. It was reasonably feared that Charles would 
avail himself of his vast strength to restore the Empire to its 
ancient limits, and to revive its claim to supremacy. This 
apprehension, of itself, would account for the hostility of Francis, 
apart from his personal disappointment at the result of the 
imperial election. But there were particular causes of disagree- 
ment between the rival monarchs which could not fail to pro- 
duce an open rupture. In behalf of the Empire, Charles claimed ■ 
Lombardy and especially Milan, together with a portion off 
Southern France — the old kingdom of Burgundy or Aries. 
As the heir of the dukes of Burgundy, he claimed the parts of 
the old dukedom which had been incorporated in France, after 
tlie licath of Charles the Bold. It had been the ambition of 
France, since the expedition of Charles VIII., to establish its 
power in Italy. Francis, besides his determination to cling to 
tlie conquests which he Iiad already made, claimed Naples in 
virtue of the riglits of the house of Anjou, which had reverted 
to the French crown; he claimed also Spanish Navarre, which 
had been seized by Ferdinand, and the suzerainty of Flanders 
and jVrtois, The scene, as well as the main prize of the confiict, 
was to be in Northern Italy, The prepionderance of strength 
was not so decidedly on the side of Charles as might at first 
appear. The Turks perpetually menaced the eastern frontiers 
of his hereiiitary German dominions, which were given over tofl 
Ferdinand, his brother. His territories were widely separated 
from one another, not only in space, but also in language, local 



institutions, and customs. Several of the countries over which 
he reigned were in a stat^ of internal confusion. This was true 
of Spain, as well as of Germany. 

For months after the death of Maximilian, the Empire was 
without a head. Frederic of Saxony, who was disposed to pro- 
tect rather than repress the movement of Luther, was regent 
in Northern Germany. Had he been in middle life and been 
endued with an energy equal to his sagacity and excellence, he 
might have complied with the preference of the Electors and 
have placed himself at the head of the German nation, which 
was now conscious of the feeling of nationality, and fuU of aspi- 
rations after unity and reform.' 

Charles V. was not the man to assume such a position. He 
developed a tenacity of purpose, a restless activity, and a far- 
nghted calculation, which were far in advance of the expec- 
tations entertained respecting him in hia early youth. But his 
whole history shows that he had no adequate appreciation of 
the moral force of Protestantism, His personal sympathies 
were with the old system in which he had been educated, and 
this was more and more the ease in the latter part of his career. 
But apart from liis own opinions and predilections, his po,sition 
as ruler of Spain, where the most bigoted type of Catholicism 
prevailed, would have the effect to prevent him from severing 
his connection with the Roman Church, Moreover, the whole 
idea of the Empire, as it lay in his mind and as it was involved 
in ail his ambitious schemes, presupposed the unity of the 
Church and union with the Papacy. The sacred character, 
llie peculiar supremacy of the Empire, rested upon the con- 
ception that it wa.1 more than the kingdom of Germany, more 
than a German empire, that it was the ally and protector of 
the entire Catholic Church. Germany was regarded l)y 
Charles V. as only one of the countries over which he niled. 
The peculiar interests of Germany were subordinate, in his 
thoughts, to the more comprehensive schemes of political 
aggrandizement to which his life was devoted. He acted in 
the affair of the Refommtion from political motives. These, 
at leasts were uppermost, and accordingly his conduct varied 
to conform to the interest of the hour. He might deplore the 
rise and progress of Lutheranism, but he desired still less the 

' Bryce, Hoty Raman Empirt, p. 315. 




Moreover, in 
I, and for the reaHzation of [he 
cooffict witli the head of 
cf pope aod anperor might be 
Idie to oeeor in & period when 
lor tfaer own temporal pover, 
RhtiTO in Italy. A conh 
to the new doctriDe might 
^ia ambinadoD be effecteil? 
nsted between the principal 
Pope, and the King of France, 
the Cubolic princes in Ger- 
■, of the increasiDg power of 
to the coaflicting interests 
mi^t find its profit, Ger- 
flf dke MeAannean were inoessaullj 
by the T\afca. It nn^t be impracticable to per- 
the tfia ci pfc s ot the sew doctrine, and at the same time 
the oommoD enemy of Christendom. 

When Ckaries T. ftst anired in Gennany (in 1520, when i 
he was QiowDed at Aix la Cbapelle), he had reasons for cooperat-fl 
ing with the Pop^ and when this was the case his on-n prefer- ' 
enees seeiaided the motive of pofirr. Yet Luther and the 
Lutheran cause bad attracted a re%ious and national sympathy ■ 

l^hat was too strong to permit him to be condeomed by the 
Bnperor without a bearing. A less summar}' course must be 
taken than that which the papal party ui^ed upon him.* Hence 
llje summons which Luth^ received to appear and answer for 

^himself at his first German Diet, the Diet of Worms (1521), 
In this summons Luther recognized a call of God to give testi-B 
mony to the truth. He had letters of safe-conduct from the 
Emperor and the princes through whose territories his route 
lay, as he made his journey in the farmer's wagon, furnished J 
by the city of Wittenberg. When he went to Augsburg to meet 
(lajetan, he had worn a borrowed coat. He was now an object 
of universal interest and attention. At Erfurt, the University 
Went out in a procession to meet him, some on horseback, with 

' or the two nuncioa who were sent to the imperial court, Car&ccioU uiil 
Alpnndiir, llio Utter was moat diatinguished. Ho figured in the Diet ot Worm*. 
01 lilin l.iillipr hu given a sarcBatic descriptioii, which 'm quoted by Seokeodorl, 
lll>. I., MWt. U. i Bt. 




a great throng on foot, and welcomed him with a speech from 
the rector, who met at the head of a mounted escort at a place 
forty miles distant. He persevered in his jomTiey, notwth- 
standing illness by the way and many voices of discouragement 
— mingled, to be sure, with others more cheering — which met 
him at every step.' When he reached the last station he was 
advised by a councilor of Frederick not to go on ; the fate of 
Huss, it was said, might befall him. To which he replied : " Huss 
has been burned, but not the truth with him. I will go in, 
though as many devils were aiming at me as there are tiles on 
the roof."* He rode into the town at midday, through streets 
crowded with people who had gathered to see him. In the lodg- 
ings provided for him by the Elector he spent the tune partly in 
prayer; at intervals playing on his lute; administering, also, the 
communion to a Saxon nobleman in the house, who was danger- 
ously ill. On the following day, at four o'clock in the afternoon, 
having first solemnly commended himself to God in prayer,he was 
escorted by the imperial master of the horse, Uhich of Pappen- 
heini, to the hall of audience. He was conducted by a private 
and circuitous way in order to avoid the press of the multitude; 
yet the windows and roofs that overlooked the route which he 
took were thronged with spectators. As he entered the august 
assembly he beheld the youthful Emperor on his throne, with 
his brother, the Archduke Ferdinand, at his side, and a brilliant 
retinue of princes and nobles, lay and ecclesiftstical, among whom 
were his own sovereign, Frederick the Wise, and the Landgrave, 
Phihp of Hesse, who was then but seventeen years of age, 
together with the deputies of the imperial cities, foreign am- 
bassadors, and a numerous array of dignitaries of every rank. 
Meander, one of the Papal Nuncios, had arrangetl the order of 
proceedings. A jurist representmg the Emperor had the same 
name, as it happened, as the old antagonist of Luther, Eck. It 
was estimated that not less than five thousand persons were 
collected in and around the hall. For a moment Luther seemed 

> Some intereating dt-tails nre glvcD by Myconiua, Hitt. Jtffortnat., p. 38 (in 
Cyprian'fl L'rkuridtn). 

' Conceraing (lie precute torm of tlip expression, »ee Rutike. i. 334, sad his 
reference to De Wette. ii. 131). But Spalaliii givis Ihe expresaian in the more 
luiinl form ill which it is quoted: "Daaa et mir Spahlioo bub Oppcnheim giu 
W'lmube, achriebc: 'Er nollt^ gin Wurmba, vFiinglpich bo \-i(rl TeuFel darnnnen 
■ATPii, kl* immoT Zcigel dn warcn.' " Jahrb. Pond. Re). Luth. (1621), p. 39 {in 
Cypriui'a Vrkundm), Hp arrived at Worms, April 10, IWl. 


to be somewbat dazed by the imposing aspect of the assembly. 
He spoke in a low voice, and many thought that he was afraid. 
" It was planned that two questions should be propounded for 
Luther to return categorical answers." Some of his books hsd 
been placed near the Emperor. The first question was, DiJ 

A^e write them and others published under his name ? His lei 
adviser was the Wittenberg Professor of Jurisprudence, Dr. 
Jerome Schur Schurff, who called for the reading of tlie titH 
When this was done, Luther gave an affirmative answer. 

^ reply to the second question whether he retracted what he had 
written in hb books, the titles of which had been read, he askoii 
for time to frame an answer suitable to so grave a question,' 
This was not with any thought of retracting. Time was ^ven 
Iiim, and on the following evening, at an hour so late that laji][is 
were lighted, he was once more ushered into the assembly. 11 
exhibited no sign of embarrassment, but in a calm, detemuDed 
manner, in strong and manly tones of voice, he said that he 


could not retract those deemetl correct by his opponents. nor,H 
without conniving at wickedness, what he had written against ^ 
the manifest, the evident tyranny and corruptions of the 
Papacy. Admitting that he had sometimes written against in- 
dividuals with undue acrimony, yet he could not revoke what ha 
hati said without warranting his adversaries in sajTug that 
had retracted his antagonism. He then declined to revoke 
opinions or condemn his writings, until they should be disprove 
by some other authority than pope or council, even by cle 
testimonies of Scripture or conclusive arguments from reason. 
A council could err, he said ; and he declared himself ready to^ 
prove it. When a final, definite answer to the question whetbe^| 
he would recant, was demanded, he replied that his conscience 
would not permit him: "Here I stand; I cannot do otlierwise., 
God help me. Amen." There were many besides the Saxo 
Elector, whose German hearts were thrilled by the noble de 

' That Luther naked for delay htt« been min!i> n ground of reproarh hy 
verearipo. B<* llie answer to MaimbourK. in Seckcndorf, lib. i. seel. A(i, % 
It has oocaaioned perplexity lo PrDttstunt writent. Swj Wntldinelon, i, SIg. 
But the e?(plaTxatLon ia Uiat he had, in all probability, not expeolud a pcmni^ 
tory deinaticl of this nnlurc, and nished for lime to frame an aiiswrr — psi"?- 
cially in view of the fact [hat his writings ciontained, among other things, nuuiy 
personalities. Thi: requist for postponement, was doubtlea.4 in afconhYnci- witlt 
the adviop of .lerome Sfhurff, his legal nGsistauI, On this topic see Giesilw, IT, 
i, 1. g I, n. 7B. Rnnltc obHeneii : " Auch er nnhm die Fonnliehkcitcn dps Reichi 
fiir sieh in AoBprueh." DetUxh. Gtch., i. 334. 



Rmor of Luther on that momentous day.' Tokens of ailmi- 
itioD and sympathy were not wanting. Had violejice been 
lUempted, there were too many young knights, armed to the 
btelh and resolved to protect hira, to give such an attempt 
U BUBurance of success. One who was present testifies that 
Luther retumeii to his lodgings, full of courage and cheerful- 
nees, and declared that had he a thousand heads, he would have 
all struck off before he would make a retraction.' The 
ctor Frederick expressed his delight that "Father Martin" 
dke ao excellently both in Latin and German before Uie 
iperor and the Estates. The Elector, however, would have 
ferred to have had Luther speak more modestly in relation to 
cils. Some advised Charles to disregard his safe-conduct, 
be remembered the blush of Sigismund, when Huss looked 
in the face at Constance, and refused, Even Duke George 
Saxony cried out against an act so-^lerogatory to German 
It is worthy of note that the Emperor, in his last days, 
. the Convent of Yuste, when superstition had more sway over 
regretted his own fidelity to duty and honor at the time 
lien he had Luther in his power.' At the request of the Ger- 
man princes, a commission made an unsuccessful effort to lead 
icr to modify his position as to General Councils. When 
jpart of the assembly had gone home, and after Luther had 
ft, the decree was proclaimed that placed Luther under the 
of tJie Empire. Tiiis edict, in its spirit and language, as 
in its provisions, was harsh and, in the highest degree, 
to Luther. Imnietliately after the conference of 
oommission, the Emperor had complied with his request 
pennis^on to leave, and, to the credit of Charles in all the 
sent him a safe-comUict. Bearing the same date as 
wntence of outlawry against him was a treaty between 
X. and Charles for the reconquest of Milan by the latter-* 
Pope was also lo abstain from complying with the wish 
the Spanish Estates that he would soften the rigors of the 
ition in Spain, a necessary instrument of Charles's 

' lUapMliiig the impi^Koiis made by Luther od VHrioiis pnsons, see Rankc, 
at (tq. ' S|>alaliii, p. 42. 

• RobntKHi, HuHary oj CharUa V.. PreMOtt'a Appciidii (iii. 4S2). 

* RMtaL Bitlary of Ou Popet. I SO. . 
■ RMk*, DnuOm QncHkhu, i. aas. 


Leo X. had opposed the election of Charles, and I 
great exertkns to secure the elevation of Francis to tht 
stetion. The Pope was resolved to pre>'eDt, if he could, the j 
eovenignty of Naples and the imperial office from being in (he 
same hands. He dreaded the consequences to his own states 
and the effect upon Italy generally that would result from such 
an accumulation of power. But after Charles had been cboseo, 
both the Emperor and Leo saw the advantages that kouIiI 
attend upon their union, and the damage that each could inflict 
upon the other in case they persevered in their hostility. .Ac- 
cordingly they concluded an alliance, a main provision of which 
was that the parties were to divide between them the places to 
be conquered by the Emperor in Lombardy. ■ 

Hius Luther was placed imder the ban of the Empire and of I 
the Church. The two great institutions, the two potentates, 
in whom it had been imagined that all authority on earth is 
embodied, pronounced against him. The movement that hatl 
enlisted in its support to so great an extent the literary and 
political, as well as the distinctively religious, elements of 
oppc^ition to Rome, was condemned by Church and State. It 
remained to be seen whether the decree of the Diet could be 
carried into execution. This was more difficult, even when 
it was withstood by a single German State, than it was to pass I 
it. The genius of Luther himself, his power as an author, 
even of polemical pamphlets, were formidable obstacles. The 
influence of popular literature was a cooperative power. Of 
these, Ulrich von Hutten, despite his unstable principles, was 
one of the most effective of the assailants of the papal repressive 
policy and of the Worms edict in particular. I 

Now we find Luther in the Wartburg, the place of refuge 
chosen for him by the firm but discreet Elector. The Emperor's 
I safe-conduct was good for only three weeks. The Elector-. 
I arranged for his safety by a plan of his own. On the way he 
I was interrupted by a com|.>any of mounted soldiers. Luther 
I knew that he was to be hidden for a while, but knew not where. ■ 
I ^In the old Castle of Wartburg in the Thuringian Forest he 
I remained for eleven months.' It was a very fine remark of 
I Melancthou respecting the Elector to whose honest piety and 
I discerning spirit the Reformation owes so much : " He was not 

^L ' Hit life Uiore ia well sketched by SchufT, Church IlUtory, vi. p. 330 aeq. 



Uioee who would stifle changes in their very birth. He 
subject to the will of God. He read the writings that 
put forth, and would not permit any power to cnisli 
lAaX he thou^t true." Luther studied the Scriptures in the 
Bebrew ami Greek. On the Wartburg, he spealis often of his 
sonal confiicts with the devil, with him the source and im- 
■sonation of evil, whom he held responsible for his physical 
mental troubles. With him he conceived himself to be 
uently wrestling. He was not without recreation. He 
excursions, admiring the beautiful scenery and rejoicing 
the music of the birds. Here, though enduring much 
ysical pain consequent upon neglect of exercise,' Luther is 
Kssantty at work, sending forth controversial pamphlets, 
iting letters of counsel and encouragement to his friends, 
d laboring on his translation of the New Testament, the first 
rtioQ of that version of the entire Scriptures, which is one 
his most valuable gift^ to the German people.' Idiomatic, 
bU in every part, clothed in the racy language of common life, 
create, apart from its religious influence, an epoch in the 
frary development of the German nation,' l^Tiat has been 
id in moflem days in depreciation of Luther's translation of 
Bible mto the vernacular is in the main without any just 
ound. It is true that there had been translations of the Bible 
ito German before. Taken all together, they may be fourteen 
ntimber. But one fact of capital importance is that these 
re renderings of the Latin Vulgate, inclusive of its errors, 
lie the basis of Luther's Bible was the original Scriptures/. 
ireover, Luther endeavored to interweave in his version the 
mble results of Greek and Hebrew scholarship. Another 
IS that the circulation of previous German translations was 
I, especially among laymen, compared with the immense 
as early circulation of Luther's Bible — deservedly styled 
ac of the German people. 

< Re wIvNto lo hi» phycical diMirdera. Dp WelXe. ii. pp. 3. 17. 29, 33. 60, 50. 
'On tlii> previoiin Iranslalioiui of the Biblp ioto High nnd Low Gcrmaii, sncj 
tbair mull drrulalion. rEpprially among Ihti laity, twc Uaurk's Rtoltncye., 
"I (B) (<ee. »l*i. Schoff'* CUvrrh Hitlu'ii. -n. p. 351 seq. Thi> "Cum- 
I Modnn HUlory." vol. ii . Thr Rrfarmalion. p, 164 seq. -, vol. ii., T}it RenaU- 

- P- sw ■^ 

• Ob Um loraleiil»hle advantage o( Lulter'ii Bible as furnishing ■ "' people ■ 

; " a ■- rundwsental work for the instruction of the people " — tUtte mo 

I twDMlra t>y Bigel. f»a. der GtmehieMUi Werke, is. 503, 504. 



Troubles at Wittenberg called him forth from his retreat, 
An iconoclastic movement had broken out under the lead of 
Carlstadl, for the purpose of sweeping away in an abrupt and 
violent manner rites that were deemed incongruous with the 
new doctrine. This theologian, not without talents and learning, 
in his career at times supported Luther, and at intervals envied 
and opposed him. There was a certain consistency in Iiis radical 
movement, and many of the changes that were attempted Luther 
and his followers themselves effected afterwards. But there was 
an unhealthy spirit of enthusiasm and violence, of which Lutlier 
saw the danger ; and the innovators were associating with them- 
selves pretended prophets from Zwickau, who clauned a miracu- 
lous inspiration and were the apostles of a social revolution. 
Luther comprehended at a glance the full import of the crisis. 
Should his movement issue in a sober and salutary reform, or 
run out in a wild, fanatical sect? It is a mark of the sound con- 
servatism of Luther, or rather of his profound Christian wisdom, 
that he desired no changes that did not result spontaneously ' 
from an insight into the true principles of the Gospel. Better, H 
he thought, to let obnoxious rites and ceremonies remain, unless 
they fall away from their perceived inconsistency with the 
Gospel, as the natural result of incoming light and the education ■ 
of conscience. "If we," he said, "are to be iconoclasts because 
the Jews were, then like them we must kill all the unbelievers." ' 
He was unwilling to have the attention of men drawn away 
from the central questions by an excitement about points ci 
subordinate moment; and he counted no changes to be of any 
value, however reasonable in themselves, which were brought 
to pass by the dictation of leaders or by any form of external 
pressure. Seeing the full extent of the danger, he resolved, 
whatever might befall himself, to return to his flock. LuthwJ 
never appears more grand than at this moment. To the pru- 
dent Elector who warned him against leaving his retreat, and 
told him that he could not protect him against the consequences, 
of the edict of Worms, he wrote in a lofty strain of courage and 
faith. He went forth, he said, under far higher protection tlian 
that of the Elector. This was a cause not to be aided or directed: 
by the sword. He who has most faith will be of most use. 
"Since I now perceive," he wrote, "that your Electoral Grace 

' De Wrttc, i\. MS. 



IS still very weak in faitb, I can by no means regard yoitf-EIec- 
toral Highness as the man who is able to shield or save irfe.." ' 
' If he had as pressing business at Leipsic, he said, as he ha'd;iit 

Pitt€nberg, he would ride in there if it rained Duke Georges', 
ae days!' Arriving at Wittenberg, he entered the pulpit on 
e following Sunday, and by his persuasive eloquence in a ■' 
eeries of eight discourses put an end to the formidable disturb- •'.•v^ 
ance (1522). "i 

Restored to Wittenberg, Luther continued hie herculean H 
labors as a preacher, teacher, and author. Commentaries, i 

tracts, letters upon all the various themes on which he was daily ■ 

consulted or on which he felt impelled to speak, continually fl 
flowed from his pen. In a single year he put forth not leas than 
one hundred and eighty-three publications.' 

Meantime the Council of Regency, who managed the govem-i''^ — 
ment in the absence of the Emperor, steadily declined to adopt 
measures for the extirpation of the Lutherans. The ground 
was taken that the religious movement was too much a matter 
of conscience; it had taken root in the minds of too great ai 
number to allow of its suppression by force. An attempt to 
Kdo so would breed disturbances of a dangerous character. The 
^drift of feeling through the nation was unmistakably in the 
direction of reform. Adrian VI., who was a man of strict morals, 
the successor of Leo X., found himself unable to remedy the 
abuses to which he attributed the Lutheran movement. The 
demand which he made by his legate at the Diet of Nuremberg, 
in 1522, that the decree against Luther should be enforced, was 
met by the presentation of a list of a hundred grievances of 
which the Diet had to complain to the Roman See. His suc- 
cessor, Clement VIL, in whom the old spirit of worldliness, after 
the brief interval of Adrian's reign, was reinstated in the papal 
chair, fared little better at the Diet of Nuremberg, in 1524, when, 
through his legate Campeggio, he demanded the unconditional 
suppression of the Lutheran heresy. The Pope and the Em- 
peror could obtain no more than an indefinite engagement to 

^b > De Wett«, ii. 139. > Ibid., ii. 140. 

^V * He nyi: "Sum rerte velocis meatia et promtip memoriie c qu& mihi Quit, 
quum ptomBtur, quicquid iicribo." Letter to SpalatiD (Feb. 3, lfi20) ; De Welte, 
i. 40S. Nine ycsn later he writea: "Sic obriior quotidie litcris, ut menaa, bc&di 
na. •cnbella, pulpila. fenestm, arOK. Baicres, et omnia plena jaceaot litcria qutea- 
tionlbiu, quereiis. petitiunibiu, etc. la me ruJt lota moles ecclesiafilica et po- 

h^Hlica," elo. Letter to Wenc. Link. (.Iiine 20, 1529) ; De Wetle, iii. 472. ^^^_ 








obser.\"e. fKe Worms decree, " as far as possible." This action wj 
equivalent to remanding the subject to the several princes: 
ii^mnr their respective territories. It was coupled with a refcr-1 
.-enc'e of disputed matters to a general council, and with a resolu- 
lion to take up the hundred complaints at the next diet. 
• majority could not be obtained against the Lutherans and i 
favor of the coercive measures demanded by the Pope and by 
Charles. And the movement of reform was spreading in every 
part of Germany. 

Tliis aspect of affairs moved the papal party to the adoption 
of active measures to turn the scale on the other side — meas- 
ures which began the division of Germany. Up to this jwint; 
no divi-sion had occurred. The nation had moved as one body: 
it had refused to suppress tlie new opinions. Now strenuous 
efforts were put forth to combine the Catholics into a compact' 
party for mutual aid and defense. At Ratisbon an alliance ot 
this character was formed by the Catholic princes and bishops 
of South Germany, by the terms of which the Wittenberg heresy. 
was to be excluded from their dominions, and they were to help 
each other in their common dangers, At the Diet of Nurem-^ 
berg it had been determined to hold an assembly shortly aflerfl 
at Spires for the regulation of ecclesiastical affairs. Tlie princes 
were to procure beforehand from their councilors and scholars , 
a statement of the points in dispute. The grievances of ihofl 
nation were to be set forth, and remedies were to be sought for 
them. The nation was to deliberate and act on the great mat- 
ter of religious reform. The prospect was that the evangclicalfl 
party would be in the majority. The papal court saw the 
danger that was involved in an assembly gathered for such 
a purpose, and determined to prevent the meeting. At tbi^| 

t moment war wa-s breaking out between Charles and Francis." 
vCharles had no inclination to offend the Pope. He forbade the 
assembly at Spires and, by letters addressed to the princes indi- 
vidually, endeavored to di-ive them into the execution of theH 
edict of Worms. In consequence of these threatening mov&^ 
raents, the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse en- 
tered into the defensive league of Torgau, in which Ibey were 
joined by several Protestant communities. The battle of Pavia 
and the capture of Francis I. were events that appeared to be 
fraught with peril to the Protestant cause. In the Peace ol 

ice of— 


Madrid (January 14, 1526) both sovereigns avowed the deter- 
uiinatioD to suppress heresy. But the dangerous preponderance 
ubtained by the Emperor created an alarm throughout Europe; 
imd the release of Francis was followed by the organization of 
a confederacy against Charles, of which Clement was the lead- 
ing promoter. Tliis changed the imperial policy in reference to 
the Lutherans. The Diet of Hpires in 1526 unanimously rfr-i^ 
solved that, until the meeting of a general council, every state 
should act in regard to the edict of Worms as it might answer 
to God and bis imperial majesty. Once more Germany refused 
to stifle the Reformation, and adopted the principle that each 
of the component parts of the Empire shoiJd be left free to actix^ 
according to its own will. It was a measure of the highest im- 
portance to the cause of Protestantism. It is a gieat landmarki..^ 
itLthe history jiLthe. GeriaaU-RefornyLtiaiL The war of the 
Emperor and the Pope involved the necessity of tolerating the 

In 1527, an imperial army, composed largely of Lutheran 
infantry, captured and sacked the city of Rome. For several 
months the Pope was held a prisoner. For a number of years 
the position of Charles, with respect to France and the Pope, 
and the fear of Turkish invasion, had operated to embolden 
and greatly strengthen the cause of Luther. But now that the 
Emperor had gained a complete victory in Italy, the Catholic; 
party revived its pohcy of repression : and at the Diet of Spires,' 
in 1529, a majority was obtained for an edict virtually forbidding 
the progress of the Reformation in the states which had not 
accepted it, at the same time that hberty was given to the ad- 
herents of the old confession in the reformed states to celebrate 
their rites with freedom. It is impossible to describe here the 
methods by which a revei-sal of the national policy was thus 
procured. The decisive circumstance was that Charles V., in 
consequence of his sympathy with the spirit of Spanish Catholi- 
cism, in-stead of putting him-self at the head of the great religious 
and national movement in Germany, chase to maintain the 
ancient union of the Empire with the Papacy. The protest ^ 
against the proceeding of the Diet, which gave the name of 
Protestants to the reforming party, and the appeal to the Em- 
peror, to a general or a German council, and to all impartial 
Christian judges, was signed by John, the Elector of Saxony, 



the Margrave of Branrlenburg, the Duke of Bnmswick-Lune- 
burg, the Lamlgntvc of He^se, the Prince of Anhalt; to whom 
were united fourteen cities, :imong wbich were Nuremberg, 
Strosburg, and Constance. 

The party of reform did not consider itself bound by the 
action of the Diet, not only because its edict looked to compul- 
sion in a matter that should be left to the conscience, but also 
because it oveilhrew a policy which had been solenmly estab- 
lished ; a policy on the faith of which tlie princes and cities that 
were favorable to the evangelical cause had proceeded in shaping 
their religious polity and worship. Tlie efforts made, especially 
by the Landgrave of Hesse, to combine the supporters of the ■ 
Reformation in a defensive league, were chilled by the opposi- 
tion of Luther to measures that looked to a war with the 
Emperor, and still more prevented from being successful by his 
determined unwillingness to unite with the Swiss, on account 
of what he considered their heretical doctrine of the sacrament. 
Luther and his a-ssociates were imbued with a sense of the obli- 
gation of the subject to the powers that be and with the sacred- 
ness of the Krapire. The course for the Christian to take, io 
their judgment, was that of passive obedience. They Ukewise 
deemed it an unlawful thing to join with errorists — with men 
who rejected materia! parts of Christian truth. However open 
to criticism the position of the Saxon reformers was on both of 
these points, it should not be forgotten that their general motive 
was the sublime disregard of mere expediency, which had char- 
acterized, and, we may add, had ennobled their movement at 
every step. 

In this state of things, the Emperor, flushed with success, 
met the representatives of the Empire in 1.530, at the memorable 
Diet of Augsburg. The inconvenience and danger of keeping 
the Pope in captivity had caused Charles to wish for an accom- 
modation with him. The desire of Clement VH., a self-seeking 
politician, to have Florence restored to his family, in connection 
with other less influential considerations, inspired him with a 
like feeling; so that amity was reestablished. At the same time 
the Peace of Cambray terminated for a time the conflict with 
France. The Emperor was freed from the embarrassments 
which had hindered him from putting forth determined en- 
deavors to restore the unity of the Church. He had been 



crowned at Bologna, and was filled with a sense of his respon- 
sibility at the head of the Holy Roman Empire, the guardian 
of Christianity and of the Church. He was surrounded by the 
Spanisli nobility as well as by the princes and representatives 
of the Empire. Tlie design was to persuade, and, if this should 
prove impracticable, to overawe and coerce the Protestants 
into an abandonment of their cause. A faith and heroism less 
steadfast would have yielded to the tremendous pressure that 
was brought to bear upon them. It was not considered wise or 
safe for Luther to go to Augsburg. He was left behind in the 
castle of Coburg, within the limits of the Elector's dominion, 
but he held frequent conmiunication with the Saxon theologians 
who attended the Elector. The celebrated Confession, drawn' 
up by Melancthon, in a conciliatory spirit, but clearly defining 
the essential tenets of Protestantism — a creed which has oI>- 
tained more~cuifScy and respect than any other Protestant 
symbol — was read to the Assembly. The reply, composed by 
Eck and other Catholic theologians, by order of the Emperor, 
was also presented. Then followed efforts at compromise, in 
which Melancthon bore a prominent part, and showed a willing- 
ness to concede everything but tliat which was deemed most 
vital. TTiese efforts fell to the ground. Tlicy could invent no 
formulas on which they could agree, upon the merit of works, 
penance, and the invocation of saints. The elaborate and able 
Apology by Melancthon, in defense of the Confession, was not 
heard, but was published by the author. It acquired a place 
among the Lutheran creeds. The majority of the Diet enjoined 
the restoration of the old ecclesiastical institutions, allowing the 
Protestants time for reflection until the lOlh of November of 
the following year; after which, it was imphed, coercion would 
Im" adopted. Nothing in the history of the Reformation is more 
pathetic than the conduct of the Elector John at Augsburg, 
who, in the full prospect of the ruin of every earthly interest, 
and not without the deepest sensibility from his attachment 
to the Emperor and to the peace of the Empire, nevertheless 
resolved to stand by "the imperishable Word of God." The 
Reformers were willing to release him from all obligation to pro- 
tect them, to take whatever lot Providence might send upon 
them; but this true-hearted prince refused to compromise in the 
least his sacred convictions.' 

' J jhn the Coiutaut auccecded hia brother, FredencV. Hie Wise, \a IHKi. 


the acssoDS of the Diet 

and most attnketive sides of 

of jot and eamest, the grand 

and his broad , 

atrOdo^ He taEies time to write a 
to hit Knfe mm-* To his bieiids at Augsburg he 
writes tkat m the Sock of crows and rooks hmT}-iDg 
ifro^aadKmtmngiBa thicket bef(»« his window, he Sods 
Diet, vith its dukes sod lords, which quite resembles 
'They caie Dot for lar^ halls and pal- 
far their Ul is roofed hy the beautiful, wiUe^reading 
air, ito floor is amfie tmf, its taUes are pretty green branches, 
and its wbDs are as iride as the worid's end."' He will build 
there, in his sedasioo, three tabeinades, one for the prophets, 
one for the I^aher, and another for .£ei^; for not only will 
he expooad Ae S a iptui e s , he will translate £sop, too, for the 
instnictiait of his Gomans.' Why had Master Joachim twice 
vntten to him in Greek T He would reply in Turkish, so that 
Uasber Joachim might also read what be could not understand.* 
He aets a trap to decoy a fastidious musical critic into an approval 
of a piece which Luther had himself partly composed, but which 
he coDtri\'es to have paaaed off as a performance at Augsburg, 
to celebrate the entnooe of Charles and Ferdinand.* Suffering 
himsdf from prostration of strength and from a thundering in 
the bead, which forced him to lay down his books for days, he 
oijoins Melancthon to obsen'e the rules for the care of his "little 
body."* He exhorts the anxious Philip to the exercise of greater 
faith. If Moses had resolved to know just how he was to escape 
from the army of Pliaraoh, Israel would have been in Egy|)t 
to-day.* Let Philip cease to be rector mundi and let the Lord 
govern.' In bearing private griefs and affliction.'), Philip was 
the stronger, but the opposite is true, said Luther, of thoee which 
are of a public nature." If we fall, he says, Christ falls, and I 
prefer to fall with Christ than stand with Cfflaar." He rejoices 

■ Dp Wette, i». 41. 

■ Ibid,, iv i, 3, 13. The letter is dated from "the Diet oC Grun-Pecken, " 
Aijfil 2S, 1B30. Writing to Spalatin & tew da>-8 aflor in the same Btrain, he 
mtria; "Yet it in in Heriouanesg and by compulsion Ihat I jeat. that I may repel 
llin rcIlnctioDa which rush in upon me, if indeed t may repel thsm. " De Wett& 
Iv, 14. 

* Ibid., Iv. a. • Ibid. » lUd., p. 62. ■ Ibid., p. 62. 

• Ibid., iv. 16. • Ibid., p. 36. ■ Ibid., p. 65. '• Ibid., p. 63. 


to have lived to have the Confession read before the Empire.' 
Hi! bids Melancthon, if the cause is unjust, to abandon it; but 
if it be just, to cast away his fears. He is full of that subhme 
confidence which rang out in the most popular of hi3 hymns, 
"the Marseillaise of the Reformation" — 

"Ein [vslcr Biiig ShI uaflpr Gott" — 

Three hours in the day he spent in prayer,' He writes to the 
Elector's anxious Chancellor : " I have lately seen two wonders, 
^ first, as I looked out of the window, I saw the stars in the 
heavens and the entire beautiful vault which God has raised; 
yet the heavens fell not, and the vault still stands firm. Now 
some would be glad to find the pillars that sustain it, and grasp 
and feel them." "The other was: I saw great thick clouds 
hanging above us with such weight, that they might be com- 
pared to a great sea ; and yet I saw no ground on which they 
rested and no vessel wherein they were contained; yet they 
did not fall upon us, but saluted us with a harsh look and fled 
away. As thoy pass away, a rainbow shines forth on the ground 
and on our roof."' "All things," he writes in another place, 
"are in the hands of God, who can cover the sky with clouds and 
brighten it again in a moment." * It is painful to him that God's 
Word ma''t be so silent at Augsburg; for the Protestants were 
not allowed to preach." He had a settled distrust of Campeggio 
and the other Italians: "where an Italian is good, he is most 
good," but to find such an one is as hard as to find a black swan. 
He went along with Melancthon in a willingness to make con- 
cessions, provided the evangelical doctrine and freedom in preach- 

' De Wetle. p. 71. 

'Veil IMelrith, who wa* with him, wrote to MclancUior : "1 cannot suffi- 
cietilly wonder at lliU man's admirable sU'aJfaalness, cheerful couragp, faith, and 
hn|ie. in *o duLcful a linie. He nourishes Ujpse l^mpem, hovever. by At m IJoiiq, 
[ iiainterruptifl meilitntion at Goi!'« WorJ- Not a day pansra when lie does not 

^^K apand three hours, and those beat suited for study, in prayer. Once I Ijad tlje 
^^^^ good fortune to tiear him pray, GooiJ God, what a faith appeared in his vrordal 
^^V He prayed with sticli revt-rcnPC that one nan lie was lulkinic with God, and yet 
^^P (ritb such faith and hope tlial it seemed as if he was talking with a father and 
^^* a friend, '1 kuow.' he said, 'that Thou art our God and falher. So I am certain 
r Thou will bring to ahome the perteculors of Thy children. If Thou doeit it not, 

il the hazard Is Thine as well as oura. Tn truth, the whole matter is Thine OWD ; 

I we have been only eompelled to lay faanda aa it; Thou mayst then gumtd,"' Ac. 

I Carpti* Rtf . ii. 160. 

I ' De Weltc. iv. 1S8. At an earlier day, on the occasion of hi« interview with 

I Ckjetan, in reply to the c|UeBtion where he would stand if the Elector should not 

I Bupport blra, he aniwered, "Uoter dcm weiten Himmel I" 

I • Dc Wettt, iv. 16t(. * Ibid., p. 178. 



DO* SMrifioed. He had oo suspicjoD of Philip, ait 
Ihfv were nHuy cvntuoiiKS, which were trifles 
— not worlii tBiyuli ag about. Yet it did not belong 
to thf ma^stimtp to <fictmte to the Church in these points.' Re 
go so br, thoogh Dot without reluctance, as to allovr 
to ooBtinoe, livt would permit no subjection to the 
But Luiba- had no bebef in the poeEdbility of a com- 
er recoodliatiaD. There was a radical antagonism th&t 
not be bridged over. There could be do agreement in 
doetrme; pofitkal peate alone was to be aimed at and hoped 
lor.* Henoe he lejoMed wbeo the ptzilous negotiations between 
die oppoang eommitteei of theologians were brought to an 

Tbere are several occurrences not j"et notieed( which took 
place in the interval between the Diets of Womi^ViM of Aug»- 
burg, aod which are of marked importance both in their bearing 
OD the Refonnation, and as illustrating the personal character 
of Luther. 

One of these e^-ents was his marriage, in 1525, to Catharine 
von B<H«. He resolved upon this measure, as we learn from 
himself, partly because he expected that his life would not con- 
tinue long, and he was determined to leave, in the most impres- 
ave form, his testimony against the Romish law of celibacy. 
Another motive was a jTaming for the happiness of domestic 
life, which his parents, who had embraced the new faith, encour- 
t.-'aged. TTie scandal that his marriage caused, first among his 
own friends and then the world over, hardly fell short of that 
occa-^iioned by the p-xsting of his theses. Tlio example of Luther 
was followed by many of liis associates, wluch gave rise to the 
characteristic jest of Erasmus, that what had been called a 
tragetly seemed to be a comedy, at it came out in a marriage. 
The marriage of an apostate monk with a runaway nmi be- 
tokened, in the view of the superstitious, the coming of .•Anti- 
christ as the fruit of the imhallowed imion. But it was one of 
those bold steps, characteristic of Luther, which, in the long 
run, proved of advantage to his cause. It gave him the solace 
of home, in the intense excitement and prodigious labors in which 
lie was immersed for the rest of his days. There, with muac, 
and song, and frolics with his children, in the circle of hie 

' De Wette, tv. 210. 106. » Ibid., ir. 1X0. 


s friends, ■ 


he poured out his humor and kindly feeling without stint. Ilis 
di%Trtuig letters to his wife — his "Mistress Kate," "Doctorees 
Luther," as he styled her — and the tender expressions of his 
grief at the death of his children could ill be spared from the 
records of this deep-hearted man.' 

Among these events are his controversies with King Henry 
V'lII. and with Era.smus. From the outset it was evident that 
Luther must either give up his cause or contend for it against 
coimtless adversaries. His polemical wTitings are therefore 
quite numerous, and it shows the amplitude of his mind that he 
did not allow himself to be so far absorbed in this sort of work 
as to neglect more positive labors, through his Bible, catechisms, 
sermons, tracts, for the building up of the Church, He had to 
fight his own friends when they swerved from the truth, as did 
Carlstadt, and also Agricola, who set up a form of Antinomian- 
iam. But his principal literarj" battles were with Henry VHI. 
and with Erafimus. The intemperance of Luther's language has / 
been since, as it was then, a subject of frequent censure. It 
must bo remembered, however, what a tempest of denunciation ^^ 
fell up)on him : how he stootl for all his life a mark for the piti- 
less hostility of a great part of the world. It must be remem- 
bered, too, that for a time he stood alone, and everything 
depended on his constancy, determination, and dauntless zeal 
in the maintenance of his cause. Had he wavered, everj'thing 
would have been lost. And mildness of language, he said, was, 
not his gift; he could not tread so softly and lightly as Melanc- 
thon.* His convictions were too intense to admit of an expres- 
sion of them in any but the strongest language ; in words that 
were blows. Moreover, he believed it to be a sound and wise 
policy to cast a«ide reserve and to speak out, in the most 
unsparing manner, the sentiments of his soul. It was not a 
disease to be cured by a palliative.' The formidable enenjy 
against which he was waging war, was rendered more arrogant 
and exacting by every act of deference shown him, and by every 

' See, lor esample, the Ipltcr (lo Nic. Hausmann). Aunuat 6. 1628. after llio 
di>Blh of his dsughlT, He WHte, iii. 3M. A complele account of Lulhrr'a 
liomfstio cimropler and rt-lationa is givFD by F. G. Hofman, Kalhanna von Bora. 
edtT Dr. Afortin Luther air flatlc iinii Valfr (l.elpaic, 1845). There is much of in- 
terest on the same subject, in a ijuaint little book, D. Martin Lulhtr'l Ztitvrr- 
Inrtunem, van M. Johann NicolauB Anton (Leipaic, 1804). 

• I,etter to the Elector John. Di' Wette, iv, J7- 

' "Aut ergo despcrandum esl de [uice ct trnri'|iiillilate hujua rei. But verbum 
Dcguidiuii cat." Letter to SpolatiQ (February, 1620). Pc Wclte, i. 42fi. 




ooDoesaion. There was no middle course to be pursued.' TLpw 
must be mther Burrendcr, or open, uncompromising war. Be- 
sidfs, in liis study of the Bible, he conceived himself lt> finii a 
warrant for all his hard language, in the course pursued by the 
prophets, by Christ, and by Paul.' He ftlt that he stood face 
to face with the same Pharisaical theology and ethics that ealied 
forth the terrible denunciations recorded in the New Testament. 
If it was proper to call things by their right names then, it vas 
proper now. He had been hampered at the be^nning, he canie 
to think, by a false humility, by a Ungering reverence for an 
authority that deserved no reverence. He r^rett^ that at 
Worms he had not taken a different tone ; that he had said aDV- 
thing about retracting in case he could be convinced of his error. 
He would cast all such qualifications and cowardly scruples to 
the winds ; he would stand by what he knew to be truth, without 
any timid respect for its adversaries.' These considerations are 

Cr not without weight. A man whose natural weapon is a battle 
ax must not be rebuked for not handling a rapier. There is 
Bonietimes work to be done which the lighter and more graceful 
weapon could never accomplish. At the same time, with all 
Luther's tenderness of feeling, with Ids fine and even poetic 
Bensibihty, there was a.ssociated a vein of coarseness, a plebeiw 
vehemence in speech, which, when he was goaded by opposition,^ 
engendered scurrility. fl 

X The book of Henry VIII. was directed against Luther's work ~ 
on the sacraments, " The Babylonian Captivity." * It is marked 
by extreme haughtiness toward Luther, and is hardly less vitu- 
perative than the Reformer's famous reply. Luther was the 
hound who hat! brought up heresies anew out of hell; princes 
would combine to burn him and his books together. It was,S 

' "Meio Handel ist nicht cin Mittclhnndol. der etw»s welchen odcr nach' 
gpben. odi>r eich untcrliuaon Botl, otic icli Nair bisher gc^thajl Wbe." E>e Wctu, 
ii. 244. 

• He gives reaaoos for liis vehomenpe in a letler lo Wenccelaiw Link (AugufI 
10. 1520), De Wctle, i. 479. Among otiier things he bb]^: "Vidw eoim «. 
quiB noatro aeculo tmctantur, mon cadere in oblivionem. oemjne e« ruisnto " 
He says elfiotfhero th&t love and seventy are compntihle. De WetM, li. 31 
8«*, also. pp. 236. 243. 

' Hallani censurtti I.ulher for "bollnwing in bad I.adn." But it wu tt tr; 
witii fftiioii all Fiiropc rang "from Aide lo aide." Had lie been a man of 
leraperament of Hallani, wlieri; wnuld have been llie Reformation T The Ei 
miar^K can aeldom appreciate, mueh lefv lock irith eomplaccncv upon, Lulher. 

' AtUniio Sfplem Sacramentorum advcrauii MarHnum Lulhtrum (IS31). Ilif 
publinhod in a Germaa tranalation in Waleh'a od. of I.utbcr'a Writing 





throughout, an appeal to authority; Luther had audaciously 
presumed to set himself against popes and doctors without 
number. The impression of Henry's book itself wholly depended 
on the fact that its author sat on a throne. Luther probably 
meant to neutrahze this impression by bemiring the purple of 
this regal disputant who had stepped forth, with his crown on 
his head, intc the a^na of theological debate, to win from the 
Pope, whom he obsequiously flattered, the title of Defender 
of the Faith. Subsequently, when Heru-y was reputed to be 
favorable to the Protestant cause, at the earnest solicitation 
of King Christian IL of Denmark and of other friend?, Luther 
wrolf to the King a humble apology for the violence of his lan- 
guage — making no ftithdrawal, however, of any portion of his 
doctrine. In compo^g this apologetic letter he was carried 
away, he says, by the promptings of others, to do nhat of 
himself he would never have done. Yet, notwithstanding the 
ungenerous reception and use of the letter by Henry, Luther did 
nnt regret that he had written it, as he did not regret the sending 
of a similar epistle to Duke George, As far as his own person 
was concerned, he said, he was willing to humble himself to a 
child ; his doctrine he would not compromise. But such expe- 
riences confirmed him in the feeling, which he had entertained 
before, that humility was thrown away ; that here was a mortal 
conflict, in which gentle words were misinterpreted, and there- 
fore, wasted, and into which it was worse than folly to enter 
n-ith his hands lied. Under such circumstances, a man must 
neither think of retreat nor of the possibility of placating the 
foe. It was natural that his experiences of controversy, in their 
action on a temper naturally combative, should contribute to 
carry Luther far beyond the bounds of charity, as well as of 
civility, in his treatment of the Sacramentarians, the adherents 
of Zwingli. Of this matter, where his intemperance was more 
mi'ichievous. we shall speak in another place. 

As to Erasmus and the Saxon Reformers, there was an ear- 
nest wish on both ^ies that he shoiJd not take part against them. 
Luther, and Melani;thon still more, respected him as the patri- 
arch of lett*;rs, the restorer of the languages, ami the effective 
antagonist of fanaticism and superstition. When Luther pub- 
lished his work on the Galatians, he regretted that Erasnius 
had not put forth a book on the same subject, which would have 



ri'ndered his own unnecessary.' Erasmus, in turn, could ni 
but applaud the first movement of Luther. His love of liter; 
ture, not less than his religious predilections, would incline 
strongly to the Lutheran ade. The Wittenberg theol 
were earnest champions of the cause of learning. But the caution' 
' of Erasmus was manifest from the beginning. He avoided the 
need of committing himself bj' professing to his various corre- 
spondents that he had not read the books of Luther. He told 
the Elector of Sasony. in an interview at Cologne, shortly before 
the Diet of Worms, that the two great offenses of Luther were 
that he had touched the crown of the Pope and the bellies of 
the monks. The expressions of sympathy with the Wittenberg 
movement that escaped him, notwithstanding his prudence, or 
which reached the ear of the public through the unauthorized 
publication of his letters, kept him busy in aliasing the suspi- 
cions and anxieties of Catholic friends and patrons. But Luther 
/and Erasmus were utterly diverse from one another in character; 
and "such unlikes," as Coleridge has said, "end in disUkes." 
Erasmus, it has been remarked with truth, lacked depth and 
fervor of reUgious convictions. He was a tj'pical latitudinarian, 
in the cast of his mind.' His absorbing passion was for lilera- 
ire. He could not conceive how any man of taste could prefer 
Augustine to Jerome, while Luther could not see how any man 
that loved the Gospel could fail to set Augustine, with his little 
Greek and less Hebrew, infinitely above Jerome.' As the con- 
flict which Luther had excited grew warm, attention was inevi- 
tably drawn away from the pursuit of letters and absorbed in 
theological inquiry and controversy ; and this change Erasmus 
deplored. The heat which Luther manifested was repugnant to 
his taste. The Reformer's vehemence and roughness became I 
more and more offensive to him.' Erasmus hated a commotion, 
and said himself that he would sacrifice a part of the truth for 
the sake of peace, and that he was not of the stuff which martjTS i 
are made of. He could be an Arian or a Pelagian, he said, if j 

■ De Wette. i. 335. 

' It is Uio "moderatioD" of Emamiia th&t leads Gibbon {oh. liv. d. 3S) U> | 
fltty : "EraamuB may he ccingirlered thp falht-r of raliaoiJ Uieology, ASwt a 
slumbpr of an hundrcfl ypnrs, it waa rpvi\'pd by tli** Arritininnfl of HoUanrl, firft- 
tiuc. Limborcli, and l.e C'lprc ; in Englaad bj Cliilliugworth, the lalituiliru»naii» , 
of Canibridge (Bumel. HM. 0/ hit tn™ Tima, vol. i. pp. 2Q1-268, octavo olilioii), 
rillotaoti, Clarke. Hoadley," tie. 

• Do Wolte, i. 53. ' SlraUBfl, Ulrich van Htittat, p. 4S0. 




Church had so made its creed; and yet, in his inmost heart, 
tnil apart, from the feeling that he must be anchored somewhere, 
lhi> authority of the Church counted for little. Being by tem- 
perament, by his personal relationF, and by the effect of years, 
Bad, we might add, on principle, a time-server, he found himself, 
being also the most prominent man of the age, in an embarrass- 
ing situation. He must stay in the Church, yet, if possible, 
oHend neither party.' Luther saw through him, and in a letter 

»that was not meant to be unfriendly, he irritated the great 
scholar by in\-iting him to be a spectator of the magnificent 
tragedy in which he was not fitted to be an actor.' Tlic refusal 
of E>asmus to see ITrich von Hutten when he visited Basel, and 
the furious controversy that ensued between Iheni, — for Eras- 
mus was provoked into the use of a style wliich he very much 
deplored in Luther, an inconsisteucy which Luther did not 
■ fail to point out, ^ was the first decided step in the aUenation 
" of the great scholar from the evangelical party. Then Erasmus 
at length yielded to the persuasions that had long been addressed 
to hira from the papal side, and took the field against Luther, 

I in a treatise on free will ; in which the Reformer was assaulted 
on a subject where his extravagant language exposed him to 
so easy attack, and on which Erasmus could write with some 
warmth of conviction. He and his associates preferred the 
Greek theology to that of Augustine, on this subject of the will. 

PMore once complained that Luther "clung by tooth and nail to 
the doctrine of Augustine." Tlieologians who explain difficul- 
ties by referring to " original sin," Erasmus had once likened to 
astrologers who fall back on the stars. The moderation of the 
peraooal references to Luther in the book of Erasmus did not 
restrain the former from the use of the severest style in his reply. 
Erasmus, he thought, had taken his place under the banner of 
iJie Pope ; he had come out on the semi-Pelagian fide, from which 
the whole sv'stem of salvation by merit was inseparable ; and the 
higher his standing, the more un.sparing must be the attack 
ttpon him. The rejoinder of Erasmus — the "Hyperaspistes," 
the first part of which appeared in 1525, and the second in 1527 
— completed, if anything was wanted to complete, their mutual 
estrangement. From that time Luther habitually spoke of him 


■ Luther notiooi the "dcsleHly" o! Erumus, De Wetle, i. 398. 
* Letter to Etudhiw (April, IS24), De Wette, ii. 408. 



as a disciple of Lucian, a disciple of Epicurus, an enemy of all 
religions, especially the Cbristiau, and flung at Iiini oUier appella- 
tions, which, if Hterally unjust, sometimes had the truth of a 
caricature. Finally, a long letter of Luther to his friend, Nicho- 
las von Amsdorf, in which the autlior undertook to maintain a 
charge of skepticism, as well as of frivolous levity, against Eras- 
mus, by reference to his comments on Scripture, drew out a 
reply which is marked by all the refinement, ingenuity, and wit 
for which Erasmus was deservedly famous. From this time, 
his animosity against the Protestant cause went on increasing. 
Luther more than once complains that Erasmus could make the 
sins and distress of the Church a theme for jesting.' In the 
epistle to Amsdorf, he charges him with infumng into the young 
a spirit at war with religious earnestness.' 

■ De Wott«, i. 76. He finds Tault with Erasmus, "senex i>t theologua," [or 
IrrKling sAcrcd things in » jesting way, in a, period " m^otiasiwimo cl lubDrioao." 
ibid-, iv. .503 ; Letter to Nic. Arosdorf. Lutber, it will be remtnibeT^d, h&d not 
thought well ot the EpMola OhKXironim Vinrmm. 

■ Ibid,, iv. SIR. The letters of Luther net Tonli thp rise luid progress o( kls 
patrajigemenl from Erasmus. In b letl*r to Spalntin (OctolMT 19, 1516) be ex- 
presses his disBpnt from the idea of Erasmus that, by "vorks of the low." Paul 
means oerenianiul works alone, gives his own view oF juetiticDtion, and wishe* 
Spalatin to try to alter the views oF Eroduius an tliis point. He writes to Liknge 
(March 1, 15171, Ibat he reads Erasmus— "nostrum ErBsmum," he styles liiro 
^ but that h\a esteem for him dimiDishes daily, thai Emunius exposes bvl-U tha 
ignoranne of priests and monks, hut does nol dwell suflieiently on fhririt and tha 
graee of God; "humana prievalcnt in eo plus quam dii'ina." He romes to this 
oonclusioQ reluctantly, and is careful not to diseloae it, io order nol to give aid to 
the enemies and rivals of Erasmus, Luther's censure of the levity of Erattmus 
in reference to the calamities ot the Church is frequently expressed. Er»»mu» 
(April 14. 1519) wrote to the Elector a letter, in which he cocupUmenlcd Luther. 
lu writing to Spalntin (May 22, 1519), Luther expresies his graliUcatioti. On 
the 28lb ot the previous March, Luther had written a respectful letter to Erasmus 
hinLselF, io which his talents and services are Fully appreciated, to which Eras- 
mus replied, in May, in gracious, but cautious terms. Everything shows that 
Erasmus was Favoroblo to Luther, but did not deem it safe Io betray the extent 
of his sympstby. His position Luther fully understood, as is shown in many 
passages of his letters. In a letter to Spengler (November 17. 1520) Luther lemarlra 
that he has private disputes with Melancthon on the question how far from Ihs 
right way Erasmus is — - Melancthon, of course, being more favorable to the great 
Humanist. In reference Io the advice of Erasmus that Luther would be more 
moderate, he writes (to Spalatin. September 9, 1521) that Erasmus Icxiks "noa 
ad crucem. Bed ad pacem": "memini me, dum in pnetatione sua in Novum Tc«- 
tamentum de se ipso diceret : 'gloriam facile eontemnit Christianua' — in corde 
mea cogitasse: 'O Erasme, Fallens, limeo. Magna res eat gloriam contemnere.' " 
To Spalatin (May 16, 152S), he charges EraHiiius with betraying, "in >uu Epis- 
lolaruni farragine." bis secret hostility To hitn and biii qloetrine, and doelarea 
(hat be prefera an open foe like E>k to a tergix'ersating person, now frien'llv and 
now hostile. To Caspar Bomer (May 28, 1522), he writea tliat be U aware thai 
Erasmus dissents from him on predestinalion, but that be has no fear of E 
mus's eloquence: "potentior est Veritas quam eloquentia, potior apiritus t) 
logenium, major fide« quam erudilio." To (EcolonipadiuB (June 30, 1£Z3) 



uaui I 
I he ■ 




If we look below the accidents of the controversy, and cast 
aade particulars in which Lutlier was often as incorrect, as he 
was uncharitable in his general estimate of his antagonist, we 
must conclude that Luther was still in the right in his judg-l^ 
ment respecting the reform of the Church, It could not coniei 
from literature. Erasmus could assail the outworks, such aa 
Uie follies of monkery, but the principles out of which these 
obnoxious practices had grown, he would touch only so far as 
it could be done without danger to himself and without dis- 
turbance. Luther had been him.self a monk, not like Eras- 
mus for a brief time and through compulsion, but of choice, 
wth a profound inward consecration. He hat! personally 
tested, with all sincerity and earnestness, the prevaihng system 
of religion, until he discerned the wrong foundations on which 
it rested. He saw that the tree must be made good before the 
character of the fruit could be changed. And there was still 
a ritality in the old system with which the weapons of Erasmus 
were quite insufficient to cope. It is humiliating to sec hini 
resorting to the Pope's legate, and then to the Pope himself, 
for leave to read the wTitings of Luthor. It is safe to affirm 
that the Erasmian school would eventually have been driven 
to the wall by the monastic party, which sooner or later would 
have combined its energies ; and that mthout the sterner battle 
waged by Luther, the literary reformers, with their lukewarm, 
eqmvociSl~pb8ition in relation to fundamental principles would 
have succumbed to the terrors of the Inquisition. There was 

tp^ka o( tbe cavN^ bastiUt^ of Erasmus to the Luthcreii doctrinp, tmd chwc- 
tctites hiui thus: "LinguoB inlroduxil, ct b BAcHlegin fltudiis revocavit- Forte 
r( ipM fum Uose in csmprstribiw Moab morirtur: nam sd mrJiora »tudiK (quod 
Aid pM/tMrai pertiDct) nan provehit-'* In April, 1524, Lulher wrote a letter to 
EfMBKOi^ in tthjch he malEes &n offer uf peace, but in a mniiDef aa con descending 
•■d with >uth plun olMcrvDtiuna upo[i the limitntione of Graamtis as In uounige 
■mI dlMcmmpul. that he could not fail lo be uritaled hv It. !□ thia aingul&r 
•pMle. wliicli was well meant but very ill calculated to produce amity, LutliOT 
■ nil I mil ■ the wiith that his friendii would dtviKl frum as.'Uilling EraimiUA; as Ihey 
WciuW do, it la added, "tf thev conf^ldered vour imbecility and weighed tbc gr^at- 
BMi of tbc came, which liaa long since exceeded the measure of your powerq. " Be 
•oadolr* with hU corrmpoDdrnl in vliw of tlif great amount of enmity which 
RtTT'ir had rxcited agturut hitn^lf, "Aince mere human ^'i^tue such aa youn is 
kDanlGcieiit for sucli burdens." The reply of Erasmus. Ihuugh dignified in lone, 
«b«Ba how deeply he was offended. In Sj-plember of the same ypar he gave 
wtf to Ibe imporlunitira of (he uppontnts of Luther and wrote his book Df Lib- 
«r« ^rMrio, which wai followed by an acrinioiiioua controversy. From this 
tiv* Lulfapr denounces him without reserve. Hh calls Erasmus that "most 
?^ .ffin.»l " (Do WetU, iii. PS), pmlictg that he will "[all betweea V"o 
Mth " (/M<.> 447) ; and cliaracl*n'iea hiw in the manner Blated obtivc. 


certain to be an aroused, implacable eamrstness on the papal 
side: a like spirit was required in the cause of reform. At tlie 
same time, justice to Erasmus requires that he should be judged 
rather by his relation to the preceding age, than by compari- 
son with Luther.' The forerunner is not to be weighed by the 
standards of the era wliich he has helped to introduce. 

As we have touched on the personal traits of Luther as a 
controversialist, it is well to add here that of all men he may 
most easily be misrepresented. A man of imagination and 
feeling, with intense convictions that burned for utterance, he 
never took pains to measure his language. He put forth his 
doctrme in atartUng, paradoxical forms, out of which a cold- 
blooded crilic, or artful polemic could easily make conlradic- 
(ions and absurdities. In this respect, he was as artless and 
cureless as the writers of the Bible. Like Paul, and on the 
same grounds, he has been charged with favoring antinomian 
laxneas and positive immorality. It is a charge which ema- 
nates from ignorance or maUce. It is frequently made by plod- 
ders who arc incapable of interpreting the fervid utterances, 
of entering into the profound conceptions of a man of genius, 
but are simply shocked by them.' 

One other event of which we have to speak here is the Peas- 
ants' War. Tlie prcacliuig of Luther and his associates pro- 
duced inevitably a ferment, in which manifold tendencies to 
social disorder might easily actjuire additional force. The dis- 
content of the nobles or knights witli the princes sought to 
ally itself with the new zeal in behalf of a pure Gospel; but 
this revolt was brought to an end by the defeat and death 
of Francis of Sickingen. The disaffection of the peasants, on 
account of the oppression under which they suffered, had long 
existed. It liad led in several instances to open Insurrection. 
Long before the Reformation, there had been mingled with 
tlicse political tendencies a religious element.* But their dis- 
content was fomented by the spread among them of the 
Lutheran doctrine of Christian hberty, from which they drew 
inferences in accord with their own aspirations, and by the 


' StrBUac, Ulrieh ivm ftxiUrn, p. 481 

' The crifioiBiM of HKlliim upon Lullier. together with the erronooiui 
toonW of .Sir WLIIiiim Hnmilton, arp llioraughlj- answered by Arohdcacon 
V iniiieation 0/ Lulhrr, etc. (^li P't., 1S55). 

* Rankp, i. 137. 

by the J 

Lu Btate- H 
in HarCi V 



pular excitement which the Reformation kindle{F. There was 
isecular and religions side to the revolt. Heavier burdens had 
been Imd upon the laboring class by their lay and ecclesiastical 
Blasters. The forcible repression of the evangelical doctrine 
ms an added grievance. Their roll of complaints carries us 
tarward to the days of the French Revolution; nor can it be 
questioned that many of them called loudly for redress.' Luther)^ 
ba^l much sympathy mth them; he maintained that their ' 
grievances should be removed; he advised mutual concessions; 
but he was inflexibly and on principle opposetl to a resort to 
anus. He had counseled Sickhigen and Ilutten against it.' 
In general he set his face against every atlenipt to transfer the 
cause of reform from the arena of discussion to the fiekl of 
battle. What would become of schools, of teaching, of jjreach- 
ing. he said, when once the sword was tlrawn? It is a part of 
his deliberate resolution to keep the minds of men upon the 
main questions in controversy, that there might be an intelligent, 
enlightened, free adoption of the truth. The peasants, he held, 
had no right to make an insurrection. He exerted himself iq -^ 
vain to persuade them to abstain from it. (Like the eai-ly 
Christians, he felt that it was a spiritual agency, and not force, 
that could pve to the truth a real victoryj He wanted to keep 
the cause of God clear of the entangleirients of worldly prudence 
and worldly power. Hence, when their great rebellion brokel--^ 
out in 1524 and 1525, he exhorted the princ«s to put it down 
with a strong hand. The terms of this appeal seem ruthless. 
He saw, in the event of the success of the revolt, nothing but 
the destruction of civil order and n wild reign nf fanaticism.' 
The abolition of all existing authority in Church and State, 
1 equality in rank and in property, were a part of the peasants' 
I creed. After the victory Luther urged the victors to the ex- 
f ercise of compassion, reminding them that it was not the hand 
of man but God that had quieted the disorder. If the fact of 

t> HsuMcr. Gich. d. Ztiiall. d. Rr/.. p. 103 Epq. ; Ranke. DnlKht Gieh., i. 134. 
» Letter lo Bpslotm (January 10. l.Wll. Do Weltc, i, 543. 
* It&nkp. Detdadtc Gieh.. \. 140. Wuililinglan (ii. 154 aoq.) and other writcra 
lUTc LuIJier n'ith much Kverily Tor hia ilcriiinciutioti uF lli<- pCDonnta. But 
i.uUicr cuiiBidered liint lliere wft.i a fearful crisis, in mliith Ihe foundations of 
fiociely were in prriJ. The infiiinccliau woa very ForniidEibh' in imiiLl^rfi imii 
Blretiirth. . . . Tlic teniperamcnl of Luliier. it would fleem, was sueh that were 
lib ilbtafipraval ctciteil by toiiirlliing clvti'stvU as being bu.-<e unJ pcilloiia, iid 
iuti-niperate, not unlikely pnasiouatc, outbunit of liia Fctlin^ wuulU bf.' liUely 
to occur, niUi none of tlis qiuMcalions natural in another mood ol mind. 




the revolt, e^'idently occasaoned aa it was, to some extent, by 
the Reformation, produced a temporary reaction against it, 
this effect was diminished by the outspoken, strenuous opposi- 
tion which Luther had made to the ill-fated enterprise. The 
>^eformation is not responsible for the Peasants' War. It 
would have taken place if the Protestant doctiines had not 
been preached; and it was caused by inveterate abuses for 
which the eccleuasticat princes in Germany, by their extortions 
and tyranny, were chiefly accountable. 




At the time when Luther was beginning to attract the 
attention of Europe, another reformatory movement, of a type 
somewhat pecuhar, was springing up on a more contracted 
theater. TTie Swiss Confederacy began in the Covenant of 
three rural or "forest" cantons, in 1291, which, by the accession 
of other territories and city states, had become, in the time of 
the Reformation, thirteen in number, connected by a loose 
bond in a Diet of representatives. In the fifteenth century, 
the .Swiss, whose military strength had been developed in their 
long and victorious struggle for independence, and who had done 
much to revolutionize the art of war by showing that infantry 
might be more than a match for cavalry, were employed in large 
numbers, as mercenary soldiers, in Italy. Tlie Pope and the . 
French King were the chief competitors in effects to secure iX^ 
these valuable auxiliaries. The means by which this was ac- 
complished were demoralizing in their influence upon the coun- 
try. The foreign potentates purchased, by bribes and pensions, 
the cooperation of influential persons among the Swiss, and 
thus corrupted the spirit of patriotism. The patronage of the 
Church was us<'d in an unprincipled manner, for the further- 
ance of tliis worldly interest of the Pope. Ecclesiastical dis- 
cipline was sacrificed, preferments and indulgences la\ishly 
bestowed, in order that the hardy peasantry might be enticed 
from their homes to fight his battles in the Italian peninsula. 
These brought home from their campaigns vicious and lawless 
habits. At the same time, in consequence of what they witr 
nessed in Italy, much of their reverence for the rulers of the 
(.'hurch was dispelled, The corrupt administration of the 
Church had a like effect on their countrymen who remained 
at home. Thus there was a combination of agencies whicti 




operated to ilcbase the morals of the Swiss people, at the samp 
linie llial their superstitious awe for ecclesiastical siijjeriors 
was vanishing. The influence of the literary culture of Ihe age, 
also, made i\^\i felt in SwitserlanJ. High schools had sprung 
up in various cities. A circle of men who were interested in 
classical literature and were gradually acquiring more enlight- 
ened ideas in religion, had their center in Basel where Erasmus 
took up his abode io 1516 and became their acknowledgoi^ 
head.' f 

.^ TIrich Zwingli, the founder of Protestantism in Switreriand, ' 
was born on the 1st of Januarj-, 14S4, close by Wildliaus, a sniail i 
village in a picturesque situation on the mountains which oveiH 
look the valley of Toggenburg. He was only a few weeks 
younger than Luther. The father of Zwingli was the principal 
magistrate of the town.' Young Zwingli spent his boyhood 
under teachers near home, imtil he was sent to school first at 
Basel, and then at Berne. Bright-minded and eager for knowl- ■ 
/^edge, he was also early distinguished for his love of truti^J 
which never ceased to be one of the marked virtues of his char-^ 
acter. Like Luther, he had an extraordinary talent for niuac. 
He learned afterwards to play on various instruments. Among 
his associates at the Univeraty of Vienna, where he was first 
placed, was the famous Eck. TTiere he took up the study of 
scholastic philosophy. At Basel, to which place he was trans- 
ferred, Capito and Leo Juda, who were to be his confederatp-s 
in the work of reform, were among his fellow-students. Tlpn; 
his principal teacher was Thomas Wyttenbach, a man of librrfll 
tendencies, as well as of devout character, who predicted the 
downfiUI of the scholastic theology, and imparted impulses Io 
his pupils which eventually carried them beyond his own pofition. 

I Zwingli was a zealous student of the Latin classics, and after 1)6- ^ 
coming at the age of twenty-two, a pastor at Glarus, he proffr^ 
cuted the reading of the Roman authors, partly for the truth 
which he loved to seek in them, and partly to make himself an . 
orator. He entered, also, with diligence upon the study of Greel(.H 
^,His sympathy with Humanism was native and grow with adranc- ■ 

ing yeare. Circumstances conspired to heighten his interest m 

' There wu a literary public. See Tlanke, DfiiiKfi. Oseh., u. 40, 14. 

• See the account of Zwingli 'h family in the cveellenl bioftraphy of .1. C. WT"! 
koter, Ulrich Zwingli nneh dm vrkunillichrn Quftlm, 2 vols. (1867), and, nl"*- ""J 
8. M. J uckson 'a valuable Huldmch Zicinj/li i,lS01). 


Eraaiiius. Ho carefully copied with his own hand the epistles 
of Paul in the original, that he might have them in a portable 
volume and commit them to memory. More ami more he 
devoted himself to the examination of the Bible and deferred 
to its authority. He read the Fathers, as counselors, not as 
authoritative guides. He was deeply moved by happening to 
read a poem of Erasmus in which Jesus was depicted as com- 
plaining that men do not seek all good of him, their Saviour 
and Helper. Tliis, as he said years later, led him to ask him- 
self "why we look to any creature to lend us help." Seeking 
for "a touchstone of truth," he said of the result that he "came 
to rely on no single thing save that which came from the mouth 
of the Lord." Two cardinal principles, which Luther reached 
by the power of personal experience, Zwingli arrived at on the 
path of Humanistic study, — not involving at once a severance 
from Rome, He was obliged to leave Glarus, on account of 
his boltl opposition to the system of pen.sions and of mercenary 
service under the French. Zwingli was a thorough patriot 
from his early boyhood. He listened by the hearthstone to 
tales of gallant work done by his relatives and townsmen in the 
recent war against Charles of Burgundy, As he grew older he 
witnessed the deleterious effect of the French influence, to 
which we have adverted. He saw, moreover, the low condition 
of morals among the clergy, and became more alive to the de- 
plorable state of things from the bitter compunction which hia 
own compliance with temptation in a single instance cost 
him.' At first he did not look upon military service which was 
rendered at the call of the Pope, the Head of the Church, with 
the same di-sapprobntinn which he felt in regard to the French. 
He even accompanied his parishioners to war, and was present 
on the field of Marignano. He, moreover, thought it no wrong 
to receive a pension from the Pope, which was first given him 
for the purchase of books. But his public opposition at Glarus 
to the French party, which was strong there, obliged him to 
leave and to fake up his abode at a smaller place, Einsiedeln, 
where he took the office of pastor and preacher in the Church 
of the Virgo Eremitana — Virgin of the Hermitage. This waa 

' l^ben und AuigrtciihUr Schriften d. Valtru, Btfrimder d. Rtf, Kirchv, Oiris- 
U>ffd, Hutdtiieh Zvringli, Lebm u. AutgtiDohUt SehrifUn, i. 10. Optra Zmnglii, 

viil. M scq. 



in 1516. Just before this change he made a visit to Basel to. 

/'8W Erasmus, by whom lie was most cordially received, 
lettej-s to one another eacli expressed bis admiration of tbi 
other. Wlien the liue was drawn between the two great 

(. clesiastical parties, their intimacy was broken off. At Einsiede! 
there was a cloister as well as a church, with a store of legends.] 
It was the chief resort of pilgrims from all the adjacent regioi 
Indulgences were liberally bestowed, and an image of Marj', 
peculiar sanctity, attracted crowds of devotees, Zwingli, witb- . 
out directly assailing the worship of the Virgin, preached tofl 
the throng of visitors the doctrine of salvation by Christ, and^ 
of his mercy and sufficiency as a Saviour, which had been more 
and more impressed on his mind by the investigation of the 
Scriptures. The people felt that they were hearing new truth, ^ 
and a striking effect was produced on many. He had DOi'fl 

//-tully made up his mind to go to the Word of God as the ulti- ~ 
mate authority, in preference to the dogmas of men. To in- j 
dividuals, to his friend Capito and to Cardinal Sitten, he statedH 
that he found in the Scriptures no foundation for the rule of ' 
the Papacy.' He even said to Capito, in 1517, that he thoughC 
the Papacy must fall. In 1518 he preached against one Sam- 
son, who, like Tetzel, was a peddler of indulgences, so that the 
traffic was stopped in the Canton of Schweitz, and Samson 
obliged to decamp. In 1519, owing very much to the influence 
of leading opponents of the French party, Zwingli was trans- 

)OUt J 

t-ferred to the Cathetlral Church of Zurich, then a city of about 
seven thousand inhabitants. Here he carried out his purpose* 
which he announced at the outset, of expounding the Bible to 
his hearers, and of inculcating the truth which he found there. 
In this way, in sermons which were heard by a multitude with 
eager interest, he went through the Gospel of Matthew, He 
explained, also, the epistles of Paul; and for fear that some 
would have less respect for Paul, as he was not one of the twelve, 
he showed the identity of Peter's doctrine by an exposition of 
his epistles. He had great power as a preacher : one of his 
hearers said that it seemed to Iiim that Zwuigli held him by the 
hair of his head. When Samson appeared with his indulgences 
(in 1519), he again denounced him and his trade, and was sup-2_ 
ported in his opposition by the Bishop of Constance, 

■ChriBlaael, 1, 24. 

to who^fl 


Samson had neglected to exhibit hia credentials; so that the 
friar was denied permission to vend his wares in Zurich, 
Zwingh was a man of robust Iioalth, cheerful coimtenance and i^ 
kindly manners, affable with all classes; a man of indefatigable 
industry, yet enjoying domestic life to the full — he was mar- 
ried in 1524 — and fond of spending an evening at the ion, in 
familiar conversation with magistrates or leading citizens, or 
with strangers who happened to be present.' Upright, humble 
before God, but fearless before men, devoted to the work of a 
preacher and pastor, but taking an active part in whatever 
concerned the well-being of his country, Zwingli acquired by 
degrees, though not without opposition and occasional exposure 
to extreme danger, a controlling influence in Zurich. A turning 
point in his career was the public Disputation, which was held 
at his own request, under the auspices of the government of 
Zurich, on the 29th of January, 1523, in the great Council Hall, 
where he had proposed to defend himself against all who chose 
to bring against him charges of heresy. He liad really won 
the battle beforehand, in persuading the Council to take the 
part of judges, and, in the exercise of their authority, to have 
all questions decided by reference to the Scriptures alone. In 
an open space, in the midst of an assembly of more than six 
hundred men, he sat by a table, on which he had placed the 
Hebrew and Greek Scriptures and the Latin version. His 
triumphant maintenance of his opinions against hie feeble as- 
sailants resulted in an injunction from the Council to persevere 
in preaching from the Scriptures alone, and a like command to 
all the clergy to teach nothing which the Scriptures do not 
warrant. In this conference he defended sixty-seven proposi- 
tions which were leveled against the system of the Roman 
Catholic Church, The authority of the Gospel is substituted 
f(ir the authority of the Church; the Church is declared to be 
the conununion of the faithful, who have no head but Christ; 
salvation is through faith in Him as the only priest and inter- 
cessor; the Papacy and the. mass, invocation of saints, justi- 
fication by worksj fasts, festivals, pilgrimages, monastic orders 
and the priesthood, am-icular confession, absolution, indulgences, 

' "Sptiia et jocoa miKUit et ludoa : iinm ingciiia aniofiiu'- ^^ "re juaunilua 
«up™ f(iinm dici poaait, crat. Dcin miisicM omnia generis iiBlrunicrilEi pen\i- 
AifW el Mercuif, non Disi ut ingenio spriin iLli'i defati^atQ ^t feOlC&n ^t ^ ^*^ p&r* 
lior redire pooet.'^ Myconiua, Viia UuU. Zinnglii, iii. 




pciKincee, purgatory, and indwd all the characteristic peculinri- 
tiea of the Uonmn Catholic creed and cultus, jiraxcjixliai. Juris- 
diction over the authorities of the Church is claimed for the i 
civil magistrates.' Again, in another disputation, before a 
much more numerous audience, on the 26th of October follow- 
ing, he obtained a decree of the Council against the use of images 
and the sacrifice of the mass. After a severe contest, he es- 
tablished the principle that the fasts of the Chuixh are optional, 
not obligatory. In all the changes of this sort, radical as some 
of them were, extending even to the disuse of the organ in the^ 
minster, Zwingli proccedcd_ temperately, with the same regard^ 
to weak consciences which Luther had shown, and taking care 
that everything should be done in an orderly manner, and by 
pubhc authority. Like Luther, he found himself obliged \o 
sustain a contest with Anabaptist enthusiasts. Zurich, sepa- 
rated from the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Constance, became 
a Church, at the head of which were the magistrates, who were 
proper representatives, in Zwingli's view, of the body of the 
congregation (1524). 
. In 1525 Zwingli published his principal work, the "Commen- 
L'tary on True and False Religion," which was dedicated to Fran- 
cis I.; and, about the same time, a treatise on original sia. 
In these and other writings he set forth his theological system. , 
This presented certain deviations at variance with Roman doo-l 
trine, to which he had arrived in his own reflections and reading. 
In most points he coincides with the usual Protestant doctrine, 
but, as will be explained, he departed farther from the old 
system in his conception of the sacraments ; he ascribed to them 
a less important function ; and he considered original sin i 
disorder rather than a state involving guilt.' It is remarkable 
that Zwingli in hi.s philosophy was a predestinarian of an ex- 
treme type, and anticipated Calvinism in avowing the supralap- 
sarian tenet; in this particular, going beyond Augustine. Bu' 
he held that Christ has redeemed the entire race, which has 
been lost in Adam; and that infants, not only such as are un- 
baptized in Christian lands, but the offspring of the heathen, 
also, are all saved. Moreover, he did not accept the prevaiUng— 

' Zwingli, Opera, vii. Hcmog, Realmcyct., art. "Zwingli." xviii. 716. ^1 

• IUb opinion od Ihia aiibjepl varici) somewhat at different times. See Zellef. 

Da» Iheot. Sytt. Zuringlit daryenltUl (Abdruck uiu fabrg. 1&53, Tbeal. Jalirb.)t 

p. HI set]. 



Ijclief in the universal eonJeninnlioii of the heathen. T\:e 
passages of Scripture wliicli seem to assert this he regarded as 
intended to apply only to such as hear tlie Gospel and willfully 
reject it. The di\iBO election and the illumination of the Spirit 
are not confined, he thougiit, within the circle of revealed re- 
Ugion, or to those who receive the Word and sacraments. The 
virtues of heathen sages and heroes are due to divine grace. 
By grace they were led to exercise faith in God. A Socrates, 
he says, was more pious and holy than all Dominicans and 
FranciscaT-s. On the catalogue of saints with the patriarchs 
and prophets of the Old Testament he associates, besides 
Socrates, the names of the Scipios, Camillus, the Catos, Numa, 
Aristides, Seneca, Pindar, even Theseus and Hercules.' The 
influence of Zwingh's Humanistic culture is obvious in this 
portion of his teaching. "He had busied himself," says Nean- 
der, " with the study of antiquity, for which he had a predilection, 
and had not the right criterion for distinguishing the ethical 
standing-point of Christianity from that of the ancients." ' 
From Zurich the Reformation spread. In Basel it had for a 

leader Qicokmpadius, who had belonged to the school of Eras- 
mus, was an erudite scholar of mild temper, and in his general 
tone resembled Melancthon. In that city it gained the upper 
hand in IS2&. In Berne it was established after a great public 
disputation, at which Zwingli was present, in 152S. The same 
change took place in St. Gall and Schaffhausen. 

This ecclesiastical revolution was at the same time a political ; 
one. Tliere was a contest between the republican and reform- 
ing party, on the one hand, who were bent on purifying the 
country from the tJIects of foreign influence, from the corruption 
^oi morals and of patriotism which had resulted from that source, 
^■od an oligarchy, on the other, who clung to theu* pensions 
^^nd to the system of mercenary service with which their jmwer 
was connecteil. The party of Zwingli were contending for a 

^H ' Fidei Erpatiiia, Oprra, iv. Ofi. "Non fuit vir bonus, Don erit aieia b&qcIb 
^^niDb Gdelia BmnifL, ab ipfw mundi exordio uaque ad ejus coDaumniatiotiem, c|iiem 
non si« istliic crim Dpo visurUH." 

' Dogmen^etehichtt , ii, 203. On this topic Npander has wriltco an t\tle di«. 
cuarioo I Uhrr dai Vrrhallnias d. hellenitehen Ktkik lur ChrisUichen : WiaaGDchftfll. 
AbhsndluDgrn, p. 140. It had not bepn unpomtnon Tor the strictest Romaa 
CHtliolica to believe in the snlvntion of Arislotlo. Ot Zn-ingli. Htrnri Martin saya 
(Htrtoire lU Francr, viii. 150): "On peut coosidfrcr I'teuvre do ZuingU oonimo 
le pliis puissant effort qui itt fiut pour aanctifier la ftenaisa*""* "''■ 1'""'' ^ '" 
m^formc en Jfsus Qirist. " ^^^ 


social and national reform on a religious foundation. "Diey 
aimed to make the Gospel not only a source of liglit and life lo 
the individual, but a renovating power in the body politic, (or 
effecting the reform of the social life and of the civil organiza- 
tion of the country. 
^ - We have now to consider the relation of the Lutheran and 
Zwinglian movements to one another. There were great differ- 
ences between tiie two leaders, Luther_had, so to speak, lived 
into the system of the Latin Church to a degree that was not 
true Tn~fhe case of Zwingli. Out of profound agitation, through 
long mental sti'uggles, in which he depended little on aid or 
direction from abroad, Luther had come out of the old system. 
It was a process of i)er5onal experience willi which Ids intellec- 
tual enlightenment kept pace. One truth, that of salvatioa-L^ 
feithj in ^contrast with salvation bytjie merit of works, stood 
proiiiinentlylieTore the eyes of Lullier. The method of forgive- 
ness, of reconciliation with God, had been with him, from his 
early youth, the one engrossing problem. The relation of the 
individual to God had absorbed his thoughts and moved hia 
sensibilities to the lowest depths. The renunciation of [he 
authority of the Clmrch was an act to which nothing would 
have driven him but the force of his convictions respecting llie 
central truth of justification by faith alone. The course rf 
Zwingli's personal development had been different. Of cheer- 
ful temper and fond of his classics, he had felt no inclination to 
the monastic life, He came out of the Erasmian school. The 
authority of the Church never had a very strong hold upon 
him, even before he explicitly questioned the validity of it. As 
lie studied the Scriptures and felt their power, he easily gaw 
lo them the allegiance of his mind and heart. It cost him little 
inward effort to cast off whatever in the doctrinal or eeclesias- 
lical system of the Latin Church appeared to him at variance 
with the Bible or with common sense. In the mind there was 
no hard conflict with an established prejudice. It would be 
very unjust to deny to Zwingli religious earnestness; but the 
course of his inward life was such that, although he heartily 
accepted the principle of justification by faith, he had not the 
same vivid idea of its transcendent importance that Luther 
had. Zwingli, a bold and independent student, took the Bible 
for his chart, and was deterred by no scruples of latent reverence 





abruptly discarding usages which the Bible did Dot sanc- 
tion. While Luther was disposed to leave untouched what 
the Bible did not prohibit, Zwiugli was more inclined to reject 
what the Bible did not enjoin. Closely related to this difference 
in personal character is the very important diversity in the 
aims of the two reformers, Luther was practical, in one sense 
of the term; he sympathized with the homely feehngs, as he 
was moister of the homely language, of the people. No man 
knew better how to reacli their hearts. He was a German who 
was inspired with a national sentiment, and indignantly resented 
the wrongs inflicted upon his country. But bis ai m was througli- 
o^ut^a .diatmctlyj.eligous one, P!e drew a sharp line between 

^■he function which he conceived to belong to him, as a preacher 
and theologian, and the sphere of political action. Absorbed 
in the truth which he considered the life and soul of the Gospel 
and intent upon propagating it, he had no special aptitude tor 
the organization of the Church : much less did he meddle with 
the affairs of civil government, e.\cept in the cJtaracter of a 
minister, to enjoin obedience to established authority. Zwingli's 
aim and work were so diverse, his turn of mind and his circum- 
stances being so different, that Luther and the other Sa.\on 

{■theologians were slow in understanding him and in doing jus- 
tice to him.' Zwingti was a patriot and a social reformer. 
The salvation of his couuLry from lulsgovernment and immoral- 
jty waa an end, i nsejiarable, in his mind, from the effort to bring 
individuaJs to the practical acceptance of the Gospel.' Tlie 
Swiss people must \ye lifted up from their degeneracy; and the 
instrument of doing this was the truth of (he Bible, to be apn, 
plied not only to tlie individual in his personal relations to God, 
but also to correct abu-ses in the social and civil life of tlie nation. 
ese grew out of selfishness, and there was no cure for that 
'save in the Word of God. After Zwingii renounced the Pope's 
pension, and declined his flattering offer to make it larger, and 
'k his stand against foreign influence, come from what quar- 
r it might, which attained its ends at the cost of national 


Tlisrp IB Bti eiccllont mtsy by Hundwlingen, Zur Chnrarirratik VIricX 
Zv^nglta u neine* Iftjnrrjiatiotitwtrktt unler VerglHchung jnit hitther vnd Calvin. 
Sliulim u- KriliLen. 1SU2. 4. 

• Ot liis attack upon lli» aynlpm ot pcDnioas, hia friptiJ Mycniua Bays: "Hunc 
videlul tuiic rlemuin doaUiiuB oo^lesti locum Fiituruiii ubi iona tuaianun csket 
Mtbauatua aoiaiuiD." — VHa Ziringlii, iv. 


corruption, he resembled in his position, in his mingled pa- 
triotism and piety, the old Hebrew prophets. " The Cardinal 
of Sitten," he said, "with right wears a red hat and cloak: you 
have only to wring them and you w'dl behold the blood of your 
nearest kinsmen dripping from them!" He would have die 
Swiss abstain from all these dishonorable, pernicious alliances. 
The question of priority as to time between Luther's move- 
ment and that of Zwingli has often been discussed. Zwingli 
asserted with truth that liis opinions concerning the authority 
of the .Scriptures and the method of salvation were formed 
independently of the influence of Luther. It is true that, 
independently of Luther, Zwingli, as early as 1518, preachH 
against the sale of indulgences. But tlie expressions of Zwingli 
on these topics were such as miglit be heard elsewhere from 
other good men. In this matter he had the support of the 
Bishop of Constance, and did not incur the displeasure of Leo 
X., who had, perhaps, learned moderation from the occurrences 
in Saxony. The great point in Luther's ease was his coUiaioD 
with the authority of the Church. It is justly claimed for 
Luther that he broke the path in this momentous and perilous 
conflict. When Luther was put under the ban of the Church, 
Zwingli was still the recipient of a pension from the Pope. When 
Luther at Worms, in the face of the German Empire, refused to 
submit to the authority of Pope or Council, Zwingli had not yet 
been seriously attacked. As late as 1523 he received a compli- 
mentary letter from Pope Adrian Yl. Zwingli from the begin- 
ning was treated with the utmost forbearance, from the concern 
of the papal court for its political and selfish interests. These 
circumstances involve nothing discreditable to Zwingli, when the 
whole liistory of Ids relations to the Papacy is understood. But 
they demonstrate that the distinction of sounding the trumpet 
of revolt against the Roman See belongs to tlie Saxon reformer, 
Luther's voice, which was heard in every country of Europe, 
reached the valleys of Switzerland. It was then that Zwingli 
wa.s chargeti by liis enemies with being a follower of Luther, 
This he denied, at the same time that he avowed his agree- 
ment with Luther in the great points of doctrine, and coura- 
geously spoke of him in terms of warm praise. But it was the 
noise of the battle which Luther was waging that opened the 
eyes of men to the real drift of Zwingli's teaching. 



I An unhappy event for the cause of the Roformation waa 

[the outbrealdiig of the great controversy between the Lutherans 
&nd the Swiss apan the Eucharist. In 1524, at the very time 
when the division of Germany into two hostile parties, Protes- 
tant and Catholic, was taking place, and an armed conflict was 
impending, the evangelical forces were weakened by this intes- 
tine confiict.' The doctrine of transubstantiation is not a doc- 
trine of the ancient Church. The view of Augustine, which was 
that a spiritual power is imparted to the bread and wine, analo- 
gous to ihe virtue supposed to inhere in the ba|)tiKnial water, 
long prevaJJed in the Latin Church, even after the more extreme 

if^uion had been broached by John of Damascus ami the Greek 

! Uieologians. Tliis L*: evident from the effect that was produced 
rhen literal traosubstantiation, or the conversion of the bread 
and wiue into the body and blooil of Christ, was advocated in 
the ninth century by Radbert, the Abbot of Corvey. This 

! theory was opposed by his contemporaries, Rabanus Maurus 
and by Ratramnus, who adhered to the views of Augustine. 
The bread and wiue nourish the body, but tlio spiritual power 
imparted to them — the spiritual body of Christ, of which they 
are the sign — is received by faith and nourishes the soul to an 
immortal hfe. In the eleventh century, the view of Radbert 

I had so far gained the ascendency that Berengar, who defended 
the more ancient theory, was condemned, although it was 
claimed that his opinion was favored by Hildebrand. Tran- 

[ substantiation, the change of substance, was defended by the 

schoolmen of the thirteenth century, and was made an 

of faith by the foiu"th Latcran Council, in 1215, under 

I Innocent IH. 

"Die Reformers, with one accord, denied this dogma, together 
with the associated doctrine of the sacrificial charactsr of the 
Eitcharist. But in other respects they were not agreed among 
thciRuelves. Luther affirmed the actual, objective presence of 
the j^ifie<l body and blood of Christ, in connection with the 
bread and wine, so that the body and blood, in some mysterious 
way, are received by the conaraunicant whether he be a behever 
or not. It is the doctrine of two substances m the sacrament, 
oc what is oft^-n styled consubstantiation. His doctrine in- 
cluded a belief in the ubiquity of the human nature of the 

■ [Unkft OnMei, Qtek. u. 5ft. 


ascended Christ. Zmngli, on the contrary, had come to conada 
the Lord's Supper as having principally a mnemonic significance, 
as a symbol of the atoning deatli of Clirist and a token or pleige 
— as a ring would be a pledge — of its continual efficacy.' 
He is present to the contemplative faith of the conmunicant. 
A middle view, which was that of Calvin, though suggested by 
others before him, was that of a real but spiritual reception of 
Cliriat, by the believer alone, whereby there is implanted in 
the soul the germ of a glorilied body or form of being like that 
of Christ. In this view the elements are the sjinbol, the pledge, 
or authentication of the grace of God through the death of 
Christ, and at the same time to the believer, though to no other, 
Christ is himself mysteriously and spiritually imjiarted, as ihe 
power of a new life — the power of resurrection. From the 
human nature of Christ, which is now exalted to heaven, or from 
his flesh, there enters into the soul of the believer a life^ving 
influence, so that he la united in the most intimate union to the 

The vehemence of Luther's hostility to the Zwinglian dor- 
trine is manifest in his correspondence for a considerable period 
after the rise of the controversy. There were no terms of oppro- 
brium too violent for him to apply at times to the tenet and 

' This idea of b. token or ^edge, however, he soon dropped. Mdrikofer, ii. 

• Luther did not hold that the heavouly body of Christ, which is offered and 
received in the sacrBmeot, occupica spitDe. Yet it is received by all who parUjie 
of the bread and wine — not B portion ol the body, but the entire Christ by e«oh 
eomraunicant. It ia received, in some proper sense, with the mouth. SomeliroeB 
he uses crssa cipressiona on this point. See. Cor example, the inatructions lo 
Mdanctlion for tin* cunferunce with Bucer at Casscl : " Und isl aununa das uota 
Meinung. doss wahrliodig in und rait dem Brod der Leib ChrinU gessen wird, 
also dasa aJles, was des Brod wLrket und leidet, der Lejb Chrii:!! wirke und leidfl, 
das er ausgctheilt, gesaen, und mit den Sfohoen ■ubisscn werde." De Wett4!. iv. 

572. Ho aaserta that the body of Chriat is i\ibalanlialilrr but not localilei U 

GKt^ndud or occupying apace — present. Dc Wette, tv. 573. ZwingU, oa tli* 
contrary', denied iJiut the body ot Christ is present, in any sense, in the sacn- 
ment. Thus ho writes to Luther himself (April, 1527: Zv^'nij, Opera, viii. Sfl): 
"Nunquam enim aliud oblinebia, quatn quod Chrinti Corpus quum In rosna euurtt 
in meotibua piurum non aliter nit. quam sola oonl^^mplatione." Zwingli and bit 
followers *rere more and more disposed to attach importance to a tpinttial pres- 
ence of Christ in the sacrament. This Calvin emphasised and added the poffiti^'e 
assertion o( a direct influence upon the believing coiiiniumcaiit, which Hows from 
Chrial through the medium or instrumentality of hia human nature. His flesh 
and blood, though locally separated, are really imparted to the soul of tiie b^ 
liover, as an clTi-ct of his faith, by "the secret power of the Holy Spirit," IniH- 
tulet, IV, ivii. 9, 10, 23. An able historiaal discussion by Julius Miiller, enlillrd 
Vergleichung der Lehrvn LxUhrrt und Coiinni ijbcr den h. AhendmcM, is in HuUct's 
DogmaliKhi Abhandlungen, pp. 404-467. 








the persons of the Sacramentarians. There were times when 
for special reasons — chiefly from the hope that they were 
coming over to his opinion — his hostility was sensibly abated. 
But his abliorrence of the Zwinglian doctrine never left him. 
The reasons that misled him into what struck those who differed 
from him as an intolerant and uncharitable course of conduct it 
id not impossible to discover. The obno-Kious theory was first 
proposed by Carlstadt, an enthusiast and fanatic who bad given 
Luther infinite trouble, and it was defended by him through 
a weak device of exegesis. It was associated in Luther's mind 
with the extreme spiritualism, or the subjective tendency, 
which undervalued aod tended to sweep away the objective 
means of grace, the Word as well as the sacraments, and to 
substitute for them a special illumination or inspiration from 
the Spirit.' iThe Word and the Sacram ents Lutl irr hitd nindr 
t he criteria of the Church. On uph olding them '"_jti£ir just 
place, everything that distin guished hia refSrmn rom fnthii- 
sTa,c;m nr rnimnflTTsiTi'71pp''ri^l'^'l _TT'' had never thought of for- 
saking the dogmatic system of Latin Christianity in its earlier 
and purer days, and he looked with alarm on what struck him 
as a visionary or rationalistic innovation. Besides, over and 
above all these considerations, the real objective presence of 
Christ in his human nature, was a belief that had taken a deep 
hold of his imagination and feelings. He had been tempted 
to give to the text — "this is my body" — a looser, more 
figurative meaning; but the text, he declared, was too strong 
for him. He must take it just as it reads. The truth is that 
his religious feelings were intertwined with the Uteral interpre- 
tation. Being immovably and on such grounds established in his 
opinion, he would have no fellowship with such as rejected it. 
They denied, as he conadered, an article of the Christian faith, 

' Luthpr ITU in Ihe habit of Btigma tiling the ZwinKliaDa sa "scliwirmor." 
Thie BKini at Erst ioappcBilo. pvcn us a tcrni of opprobrium. Bui Luther would 
hold fast to the obifeliit Word and tlio obi'eriive naprsmenl*. Ab the truth wu 
in the Word when it entered (he ear even of the unbeliever ; aa it »u." the Word 
of God. however it might be recei^'ed; so was Christ in the B&craniental riemeulfl, 
whatever the beliefs or feelings of the recipient might be. The sacratoeul waa 
complete, independeDtly of the cliaractcr of the reeipient. not leia than of the 
chanuler of the minister. It owed tt.^ completeness to the divine inalitulion ; 
just u the niVB of the sun btv the same, whether they fall Upon the eye that can 
see or upon Itic blind. In a word, Luther felt strongly that the Zwinglians at- 
tributed too much to the subjective factor, (o fatth, and thus Micrificed the grand 
objective character of the means of grace — doing by the sacramenla what the 
entfaudaats did by the Scriptures 




a precious fact of Christian experience. The union of the be- 
liever with Christ — the unio myslica — is a theme oq vhidi 
he has written more impre^vely, perhaps, than upon any 
other topic of Christian doctrine.' Philosophical objecticsis 
counted for nothing with him against the intuitions of the 
ethical or religious nature. He was profoundly sensible that 
the truths of reli^on transcend the Umits of the understanding. 
Difficulties raised by the mere understanding, in liowever plaus- 
ible form they might be presented, he considered to be really 
superficial. Yet, in defenihng his own view he sometimes con- 
descended to fight with weapons of philosophy which he had 
drawn in earlier days from the tomes of Occam, 

Of course the most urgent exertions would be made to heal 
a schism that threatened to breed great disasters to the Protes- 
tant cause. Not only was it a scandal of which the Roioan 
Cathohc party would only be too happy to make an abundant 
use, but it distracted the counsels and tended to paralyze the 
physical strength of the Protestant interest. The theologian 
who was most industrious in the work of bringing about a imioti, 
was Martin Bucer, who from his position at Strasburg was well 
situated with reference to both of the contending parties, and 


who was uncommonly ingenious at framing compromises, or 
at devising formulas sufficiently ambiguous to cover dissonant 
opinions. Rude and violent though Luther sometimes was, he 
was always utterly honest and outspoken, and for this reason 
proved on some occasions unmanageable; and Zwingli, earnest 
as was his desire for peace, was too sincere and self-respecting 
to hide his opinion under equivocal phraseologj'. At least, when 
it was openly attacked, he would as openly stand for its defense. 
Of the princes who were active in efforts to pacify the oppoHng 
schools and bring them upon some common ground, Philip, 
the Landgrave of Hesse, was the most conspicuous. The most 
memorable attempt of this sort was the conference at Marburg 
in 1529, where the Swiss theologians met Luther and Melancthoii. 
The former accommodated themselves to the views of the 
Lutherans on the subject of original sin, and on some other 
points respecting which their orthodoxy had been questioned. 
TTie only point of (Ufferenee was the Eucharist; but here 


■ PBBBogea [ram Liithar on this aubj«l may be ro«d in Domet, Entaiekebmii 
gttA. d. Lthrt v. d. Ftrion CIthtt., ii, 510 wg. 



the diffprence proved irreconcilable. The Landgrave arranged 
that private conferences should first be heltl between Q-colam- 
pAdius and Luther, and between Melancthon and Zningli; 
Zwingli and Luther being thus kept apart, and each put by thej 
aide of a theologian of niild and conciliatory temper. But the 
experiment was fruitless. No more could an agreement be 
reached when all were assembled with the Lan<lgrave and a 
select company of spectators. The theologians sat by a table, 
the Saxons on one side and the Swiss oppo^t^ them. Luther 
wrote with ehalk on the table his text — "hoc est meum corpus" 

— and refused to budge an iota from the literal sense. But 
lus opponents would not admit the actual presence of the body 
of Christ in the sacrament, or that his body is received by un- 
believers. The citations of Zwingli in answer to Luther's 
iteration of his solitary proof-text were numerous and apposite 

— ** I am the true vine," etc. Finally, when it was evident that 
DO oommoQ ground could be reached, Zwingli, with tears in his 
eyes, offered the hand of fraternal fellowship to Luthe-r. But 
tliis Luther refused to take, not wilHng, says Ranke, to recognize 
them as of the same communion. But more was meant by this 
refusal; Luther would regard the Swiss as friends, but such 
wu the influence of his dogmatic system over his feelings that 
he could not bring liimself to regard them as Christian brethren. 
He said, "You have not the same spirit as ours." Luther and 
UdancthoD at this time appear to have supposed that agree- 

_mctit in every article of belief is the import and necessary con- 
ition of Cbistian fellowship. Both parties engaged to be 
ly to one another, and to abstain from irritating and 
■ve language, which had been a source of offense to both 
It) the debaWs. They dined together in a friendly spirit with 
the Landgrave in the castle. They signed in common fourteen 
articles of faith relating to tlie great points of Christian doctrine, 
uul promised to exercise toward one smother all the charity 
which ie consistent with a good conscience.' Luther in his 
journey homeward was cast down in spirit, and himself — as 
igli had done — shed tears. In his heart there wa** a foun- 
of tenderness that was never wholly dry. There was a 
ierable time during which the sentiments and language 

IsMratiEic deUiU of Iba Coalennce msv be md in Simpaoa'a Li/e of 
I, p. US wq. ; tUao, in Jackson, Htildreieb Zuringti, p. 306 aeq. (.WlV'l. 


of Luther in relation to the Sacranientarians were greatly soft- 
ened. In particular was this tlie case while he was at Coburg 
during the eesaons of the Diet of Augsburg. The imperial 
cities of Southern Germany, by the agency of the indefatigable 
Bucer, although they sympatliized with the Zninghan doctrine, 
were admitted to the league of Snialcald. In 1536 the most 
distinguished theologians of Upper Germany joined Luther and 
his followers in subscribing to the Wittenberg Concord, wiiich 
expressed, with slight reservations, the Lutheran view. But 
the Swiss adherents of Zwingli refused to sanction this Creed.' 
In 1543 the pubhcation of Zwingli's writings by his son-in-law, 
Gualt«r, with an apologetic essay from Iiis pen, once more 
roused the ire of Luther, and he began again to denounce the 
Zwinglians and their doctrine in the former vituperative strain.' 
We now turn to the catastrophe of the Swiss Reformation. 
There was a growing hostility Ijetween the five mountain can- 
tons that remained Catholic and the cities in which Protestant- 

' It is asserted that the body and blood of Christ are truly prment, and oHtred 
in the aacrament, and afo rccpivpd even by thp *' unworthy." Bucer diatingiu.4lied 
between the "unworthy" and "godless." Oo this agreement spe the artielf. 
" Wittenbergcr Concordie," in Herzog's Real-Ejicyct., and Gieseter, ril. iv- 1. \ 7. 

* The story that Luther. HhorCly before tiia death. Hcknowledged to Melaoc- 
thon that he had gone too far in the saenunentai eontroversy. is givea, for 
example, by ChnBtofFel, i. 33L It [a a fiction : see Galle, Vtrsiieh etner Chxmritf- 
itlik Mclancthonj al» Thfolngm, etc., p. 433. Luther and Mtlnncthon depended 
very much fur their inforraotiun on Bwias affairs upon travelers and students, and 
had an imperfect conception of the real clvarncter of Zwm^ti'd servieea to rcfono. 
Neither of the diBputnnts at Marhurg fully grasped the opluion of tlie other. Tbe 
Zwingliana often understood Luther to hold to a local presence, whereas Uie 
Lutheran doctrine resta upon the idea of a spiritualjKiiig of the human nature of 
Christ, of an effect wrought upon it by its relation to Divinity, so tlial it no longer 
ails apace or is fettered by spatial relations. The state of Luther'u heafth, and 
the particular circumstauees under which he wrote, afT«!tod his tone respecting 
Zwingli, There was a certain blunlncss in Zwingli which was oR'ensire (o Luthrr, 
and was interpreted by him as personal disrespeet. Zwingli's leltjT to Lulliec 
(.^pril. 1527; Zicing- Opera, viii. 39). however it may have been provoked, w>* 
adapted to irritate the Saxon reformer. Referring to it, Luther speaks of Che 
"Helvotica terocia. " of his opponent (to Spalatin, May 31. 1527; I>e Wctle, iii. 
182). In a letter to Bullinger (May 14, 1538; De Wetle. v. 3), he speaks kindly 
of Zwingli; "Libero enim dicam ; Zwinglium. poElquam Marpurgi mihi visus et 
BuditUE^ e^t, ^■irum optimum esse judieavi. sicut et CEcolampadium, " etc. Hit 
speaks of the grief he had experienced at Zwingli's dealli. But when his di» 
pleasure was excited, he wrote in a difTerent aplrit. See, for example, a letter to 
Weuc. Link (January 3, 1532; De Welle, iv. 331). But Zwingli. in the Ada 
Ratio. — the creed which he preseuled al Augsburg, — had described LutherS 
opinion as the tenet of tliose "who look back to the flesh-pots of Kgypt": "Qui 
adollas .£gyptiacaa respeclant" — an aspersion a9 unjust as it waa irritating 
[Rat. Fid., 8). Luther's latest ebullition, occasioned by the intelligence that Iha 
Swiss were denouncing him, is in a letter to .lac. Probst (January )7, IMS; Ds 
Wette, V. 777.) 



«m had been established. The Protestant cause was making 

pn^«S8 in other parts of Switzerland. The Catholic cantons 

Otmd into a league with Ferdinand of Austria. Protestant 

pmchers who fell into the hands of the Catholics were put to 

(Ifilli. Tlie new doctrine was suppressed within their hmits. 

Tht districts that belonged in common to the several cantons 

(unuahed the occasion for bitter controversy. At length Zurich 

look up arms, and without bloodslied forced the five cantons 

to tear up the compact with .\ustria, to concede that each gov- 

cmnient should be free to decide for itself upon the rehgious 

qiji^tion, and to pay the costs of the projecteti war. Peace was 

Cflncluded when both parties were in the field, face to face. The 

bchaN'ior of the five cantons, however, was not improved. Their 

thmtening attitude led Zurich to form alliances with the city 

of Strasburg and the Landgrave of Hesse. The force of the 

^Proleetants, apart from foreign help, was greater than that of 

^■heir adversaries. Zwiugh recommended bold measures. He 

Hlhoii^t that the constitution of the Swiss Confecieracy should 

be chang(-«d, so that ihe preponderance might be given to the 

cilivs where it justly belonged, and taken from the mountain 

(Uitricts which had ao shamefully misused their power- The 

chief demands that were really made, were that the Protestant 

doctrine, which was professed in the lower cantons, should be 

I tolemtetl in the upper, ant! that persecution should cease there. 

But the question was whether even these demands would be 

cnforce^l. Zwingli with reason distrusted the pledges of the 

OftthoUe cantons, and was in favor of overpowering the enemy 

■tty a direct attack, and of extorting from them just concessions. 

P^ut he was overruled, and half-measures were resorted to. The 

allcnipt was made to coerce the Catholic cantons by non-inter- 

counse, thus cutting off their supplies. The effect was that the 

Catholics were enabled to collect their strength, while the 

Protestant cities were divided by jealousies and by disagreement 

u to what might be the best policy to adopt. Zurich was left 

^without help to confront, with liasty and inadequate prepara- 

^kon, the combined strength of the Catholic party. The Zurich 

^pdrae was defeated at Cappel, on the 11th of October, 1531, 

^nad Zwingli, who had gone forth as a chaplain with his people 

to battle, tell. He had anticipated defeat from the time when 

his oounaele were disregarded, and he had found it impoe&Mfe 


to bring the magistrates of Berne to a resolution to act wiA 
decision. In the thick of the fight, he raised his voice to en- 
courage his companions, but uiado no use of his weapons.' As 
he received his mortal wound, he exclaimed: "What evil is 
this? they can kill the body, but not the soul!"* As be lay, 
still brealhing, on the field, but with his hands folded and his 
eyes directed to heaven, one or more brutal soldiers asked him 
to confess to a priest, or to call on Mary and the saints. He 
shook his head in token of refusal. Tliey knew not to whom 
they were speaking, but only that he was a heret'C, and with a 
single sword-thrust put an end to his life.' Notwithstanding 
this defeat, the party of the reformed might have retrieved their 
cause. But they lacked union and energj'. Zurich and Berne 
concluded a humiliating peace, the effect of which was to inflict 
a serious check upon the Protestant interest and to enable the 
Catholics to repossess themselves of portions of the ground 
which they had lost. 

The menace addressed by the Catholic majority at the Diet 
of Augsburg to Ihe Protestants led to the formation of the 
Protestant Defensive League of Snmlcald, to which the four 
imperial cities of South Germany that held the Zwinglian opin- 
ions, but were now disconnecteil from the confederacy of their 
Swiss brethren, were admitted In 1531. Tlie Imperial Chamber 
had been pui'ged by the exclusion of all who were supposed to 
sympathize with the new opinions. This tribunal was to be 
made the instrument of a legal persecution. The Emperor 
procured the election of his brother as Roman King, in a manner 
which involved a violation of the rights of the Electors, and was 
adapted to excite the apprehensions of the Protestants.' The 
Wittenberg tiicologiaiis waived their oppasition to the project 
of withstauLling the Emperor. Luther took the groimd that, 
while as Christians, they ought not to resort to force, yet the 
rights and duties of the princes in reference to the Emperor were 
a political question for jurists to determine, and that Chj'istiflus, 

' Marikofer, ii. 417. ' MyooniuB, xii. 

' The dcnTh of Z^nf^li in dencriboct with touching flimplicitv by hid fluocMW 
i Zurich, Bullingcr, KrlorniaHon^geiichiehlii (Zurich cd,, 1838), iii. 136. 

' Rsnkc, iii. 220 scq. The "King of the RomiiiM" wajt the title of tlir mc- 
or of the Emperor during (he lifetime of tlic latter, and of tlic Iftlt«r prior 
bU coronation M Rome. Sec Bryoe, Holy Roman Empire, p. 404. 



t& members of the state, were bound to take up arnis in defense 
b^ tlieir princes, when these are unla^^fully asaiulted. Tlie 
P^tAil'tcal situation for ten years after the Diet of Augsburg was 
such as not only to disable Charles from the forcible execution 
^■f its decree, but also such as to favor the progress of the Refor- 
^ftiAtion. The League of Snialcald, strengthened by a tem- 
porarj- alliance with the Dukes of Bavaria and by treaties with 
France and Denmark, was too formidable to be attacked. The 
irruption of the Turks under Soliman was another insui>erable 
obstacle in the way of the repressive policy. Hence, in 1532,; 
" the peace of Nuremberg" provided that religious affairs' 
should be left unchanged, untU they could be adjusted by a 
new Diet, or by a new Council, Such a Council the Protestants 
had demanded at Augsburg and Charles had promised to pro- 
cure. Notwithstanding the disturbance produced by the Ana- 
baptist communists at Miinstcr, the Reformation advanced L 
with rapid strides. The Protestant Duke of Wiirtemberg was 
reestablished in his passessions by the Landgrave of Hesse, in 
ISM. Brandenburg and ducal Saxony, by the death of the 
Elector and of the Duke, became Protestant. Catholic princes 
were beginning to grant religious liberty to their subjects. The 
war with France, which broke out in 1536, rendered it impoa-j, 
sible for the Emperor to hinder this progress. The Smalcald 
League was extended by the accession of more princes and 
citie«. TTie Protestants refused to comply with the summons 
to a Council, in which, by the terms of the invitation, their 
oondemnstion was a foregone conclusion. Alarmed at the 
Lgrowing strength of Protestantism, the leading Catholic estates 
limited in a Holy League at Nuremberg, in 1538, which, like 
I Uie League of Smalcald, wa-s ostensibly for defense.' The next 

' The mue of Ibp Itpformation was wpukcned by the discord of Protratant 

Ctena, vpocwlly ■•[ tliE LIci'Ior ani\ Uukc Maurice. Il siifTered HtiU mure in 

Baniunie* of Ihf " dinp-nsnlioo ' ■ whicii Lulher null Mi-lnni'llmn grnnlpj (ho 

Wifcnve of BoBsB. vliiclj nllowe^l him to coutract & bocoilcI innrriage ttilhout 

Wof i^vafc*^ from aia wif^, wiui had becomo repugiuLat to liim on Account of 

W toJUy diionlns sod pcraaiml habiW. To thif plsn his wifo n>nB«iitFd. A« 

(^ <w«d to bw togellior. ttie conaciencf^ of Philip n-aa worried by his yielding 

luannul t«a(>taiion. Both Luther ami Melanclhon linJ held that polygnmy 

•" "H alwolutely — with no pxefplion ^ Icirbidden in tho New Testninenl. 

"*!' «»tti»id, aDd Bucer with them concurred, under the cirnimalajico, in approv- 

^f of ij),i hqodJ marrio^ of the L&nJgrftvtt without a divorce. It must be 

''*!<<] ■■ m cuevption to the ruin and kept a secret, Lulher rcgardeil his rela- 

^ If Uii> fuel a4 th« as tliat of a prioit in the conreuiDna.1, bound not to 

'**•*! what be leami Ihsre. Pliili/j, he bald, taa uuder &n equal obVit^tion &tA> 


three years are marked by cffnrta to secure peace, of which the 
Conference and Diet of Ratisbon, in 1541, is the most reinark- 
al)lc. On this occasion the Pope was represented by his Legate, 
Contarini, who held a view of justification not dissimilar to that 
of the Protestants, and was ready to meet Melancthon half- 
way on the path of concession. In these negotiations an actual 
agreement was attained in the statement of fom- doctrinal 
points, which embraced the subjects of the nature of man, 
original sin, redemption, and justification ; but upon the Church, 
sacraments, and kindred topics, it was found that no concord 
was attainable. Tlie King of France, from the selfish purpose 
to thwart the effort for union, witli others on the Catholic side 
who were actuated by different motives, complained of the con- 
cessions that had been made by the Catholic party ; and Con- 
tarini was checked by orders from the Pope. The Elector of 
Saxony was equally dissatisfied with the proceedings of Me- 
lancthon, and together with Luther, who regardeti tlie hope of 
a compromise as wholly futile, and as inspired by Satan, was 
gratified when the abortive conference was brought to an end. 
The necessity of getting help at once against the Turks com- 
pelled Charles once more to sanction the peace of Nurembei^ 
with additional provisions to tlie advantage of the Protestants, 
His unsucc&ssfid expedition against Algiers, in 1541, and the 
renewed war with France, together with the Turkish war in 
which his brother Ferdinand was involved, obliged the latter, 
at a Diet at Spires in 1542, to grant a continuance of the reli- 
gious peace. The imperial declaration at Ratisbon was ratified 
by the Diet of Spires, held in 1544, Tlie prospects of the Prot- 
estant cause had been bright. For a tinie it seemed probable 

to disclose the fact. Margaret whom he mBrrinl wbb hia "wife before God bdiI 
not before the world," Luther did not adopt the "mental reservation" ihrcry 
of Romati coaaiste. or ILie tlieory of '*veuial" aiiui, Thta "double morrij^^' 
brought reproach upon the reForniers and carried with it political cooaequeiin* 
tlut were diflaatrouB. Melancthon hiniflcK, after the aeeret nupliala, was n pre)' 
to aniciety, atid, at Weitnar, was nttacked with illocss no severe that his recovei? 
wu due to Luther's oncrgclic sympathy. See Ranke, iv. 186 Dcq. Vnfound«l 
charges against Luther io connection with this unhappy event, by Protentaol 
aa well as Catholic writers, — for ciaraplo, that ho wan actuated by a selfiah regard 
for the intercBla of the ProlcHtant parly ; lliat he waa in favor of polygamy, eW., 
— are exposed by Hare, Viniliciilion o) Luther, etc. p. 225 acj. The txanraetjon 
is fully narrated by Seckendorf, lii. bwI. 21. Unix. Sec, also, Rommel, PhSipd. 
QrottmiUhigt, i, 430, a, *00. Full statementa of the hietoriciJ faota are given 
in Prussian Statt Archiiti, 5lh vol, ; CorTMpoiidcncB o/ PhUip with Buter : and. 
(■peoialty, by W. W. Rockwell, Die DopptUhe det Landgrafen PhUipp (19041. 



K all Germany would adopt the new faith. But the League of /' 
malcald was grievously weakened by internal dissension. The 
aties complained of arbitrary proceedings of the Elector of 
B&xoay and the Landgrave of Hesse; for example, in the ex- 
putfdon of the Duke of Bnmswiek from his land, a measure that 
brought them into conflict with the imjjerial court. But the 
fatal event was tbe hostility of Maurice, Duke of Saxony, to 
the Elector, which rested on various grounds, and which had 
once before brought them to the verge of war ; and the abandon- 
ment of the League by Maurice, in 1542. He had married the 
daughter of Philip of Hesse, but he wanted to enlarge his terri- 
tory, and he coveted the title and rank of his neighbor and 
cousin. His interest in the Lutheran cause was more than 
balanced by his hope of advantage from the friendship of Charles. 
"Ilie Elector of Brandenburg had not joined the League, and 
was followed in this course by the old Elector Palatine, who 
a<iopteJ the Reformation in 1545, The Emperor forced France 
to conclude the peace of Crespy, in 1544. At the Diet of Worms 
in March, 1545, the Prot.estants refused to take part in the 
Council of Trent. The hostility of the Elector to Maurice pre- 
\'enicd the fonnation of a close alliance between the two Saxonies 
and Hesse. Maurice, so adroit and aspiring a politician, loving 
power more than he valued his faith, at length made his bar- 
gain with Charles, and engaged to unite with him in making 
war upon the Elector, whose territories Maurice coveted, and 
i^Km the Landgrave, the two princes whom the Emperor pro- 
leaaed to attack, not on religious grounds, but as offenders 
igBlDst the laws and peace of the Empire. While the Emperor 
»» tlnllying with the Protestants that he might prepare to 
rtrike a more effective blow, Luther died at Eisleben, the place 
<if hi* l>irtii, on the 18th of February, 1546. His last days were 
iiol his His health was undermined, and he suffered 
■\"0usly from various ilisorders, especially from severe, con- 
mious headache. He was oppressed with a great variety of 
6iUp employments relating to public and private affairs, so that 
[pnttg one day from his writing table to the window he fancied 
' ttttthe saw Satan mocking him for having to consume his time 
10 vueleas business.' His intellectual powers were not enfeebled. 

'"Hm* tudar hmv* I hpon praiircd with the knaveri™ and lies of a bukfr 
""•(111 \i'ti.rr mp fnr luiii^ (iili-e «ficlil-'': though miph mattera eoiiTCin VbB 
IJOWata ratliM- than tbe dii-jVic I'rl, 1/ no one were lo check Xlic ttvetla ot 
"•^Ufcmt ntbouJJ /larc a fine state of things." — Titehrtden. 


His religious trust continued firm aa a rock. His coura^ 
and his assurance of the ultimate victory of the truth never 
faltered. But he lost the cheerful spirits, the joyous toiic, that 
had before characterized him. He took dark views of the 
wickedness of the timee and of society about him. He wafi 
weary of the world, weary of life, and longed to be released from 
its burdens. He was old, he said, useless, a cumberer of the 
ground, and he wanted to go. His disafTection with Witten- 
berg, on account of what he considered the laxness of family 
government and reprehensible fashions m respect to dress, was 
Buch that he determined to quit the place, and he was dissuaded 
only by the uniteii intercessions of the Elector, and of the 
authorities of the University and of the town. He fell into & 
confiict with the jiunsts on account of their declaration that the 
consent of parents is not absolutely indispensable to the validity 
of a marriage engagement, and he attacked them publicly from 
the pulpit.' 

The friendship of Luther and Melancthon was not brokwi, 
but partially chilled in consequence of theological differenew. 
TTiere were two points on which Melancthon swerved froio 
his earlier views. From the time of the controversy of 
Luther and Erasmus, Melancthon had begun to modify his 
ideas of predestination, and to incline to the view that was 
afterwards called Synergism, which gives to the will an active 
though a subordinate, receptive agency m conversion. On 
this subject, however, the practical, if not the theoretical, views 
of Luther were also modified, as is evident from the lettere 
which he wrote in reply to perplexed persons who applied to 
him for counsel. The difference on this subject between him 
and Melancthon, if one existed, occasioned no breach. It WM 
not until after Luther's death that his followers made this « 
ground of attack on Melancthon and the subject of a theological 
contest. But, on the Lord's Supper, the matter on which 
Luther was most sensitive, Melancthon's view, from about the 
time of the Diet of Augsburg, began to deviate from his former 
opinion. The spell which Luther had cast over him in his 
youth was broken; and, influenced by the arguments of tEco- 

' Onlle. p. 139. LulhpT wfitra lo Rpalalm that in h\a whole life and in all 
his labon for Uie CoRiJel, ha hul never bnd mo-e Biudety thau during Uiat rot 
(16«). Do Wctte, V. 626. 



^Kkpadius and by his own independent study of the Fathers, 
M really embraced, in his owi mind, the Calvinrstic doctiine, 
^bch was, in substance, the opinion advocated by (Ecolam- 
^Kdius and Burer. Mclanothon still rejected the Zwinglian 
^Btory which made Christ in the sacrament merely the object 
^H Ute contemplative act of faith; but the other hypothesis 
^B» real but spiritual reception of Him, in connection with the 
^■nd and wine, satisfied him. Melancthon's reserve and 
^ftttiety to keep the peace could not wholly veil this change of 
^MjuoD; and persons were not wanting, of whom Nicholas 
^Hfedorf was the ciiief, to excite as far as they could, the jealousy 
^Hntl hostility of Luther. The result was that the confidential 
^■ittmacy of the two men was interrupted. For several years 
^HleliuicthoD lived in distress and in daily expectation of being 
^Briven from his place.' "Often," he says, writing in Greek as 
^Be frequently did when he wanted to express something which 
^He was afraid to divulge — "Often have I said that I dreaded 
^Bi«^ old age of a nature so passionate, like that of Hercules, or 
^Vhiloctetes, or the Roman General, Marius." ' In remarks of 
^Bbis sort he referred, as he explained later, to the vehemence 
^Kommon to men of a heroic make.' Yet, in previous years 
^Kaoe Jisd been more just and forbearing in reference to the 
^Hmdue tendency to concession and compromise on the part of 
^■lelanotbon than Luther. For the change in their relations, 
^the fear and consequent reser\'e and shyness of the one were 
not less responsible than the imperious disposition of the other. 
^Ht would be a mistake to suppose that Luther lost his confidence 
^nod loii'e towards his younger associate; for expressions of 
^^ Luther, in his very last days, prove the contrary. It would 
^■W an error, likewise, to suppose that Melancthon ever came to 
^|nO^ Iiini ^ other than one of the foremost of men, a hero, 
^faidowed with noble and admirable qualities of heart as well 
^M IS mind. But the original contrariety in the temperament of 
^M llw two men, joined to infirmities of character in Luther, which 

^B < Caeput Krf.. v. 474. GkUc. p. 142. A leliei of MElaDCthon to Carlowiti. 

^^ tti Ctnmtilor of Duko Maurice (Corput Rr]., vi. 879). wrillcn juat after llic cIqbo 

^ *l Oi gaulcttldic War, id which he appaks of the qhXoKiirfa of LuUier, ailordi 

atf Uic uneoroforWble relations in which he had stood with (he elrietly 

^^ KB Court of the Eleclor. This letter, which WBH written, say> Bankc. 

^^H "^ V «B(Uardc<d moment, gave, undor thf circumstanecv. \\v*i ofFenac to thoae 

^^H '^•W^bad the memory of Ltither. See the rrtuarks of Rouke, iv. 63. 

^H 'fiTMi R»t., V. 310. Guile, p. 140. » ObIU, p. lit. 



were aggravated by long years of strenuous combat, and labor 
and by disease, had the effect to cloud for a wliile their mutual 
^TOiiathy and cordiality of intcrcotirse. But the great soul 
of Luther shines out in the last letters he utoIc — several of 
them affectionate epistles to Melancthon — and in the last ser- 
mons he preached at Eisleben ; where, within a few rods of 
the house in which he was bom, full of faJth and of peace, he 
breathed his last, "He is gone," said Melancthon to his stu- 
dents, "the chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof, who 
ruled the Church in these last troubled times." In the course 
of the funeral address which Melancthon pronounced over the 
grave beneath the pulpit where the voice of Luther had so long 
been heard, he referred to the complaint made against Luther'al 
excessive vehemence, £ind quoted the frequent remark of E>aa« 
mus, that "God has ^ven to this last time, on account of the 
greatness of its diseases, a sharp physician." With grief and 
tears, he said, that choked his utterance, he set forth the grand 
labors of Luther, the kindness, geniality, and dignity of his char- 
acter, his freedom from personal ambition, the wisdom and 
sobriety that were mingled with his irresistible energy &s a 
reformer. If even in this address, and still more in subsequent 
letters of Melancthon, traces of a partial estrangement may be 
detected in Ids tone, the effect is only a discriminating instead j 
of a blind admiration of one with whom he was connected bjfl 
an indissoluble bond of love.' ■ 

Luther, whatever deduction from his merit may be made 
on the score of faults and infirmities, was one of those extrBOP« 
dinary men of whom it may be said, in no spirit of hero-worship, 
but in sober truth, that their power, as manifested in histor)", 
can only be compared to that of the great permanent forces 
of nature. " He is one of those great historical figures in which 
whole nations recognize their own type." ' A hfelong opponent 
of Protestantism, one of the first Roman Catholic scholars of the 
last century, said of him: "It was Luther's overpowering great- 
ness of mind and marvelous many-sidedness which made Min to 
be the man of his time and of his people ; and it is correct lo say 
that there never has been a German who has so intuitively 
understood his people, and in turn has been by the nation so 
pprfectly comprehended, I might say, absorbed by it, as 

' GaUe, pp. 144, 146. > Domer, Hiit. of Prot. Theelon. i- SI- 



Augustinian monk at Wittenberg. Heart and mind of the Ger- 
mans were in his hand like the l>Te in the hand of the musician. 
Moreover, he has given to his people more than any other man 
in Christian ages has ever given to a people : language, manual 
for popular instruction, Bible, hj-mns of worship; and every- 
thing which his opponents in their turn had to offer or to place 
in comparison with these, showed itself tame and powerless and 
colorless by the side of hie sweeping eloquence. They sfam- 
mered; he spoke with the tongue of an orator; it is he only 
who has stamped the imperishable seat of his own soul, ahke 
upon the GcTman language and upon the German mind ; and 
even those Germans who abhorred him as the powerful heretic 
and seducer of the nation, cannot escape; they must discourse 
with his words, they must think with his thoughts." ' 

The SmalcJildic war began in 1546. Notwithstanding the 
disadvantageous situation of the Protestants, bad the military 
management Ijeen good, they might have achieved success. 
But a spirit of indecision and inactivity prevailed. The Elec- 
tor, John Frederic, drove from his territory the forces of 
Maurice, but was surprised, defeated, and capturetl by Charles 
Bt Miihlberg, on the 24th of April, 1547; and soon after the 
Landgrave surrendered himself and submitted to the Emperor. 
The victory of Charles appeared to be almost complete. His 
plan was to bring the Protestants once more under the Catholic 
hierarchy, and to make them content by the removal of external 
abuses. His estimate of the true character and moral strength 
of Protestantism was always superficial. Hence he put forth 
a provisional formula — called, after the sanction of it by the 
Diet, the Augsburg Interim — at the same time that a scheme 
for reformation was by his authority laid before the German 
bishops, in which changes were proposed in points of external 
order. The work which he had thus commenced he hoped 
that the Council of Trent would complete. But this plan, 
however promising it seemed to the Emperor, had to contend 
not only with the opposition of earnest Protestants, but also 
with the discordant ideas and projects of the Pope. Charles 
had counted upon suppressing Protestantism by the joint in- 
fluence of his own power and that of the Council. But the 

' Dollinger, Vortrage, ttc. (Munioh. 1872). See, also, hia earlier work, 
Kiixhe u. Kirthcn (ISSI), p. 386. 



Lpottndl bftd begun its work, not with measures looking to J 
Ftefonastion, but with the oondcmnation of the Protestant dooj 
tiiao. Moreover, P(^ Puil m., although he hoped tb« 
Lbenefit woold result to the Cburch from the SmalcAl<lic war, 
rdreaded a too abcnhne Eucces on the part of Charles, wliich^ 
would render him dangooos m Italy. Heoce he wished thai 
btbe Sector might hold out against the Emperor, and seut a me 
na^ to Francis I. to aid the former. He withdrew the ill-dis 
ctplined troops with which he had furnished Charles, and exdU 
Ltbe Emperor's intecfc displeamire by remo\'ing the Council 
FBoIogna. The Pope and Fiancis were once more cloeely allii'i, 
and at work on the Protestant ^de for the purpofie of diminisb- 
ing the power of Charles. The imperial bishops refused to leavej 
Trent, and the Council was rendered powerless. The measu 
undertaken by Charles were, beades, conadered by the Pop 
and by zealous Catholics to be an encroachment upon his spirit-' 
ual authority, a usurpation of powers not belonging to a secular 
ruler. In Southern Germany the acceptance of the Interim 
was forced upon the Protestant states and cities. In Northern 
Germany it was generally resisted. The city of Magdeburg , 
kespecially signalized itself by its perseveiing refusal to submita 
"to the new arrangements. Duke Maurice modified the Interim, " 
retaining the essential features of the Lutheran doctrine, but 
allowing Catholic rites and institutions, and thus framed tie 
Leipsic Interim. This proceeding, which was accomplished 
by the aid of Melancthon and the other AVitt^nberg theolo^ans, 
led to a bitter controversy in tlie Lutheran Church on the same 
question which came up elsewhere in connection with Puritan- 
ism, whether these obnoTdous rites and usages might be adopted 
by the Church as things morally indifferent — adiaphora — 
when the ma^stjate enjoins them. Melancthon incurred the 
fierce hostility of the stricter Lutherans, and the controversy 
was of long continuance.' 

The Council had been reassembled at Trent by Pope Julius 1 
in., who was wholly favorable to the Emperor. I^oifstant 

■ That Helanctnon went too far in his concessions in the period of the Inlerimi 
!■ Bllowed by judiciouH friends ot the Retonnntian. StiB Raiikf, v. 48 leq. H ' 
shoulil be remembpred, however, in justice to hini, (hot in signing lh^ Smiilrt'IJ 
Arlidea, he had appended the qualification liiat for himself he ivaa willing, (of 
tlio sake of unity, lo ailniil a jiirfl humano superiority of the Pope over oihrr 
biahopa, Sva Ihc lenrned article "Mclanclhtii," by Landerer, and Kim in Ham*. 
K'oUneyklopailii:, xil. 613. 




elates had entered into negotiations with it, and it seemed prob- 
able that Germany must bow to its authority, when the whole 
situation was turned by the bold movement of Duke Maurice 
for the rescue of the cause which he had been chiefly instru- 
mental in crushing. Notwithstanding that Germany was in 
appearance well-nigh subjugated to the Euiperor, there were 
powerful elements of opposition. The Turks had captured 
Tripoli from the Knights of St. John, and kindled anew the 
flames of war in Hungary. Henry VIH., the King of England, 
had died, and been succeeded by Edwcrd VI., by whom Prot- 
estantism was established in that country. Henry U. of France 
was uniting with the enemies of the Emperor in Italy, and in 
September, 1551, hostilities once more commenced between the 
two rival powers. The heroic resistance of Magdeburg hail 
stimulated the enthusiasm of the Protestants of North Germany. 
The project of Charles V. to make his eon, Philip of S]jain, his 
successor to the Empire, had even threatened for a time to pro- 
duce an estrangement between the Emperor and Ferdinand. 
The German princes were offended at the preference given to 
Spanish advisers and at personal slights which they haft suffered. 
The continued presence of foreign troops in violation of the 
Emperor's promise at his election was offensive to the nation. 
Maurice had become an object of genera! antipathy among tho,se 
whom he had betrayed. Curses, loud aa well as deep, were 
freely uttered against him. The sufferings of the good Elector, 
whom no threats and no bribes could induce to compromise his 
rcligioufi faith, and the continued imprisonment of the Landgrave 
agsdnst the spirit of the stipulations given on the occasion of 
hifl surrender, for the fulfillment of which Maurice was held to 
be answerable, were not only personally displeasing to him. but 
they brought upon him increasing unpopularity. His applica- 
tions to the Emperor for the release of the Landgrave, Maurice's 
father-in-law, had proved ineffectuaL The Spaniards were 
threatening that the German princes should be put down, and 
intimations that Maurice himself might have to be dealt with 
as the Elector had been were occasionally thrown out. The 
siege of Magdeburg which Maurice, who had undertaken to exe- 
cute the imperial ban against that city, was languidly prosecuting 
served hira aa a cover for military preparations. Having se- 
cured the cooperation of several Protestant princes on whom 



:~- n(" 

he could rely; having convinced with difficulty the families of 
the captive princes that he might be trusted ; having, also, nego- 
tiated an alliance with Henry II., who was to make a diveraon 
ag^st Charles in the Netherlands; having come to an under- 
Btanding with Magdeburg, which was to ser\'e as a refuge in 
case of defeat; having made these and all other needful prepa- 
rations with profoimd secrecy, he suddenly took the field, and 
marching at the head of an army which increased at everj- step 
of his advance, he crossed the Alps, and forced the Emperor, 
who was suffering from an attack of the gout, to fly from Inns- 
bruck,' Tills triumph was foUowcd by the treaty of Passau. 
Charles left his brother Ferdinand to negotiate with the princes. 
The demand of Maurice and of his associates was that the Prot- 
estants should have an assurance of toleration and of an equality 
of rights with the Catholics, whether the efforts to secure religioua 
unanimity in the nation should succeed or not. To this Ferdi- 
nanil gave his assent; but the Emperor, impelled alike by con- 
science and by pride, notwithstanding his humiliating defeal, 
could not be brought to concur in this stipulation. The Prot- 
estants obtained the pledge of amnesty, of peace, and equal 
rights, until the religious differences sliould be settled by a 
national assembly or a general council. Tlie capti\-e prinefs 
were set at liberty. Charles was obliged to see his long-cher 
ished plan for the destruction of Protestantism terminate in e 
mortifying failure. At the Diet of Augsburg in 1555, the ccle- 
* J- brated Religious Peace was concluded. Every prince was lo be 
9^ allowed to choose between the Catholic religion and the Augs- 
burg Confession, and the religion of the prince was to be that 
of the land over which he reigned. The Catholics wanted lo 
except ecclesiastical princes from the first article; the Protes- 
tants objected to the second. Finally the ecclesiastical reser- 
vation was adopted into the treaty, according to which every 
prelate on becoming Protestant should resign his benefice ; snd 

Lby an accompanying declaration of Ferchnand, the subjects 
of ecclesiastical princes were to enjoy reli^ous liberty. The 
Imperial Chamber, which had been a principal instrument of op- 
pression in the hands of the Catholics, was reconstituted in siicl> 
a way that the rights of the Protestants were protected. CharleS 

Maurice did not cnpturc Cbsrles : "Hp Imd no csgp," he aud, ''lor lo luff* 
bird." Charles fled from Tnnabnick May 19. I.'i52. 



took no part personally in the proceedings which led to the 
rehgious peace. It involved a concesdon to the adherents of 
the Augsburg Confession — the liberty to practice their reUgion 
without molestation or loss of civil privileges, whether a council 
should or should not succeed in uniting the opposing parties — 
a concesdon which he had intended never to grant. But the 
progress of thought and the strength of reUgious con^'ictions 
were too mighty to be overcome by force. Mediieval imperial- 
ism was obliged to give way before the forces arrayed against 
it. The abdication of Charles, who felt himself physically 
unequal to the caree of his office, followed, and the imperial 
station devolved on his brother (1556). 

Thus Protestantism obtained a legal recognition. During "^ 
the next few years, the Protestant faith rapidly spread even in 
Bavaria and Austria. Had it not been for tlie Ecclesiastical 
Reservation, says Gieseler, all Germany would have soon become 

> Gieuler, nr. L I, 1 11. 



When we inquire into the means by which the GermanI 
Rofoniiation extended itself into the adjacent countries, ihci 
agency of the Germans who were settled in these lamk cnn-l 
stantly appears. One is reminded of the diffusion of the ancjfjilj 
Hebrews, and of the part taken by them in opening a way for] 
Christianity beyond the bounds of Palestine. Another very! 
conspicuous instrument in the spread of the Lutheran doctrine i 
I was Wittenberg, the rsaosmEd school to which young meal 
■\ w ere altracte<l out of all the neiyhhnnnp' lands. Tlie use of ] 
^1 Latin as a vchick' of tcacliing and as the common language of 
** etlucated persons of whatever nationality rendered this practi- 
cable. But the Scandinavians were themselves a branch of 
the great Teutonic family, near kinsmen of the Germans, and 
connected with them, beades, by the bonds of commercial 

In 1397 the three Scandinavian kingdoms, Denmark, Nor- 
way, and Sweden, were united by the Union of Cahnar, in which 
it was provided that each nation should preserve its laws and 
institutions, and share in the election of the conunon sovereign. , 
The result, however, was a long struggle for Danish supremacy ■ 
over Sweden. When the Reformation in Germany began, Chris- 1 
tian II. of Denmark was engaged in a contest for the SwedL'^li 
throne. In all these countries the prelates were pofsesscd of 
great wealth, and very much restricted the authority of the 
sovereign as well as the power of the secular nobles.' 

Christian II. was surrounded, in Denmark, by a body of 
advisers who sympathized with the Lutheran movement in 
Saxony. He was himself disposed to depress the power of the | 

' Milnlcr, Kirfhrni/tarhichtc i\ Danemnrk u. Nanixgcn, Th. iii.; Oieader, rr. 1 
i. 0. 2. 5 17; Geijpr, History uj thr Su-edft; .1. Weidliog, Sehweditcht OtJidiidilt i"t 1 
Zeilalter d. Rcf. (IS83); A. C. Bang, Dm Nunke Kirkta Hilorit (1901); W. E-j 
Collim, ID Cambridge Modem HittoTij, ii. 50fl aeq. 



ecclesiastical and lay aristocracy, and, for this end, though not 
without the admixture of other and better motives, set to work 
to enlighten and elevate the lower classes. The encouragement 
of Protestantism accordetl with his general policy. In 1520 he 
sent for a Saxon preacher to serve as chaplain at hia court and as 
a religious instructor of the people, and subsequently invited 
Luther himself into hia kingdom. He gained the upper hand 
in Sweden and was crowned at Stockholm, November 4, 1520. 
At the same time that Christian availed himself of the papal 
ban as a warrant for his tyranny and cruelty in Sweden, he con- 
tinued in Denmark to promote the establishment of Protestant- 
ism. In 1521 he put forth a book of laws, which conlajned 
enactments of a Protestant tendency; among them one to 
encourage the marriage of all prelates and priests, and another 
for dispensing with all appeals to Rome.' After his sanguinary 
proceedings against Sweden, finding that his crown was in dan- 
ger, he retracted his reformatory measures, at the instigation of 
a papal legate. But he was deposed by the prelates and nobles 
of Denmark, and hia uncle, Frederic I., Duke of Schlesftig and 
Holstein, was made king, in 1523. 

Frederic at his accession, though personally inclined to Prot- 
estantism, was obliged to pledge himself to the Danish magnates 
to resist its introduction and to grant it no toleration. TTie 
exiled Christian identified himself with the Protestant cause, 
though not with constancy; for if the charge lacks proof that, 
at Augsburg, in 1530, in order to get the help of the Emperor, he 
formally abjured the evangelical faith, it is true that in 1531 he 
promised to uphold the Catholic Church in Norway. He ren- 
dered a good 8er\'ice by causing the New Testament to be trans- 
lated into Danish, which was done by two of his nobles. The 
immediate occasion of the successful introduction of Lutheranism 
into Denmark was the active propagation of it in the Duchies 
of Schleswig and Holstein, where, in 1524, Frederic imposed 
mutual toleration on both parties. In Denmark itself the .study 
of the Bible was encouraged, a Biblical theology was inculcated, 
and eccle^astical abuses censured by a number of earnest 
preAchers, among whom was Paul Kliii, of Helsingfir, Provincial 
of the Carmelites, who worked with much effect in this direction, 
although at last, Uke Erasmus, he chose to abide in the old 

< Hiinter, p. H aeq. 



Church, and even turned his weapons, with a bitter antipathy, 
against the Reformers. In 1526 tlie King declared hiniEielf in 
favor of the Reformation, the doctrine of which was disseminated 
rapidly in the cities. The most zealous advocate of llie new 
doctrine was John Taussen, sometimes called the Danish Luther, 
who studied at Wittenberg, and after 1524, in defiance of the 
opposition of the bishops, prcaclied Lutheranism v.-iih marked 
effect.' The Danish nobility were favorable to the King's sitle, 
from jealousy of the power of the prelates, and the desire to 
poflscss themselves of ecclesiastical property. At the Diet o( 
Odcnsc, in 1527, it was ordained that marriage should be allowed 
to the clergy, that Lutheranism should be tolexatetl, and tiiat 
bishops should thenceforward abstain from getting the pallituu 
from Rome, but, when chosen by the chapter, should look to 
the Iving alone for the ratification of their election. Converts 
to Lutheranism were made in great numbers, Wiborg in Jut- 
land, and Malmo in Schoncn, were the principal centers, whence 
the reformed faith was diffa'5ed over the kingdom. Books and 
tracts in exposition and defense of it, as well as the Bible in the 
vernacular tongue, were everj-where circulated. The Lutherans 
who, in 1530, presented their Confession of Faith in forty-three 
Articles, acquired the preponderance in the land ; but in conse- 
quence of the pledges of Frederic at his accesaon, the bishops 
were not deprived of their power. His death, in 1533, led to a 
combined effort on their part to abrogate the recent ecclesiastical 
changes and restore the exclusive domination of the old religjon. 
They accordingly refused to sanction the election of Christian M 
III., Frederic's eldest son, who had been active in estabUshing " 
Protestantism in the Duchies; until their consent was compelled , 
by the attempt of the Count of Oldenburg, a Protestant, to M 
restore the deposed Christian II,, whom they still more feared " 
and hated. By Christian III., whose admiration for Luther 
had been first kindled at the Diet of Worms, where this prince 
_ was present, the authority of the prelates was abolished, at a 
I Diet at Copenhagen, in 1536, and the Reformation universally 
I legalized. The bishops were forced to renounce their dignities. 
I A constitution for the Danish Church was framed, and submitted 
I to Luther for his sanction. Bugenhagen, a prominent friend of 
■ the Saxon Reformer, came into the kingdom, on the King's invi- 




tatioD. and, in 1537, crowned him and his Queen, and perfected 
le new ecclesiastical arrangements. Bishops, or superiiitend- 
its, were appointed for the dioceses, and formally consecrated 
their ofiBces by Bugenhagen himself, "ut verus episcopus," 
Luther expressed it. The University of Copenhagen was 
lized, and other schools of learning established in the 
ious cities. 

This final triumph of Protestantism in Denmark was con- 
ed with evants of peculiar interest in the Iiistory of the 
tcformation.' The Lutheran doctrine had quickly penetrated 
into everj- place wliere the German tongue was spoken. The cities 
of Northern Germany, the members of the old Hanseatic league, 
gave it a hospitable reception. The strong burgher class in these 
: lent a willing ear to the preachers from Wittenberg. The 
», at the period of its greatest prosperity, in the fourteenth 
iturj', comprised in its confederacy all the maritime towns of 
Sennany, together with Magdeburg, Brunswick, anil other inter- 
■ediatc places; and exerted a controlling influence in the Scan- 
iviaD kingdoms. It was weakened by the separation of the 
(ethcrlands, after 1427. The great value of the trade of the 
northern kingdoms, of the products of their mines and fisheries, 
made it of the highest importance to Liibeck, the leading city 
of the Ilansa, to keep its commercial and political supremacy. 
Chiistiaa IT,, the brother-in-law of Charles V., was withstood 
in his attempt to subdue the northern nations by the Liibeckers, 
by whom Gustavus Vasa was assisted in gaining the throne of 
SvedcD. The cities which, like Hamburg and Magdeburg, had 
a magistracy that was favorable to the Protestant doctrine, re- 
ceived the new system without any serious political disturbance. 
But in some other towns, as Bremen and Liibeck, the acceptance 
of Lutheranism was attended by changes in the government, 
which were effected by the burghers, and were democratic in 
their character. The new Burgomaster, at Liibeck, Wullen- 
wrfwr, whom the revolution had raised to power, negotiated a 
treaty of alliance with the English King, Henry VIII.; The 
great object of Liibeck was to keep the trade between the Baltic 
and the North Sea in its own hands. But the situation in Den- 
nurk. after the death of Frederic I., was such that Liibeck 
rcvcracd its attitude and espoused the cause of the exiled King, 

^ > Sm Jiitnie, DetOteh. Oieh., Jij. 270 acq,, 40S eeq. 

H tc-ai 


Christian II, Tlie Lubeckers found that they could not longer 
count upon the cooperation of Denmark In their commercial 
policy, and that Cliristian III., of Holsteiu, could not be enlisted 
in support of their hostile undertakings against Holland. Henc«, 
they put forward the Count of Oldenburg as a champion of the 
banished sovereign, Mahno, Copenhagen, and other cities of 
Denmark, as well as Straleund, Rostock, and other old cities of 
the Hansa, at once transformed their former municipal sj-stem, 
or gave to it a democratic cast, and joined hands with Liibect 
in behalf of Christian II., whose measures, when he was on the 
throne, had looked to an increase of the power of the burgher 
class. The confederate cities established their alliance with 
England, and gained to their side a German prince, Duke Albert 
of Mecklenburg, This combination had to be overcome by 
Christian III., before he could reign over Denmark. His ener- 
getic efforts were successful ; and with the defeat of Liibeck, the 
tleniocratic or revolutionary movement, the radical elejnent, 
which threatened to itlentify itself with the Reformation, was 
subdued, Sweden contributed its help to the attainment of 
this result, WuJlenweber himself was brought to the scaffold. 
The principle of Luther and his associates, that the cause of 
religion must be kept separate from schemes of political or 
social revolution, w&a practically vindicated. In Miinster, this 
principle had to be maintained against a socialist move- 
ment in which the clergy were the leaders. In Liibeck, it 
was political and commercial ambition that sought to identify 
with its own aspirations the Protestant reform. Christian 
III. was a Protestant; his triumph, and that of his allies, did 
not weaken the Protestant interest, although it subverted a 
new political fabric which had been set up in connection with 

Tlie reception of Protestantism in Norway was a consequence 
of the ecclesiastical revolution in Denmark. Christian III. waa 
at first opposed in that country; but, in 1537, the Archbishop 
of Drontheim fled, with the treasures of his Cathedral, to the 
Netherlands, and Norway was reduced to the rank of a province 
of Denmark. In Iceland, Protestantism gained a lodgment 
through similar agencies, although the Bishop of Skalholt, who 
iiad been a student at Wittenberg, was an active and influential 
teacher of the new doctrine. 




As early as 1519, two students who had sat at the feet of 
Luther in Wittenberg, Olaf and Lawrence Petersen, began to 
preach the evangelical doctrine in Sweden. The Reformation 
prevailed, however, through the pohtical revolution which raised 
Gustavus Vasa to the throne. Christian 11. of Denmark was 
supported in his endeavors to conquer Sweden, by papal edicts, 
and by the cotiperation of the archbishop, Gustavus Trolle. 
The Swedish prelates were favorable to the Danish interest. 
Gustavus Vasa, a nobleman who was related to the family of 
Stur^, which had fiu-niyhcd several administrators or regents 
to Sweden prior to its conquest by Christian IL, undertook to 
liberate his country from the Danish yoke, and succeeded in 
his patriotic enterprise. He was favorable to the Lutheran 
doctrine.andwasthemore inclined to secure for it the ascendency, 
as he coveted for his impoverished treasury the vast wealth 
which had been accumulated by the ecclesiastics. He appointed 
Lawrence Andersen, a convert to Lutheranism, his chancellor; 
Olaf Petersen be made a preacher in Stockholm, and Lawrence 
Petersen a theological professor at Upsala, Plots of the bishops 
in behalf of Christian II. naturally stimulated the predilection 
of Gustavus for the Protestant system. A public disputation 
was held in 1524, by the appointment of the king, at Upsala, in 
which Olaf Petersen maintained the Lutheran opinions. The 
pecuniary burdens which Gustavus laid upon the clergy excited 
disaffection among them. Finally, at the Diet of Westeras, in 
1527, the controversy was brought to a crisis. Gusta\'us threats 
ened to abdicate his throne if his demands were not complied 
with. The result was that liberty was granted " for the preachers 
t« proclaim the pure Word of God," a Protestant definition being 
coupled with this phrase ; and the property of the Church, with 
the authority to regulate ecclesiastical affairs, was delivered into 
the hand of the King. Tlie churches which embraced the Prot^ 
estant faith preserved their revenues. Tlie ecclesiastical prop- 
erty fell for the most part to the possession of the nobles. TTie 
common people, not instructed in the new doctrine, were gen- 
erally attached to the old religious system. Gustavus proposed 
to introduce changes gradually, and to provide for the instruc- 
tion of the peasantry. He had to put down a dangerous insur- 
rection which was excited in part by priests who were hostile 
to the religious innovations. By degrees the Swedish nation 






a CklhoB c fviiKfiES 

hat St tnxB eesued 

M rf M t ul c JegmUi, 

Hd to icccocile 

IS a^inst him : 

fitfabli.hed and 

hr a ComeO at Upeala 

the creed of 

IIL rf nbd, oo aecouDt oT 

and the crown 

TaM*s jvnaeest son, Charles 

A CtfraaBt B his ineliiiBtioQ, 

far TiutiifT *"*"" 

P „_..„ 

■ fcfc««d B Ae B^ jca* Iw Ae ^■mtHn at Joccdb of Prague, 

— ' - •■-2M -* :— K »i — •! 1. ^g greater portion of the 

• eonvnted trom heath- 

Iai^ far t*»a«kBHb.3fa(kxfi« and Cyril; but the power 
<f (he GoBiB^ oa^led with the nfloRwe of the Roman See, 
Hond tbcv aAesM to the Latia Omrch. In the Middle 
A^a, buMFVB, a ebv^^ took place between the vemacular 
aad the lAtia tUaaL Ab app&catiaa Tor leave to use the former 
waa denied in a peftmptory manner by Gregory VJl. Under- 
Ijnng the movanent (rf which Huss was the principal author, 
was a Qatioo&I and a relipous feeling. TTie favorers of the 
Hussite reform were of the Slavic population; its opponents 
were the Germans. The contest of the two parties in the Uni- 
venrily of Prague led to an academical revolution, a change in 
the constitution of the University, which gave the preponderance 
of jKtwer in the conduct of its affairs to the natives. Hence, 
the Oennan students left in a body ; and out of this great exodus 
(iroNo thf^ University of Leipsic. The effect of this academical 
'piurrel wan to establish the ascendency of Huss and his foUow- 

' For »ijrli» rnUlIng li, Rolii-inUn ppileaiMtipiil history, hw supn. p. 60; alw 
].flnr»nl, Hut -t- la (Urrrr d. IhuniUt el du Condle de Bade; Fesbeck. 0»- 
whwhl* 4 nrgrnnlormat. in BUhmm (IS501. 







While the Council of Constance was in session, Jacobellus, 

lest of the Church of St. Michael at Prague, began to admin- 

fr the cup to the laity ; and the practice obtained the sanction 

Huas himself. The cup had been originally withdrawn from 

lymen, not with the design to confer a new distinction upon the 

^priestJy order, but simply from reverence for the sacramental 

wine, which was often spilled m the distribution of it through 

aa assembly,' "Die custom, once established, became a fixed 

rule in the Church, and contributed to enhance still further 

^le (hgnity of the sacerdotal class. Thomas Aquinas aided 

Ki coohrmiDg the innovation by inculcating the doctrine of 

conconii lance, the doctrine that the whole Christ is in each of 

the elements, and Is received, therefore, by him who partakes 

of the bread alone. The Utraquists of Bohemia claimed the 

cup. They went beyond the position of Huss, and asserted 

Umt the reception of both elements is essential to the validity 

of the sacrament. Henceforward the demand for the chalice 

^ecame the most distinguishing badge of the Hussites, the sub- 

^Dct of ft long and terrible contest. Tlie Council at Constance 

proDouoced the Utraquist opponents of the Church doctrine 


Fifty-four Bohemian and Moravian nobles sent from Prague 
a letter to the Council in which they repelled the accusations of 
heresy which had been made against their countrymen, and 
denounced in the strongest language the cruel treatment of 
HusB. This was before the burning of Jerome, an event that 
nised the storm of indignation in Bohemia to a greater height. 
TTie Prague University declared for the Utraquists, and their 

rctrine speedily gained the assent of the major part of the 
The Council, and Martin V., resolved upon forcible measures 
for the repression of the Bohemian errorista. Bohemia was a 
oonstituent part of the German Empire, and the execution of 
three measures fell to the lot of Sigismund, its head, who was an 
object of special hatred in Bohemia on accoimt of his agency in 
the death of Huss. There soon aro.?o in Bohemia a powerful 
party which went far beyond the Utraquists in their doctrinal 
iono\'atioos, and in hostility to the Roman Church. The Ta- 
boritea, as they were styled, gathered in vast multitudes to hear 

' Oiesclrr. DogmmscthichU, p. 642. 




pn-aching, and to cement their union with one another.' "JTie'r 
creeit, wliicli took on new phasea from time to time, embraced 
the icaJiiig poiiita of what, a century later, was included in 
Protesiautisni ; although their t«net8 were not deduced from 
simple and fundamental principles, nor bound together in a 
logically coherent system. Unlike the ordinary Utraquists, 
they rejected transubstantiation. They also appealed to the 
Bible, as alone authoritative, and refused to submit to the de- 
cisions of the popes, to the councils, or to the fathers. For a 
while, chiliastic and apocalyptic theories prevailed among them. 
Discordant political tendencies separated the Utraquists from 
the Taborites — the latter cherishing democratic ideas reepect- 
ing government and society. The opposition which they expe- 
rienced con\'erted their enthusiasm into fanaticism ; and, moved 
by a furious iconoclastic spirit, they assaulted churches and 
convents, and destroyed the treasures which had been gathered 
by the priesthooil, and the "implements of idolatry." In Ziska, 
the most noted of their leaders, they had a general of fierce and 
Btubborn bravery; and under his guidance the force of the Huss- 
ites became well-nigh irresistible. 

In 1421 the moderate Utraquists, or Calixtines, embodied 
their belief in four articles, the Articles of Prague, which became 
a nie:norable document in the history of the Hussite controver- 
sies.' They required that the Word of God should be preached 
freely and without hindrance, by Christian priests, throughout 
the kingdom of Bohemia; that the sacrament should be admin- 
istered, in both forms, to all Christians, not excluded by mortal 
sin from the reception of it; that priests and monks should be 
divested of their control over worldly goods ; that mortal sins, 
especially all public transgressions of God's law, whether by 
priests or laymen, should be subject to a regular and strict dis- 
cipline ; and that an end sliould be put to all slanderous accu- 
sations against the Bohemian people. 

On the relations of the Utraquists to the Taborites, the mod- 
erate to the radical Hussites, the history of Bohemia for a century 
intimately depends. The two parties might unite in a crisis 
involving danger to both ; but they were often at war with one 
another; and their common enemy knew how to turn to the best 
account their mutual differences. Tlie most conspicuous feature 
• CierwenkD, i. 130. ■ Cwrwenka. i. 140; Gicflelcr, III. v. B, { 151, n. IB. 






fbeloDged to them, in common, was (he demand that the 
'slioulil he administered to the laily. 
Three crusades, undertaken by the authority, and at the 
md of the Church, filled Bohemia with the horrors of war; 
they wholly failed to subdue the heretic3 who were united 
to re^t them. Vast armies were beaten and dri\'en out of the 
country. On the other hand, the Bohemians repaid the attacks 
made upon them, by devastat'mg incursions into the neighbor- 
iog German territory, ruled by their enemies. 

C<m\'inced, at last, of the futility of the effort to conquer the 
their opponents consented to treat with them. By 
nee of Cardinal Julian Cesarini, who had accompanied 
last crusading army against them, and shared in its disaa- 
jus overllu'ow, the Oecumenical Council of Basel decided to 
into negotiations with them. Having first carefully ob- 
Lftbumlaot guaranties for their personal safety, and solemn 
; that they should have a free and full hearing, the Utra- 
delegates — representatives of both the leading parties, 
Calixtines and Taboritea — presented themselves at Basel, 
their heail was Roky(;ana, who belonged to the moderate 
ty, but was held in universal esteem for his talents, learning, 
moral excellence. Tlie Hussite theologians used their free- 
to the full extent. They harangued the Council for days 
defense of the proscribed doctrines, in vindication of the 
aory of Hase, and on the ecclesiastical abuses to which they 
endeavored to apply a remedy. The difference between 
two Bohemian parties was brought out in the speeches 
their resjjective representatives, and was skillfully used by 
'Cesarini and llie Council, in order to widen the separation be- 
Iwwn Uiem. After long negotiations, and the semlmg of an 
I nnbiusy from the Council to Bohemia, the Hu.seites obtained 
I cnUin concessions which were set forth in a docimient temietl 
ttie Compactata. The communion might be given in both kinds 
to ill adults, who should desire it; but it must, at the same time, 
bt taugjit that the whole Christ is received under each of the 
'lonaita. The infliction of penalties on persons guilty of mortal 
*». on which the Utraquiats insisted, must be left with priests 
"1 the ease of clerical persons, and with magistrates in the 
"*"' of laymen. The Article in regard to the free preaching 
of the Word was qualified hy confining the liberty \.o pTeatV 


lo persons regularly callptl and autliorized by bishops. As lo 
the control of property, this was to be allowed to secular priests 
oaly, and by tliem to be exercised according to the prescribed 
rules. The Conipactata was the charter, in defense of which 
the Utraquists waged many a hard contest ; since it was a con- 
stant effort of the popes to annul the concessions which it con- 
tained, and to reduce even the most moderate of tlie Hussite 
sects to on exact conformity to the Roman ritual, and to the 
mandates of the Roman See. This agreement operated also lo 
divide the Calixtines and Taborites into mutually hostde camje. 
Ad armed conflict ensued, in which the Taborites were thor- 
oughly vanquished. Thenceforward the power remained in the 
hands of the Utraquists who were desirous of approaching as 
nearly to the doctrines and rites of the Catholic Church in other 
countries as their convictions would allow. It was far from 
being true that peace resulted from the downfall of the Taborites, 
and the conciliatory proceedings of the Calixt'mes. The history 
of Bohemia, through the fifteenth century, is a long record of 
bitter and bloody conflicts, having for their end the restoration 
of uniformity in religion. About the middle of the century, a 
new party, the Brethren in Unity, who inherited many of the 
doctrinal ideas of the Taborites, but with a more conservative 
tenet relative to the sacrament, and a more gentle and peaceful 
temper, separated entirely from the Church. They, in their 
turn, were the objects of persecution at the hands of the more 
orthodox Utraquists. Ultimately the Bretliren were joined by 
some nobles, and acquired a greater degree of security. They 
were connected with certa'ui Waldensian Christians, and, to 
some extent, influenced by them. 

Thus Bohemia for several generations had really been M- 
gaged in a struggle to build up a national church in opposition 
to the dominating and unifying spirit of Rome. When Luther's 
doctrine became known, it was favorably received by the Breth- H 
ren, and they desired to connect themselves with the Saxon 
reform. At first Luther was not satisfied with their opinions, ^ 
especially on the sacrament; but, after conferences with them, fl 
he concluded that their faults were chiefly in expression and 
were owing to a want of theological culture. After the example 
of the Lutherans at Augsbiu-g, the Evangelical Brethren, in 
1535, presented to King Ferdinand their Confession. The 






Calixtines were divided on Ihe question of pushing foni'ai-d 
the Hussite reform in the direction indicated by Luther. 
A majority of the estates was at first obtained in favor of declara- 
tions virtually Lutheran. But the more conservative Utra- 
quists, who planted themselves on the Conipactata, soon rallied 
and gained the upper hand. However, the Lutheran doctrine 
continued to spread and to multiply its adherents among the 
Oalbctines as well as the Bretliren. The two parties, on em- 
bracing Protestantism, differed from one another chiefly on 
pmntj of discipline. When the Smalcaldic war broke out, the 
Vtraquists refused to furnish troops to Ferdinand, in aid of the 
fttt4-mpt of Charles V. to crush the Protestants, but joined 
tiie Elector of Saxony. The Bohemians shared in full measure 
the disasters which fell upon the Protestant party after their 
defeat at Miihlbcrg. Ferdinand inflicted upon them severe 
penalties. Toleration was now denied to all except the anti- 
Lutheran Husates; and this drove many of tlie Brethren into 
Poliuid and Prussia. From the year 1552, the Jesuits who 
then came into the country endeavored to persecute all 
wboec dissent from the Romish Church went beyond the stand- 
ard of the Corapactata. In 1575 the Evangelical Calixtines 
&Dd Brethren united in presenting a confession of faith to 
Maximilian II. As the power of the Jesuits increased, there 
was no safety for the atlherents of the Lutheran or the Swiss 
reforai. In 1609, to such as received the confession of 1575, 
tlicre was granted a letter patent — or "letter of majesty"— 
whicli placed them on a fooling of legal equality with the Callio- 
fies. Persecution by the Catholics went on until, in 1627, it 
WBB required of all either to become Catholic, or quit the country. 


WTien the German Reformation began, Poland was rising to 
poalion which rendered it, a generation later, the most 
'rful kingdom in Eastern Europe. Tlie Slavonic popula- 
tkn ot Poland had never manifested any peculiar de\'otion to 
the Roman See. Conflicts I>etween nobles and bi-shops, in which 
amal weapons on one side were often opposed to the excom- 
mmUQltion and the interdict on the other, and contests be- 
twreri princes and the popes on questions of prerogative, had 
bfrti abundant in Poli.'ih history for several centuries.' At the 
■ DmIIod, in Jfauck, Rralenei/klopidie, xv, 6H seq., Leathea, ia CambrUgc 




Council of Constance, Poles were active in the party of reform. 
Well-founded disaffection at the immoral character of the clei^- . 
had widely prevailed. Hence the anti-sacerdota! sects, as IheH 
Waldenses and the Beghartls, won many followers, and were . 
not exterminated by the Inquisdtion, by which, about the middle 
of the fourteenth century, their open manifestation was sup- 
pressed. Far more influential were tlie Hussites, who did 
much to prepare the ground for Protestantism. Bohemian 
Brethren, driven from their own land, naturally took refuge in 
Poland. These circumstances, and other agencies, such as the 
residence of Polish students at Wittenberg and the employ- 
ment of Lutheran teachers and preachers in tlie families of 
nobles, opened the door for the ingress of the Protestant doc- 
trine. It early gained disciples, especially in the Gerniaa 
cities of Polish Prussia. In Dantzig, the principal city of this 
province, it made such progress that in 1524 five churches were 
given up to its adherents.' But here a turbulent party aroee 
who, not satisfied with toleration, insisted upon driving out llie 
Catholic worship, and succeeded by violent measiu-ea m displac- _ 
ing the existing magistrates, and in supplying their places I 
with officers from their own number. The interference of the 
King, Sigismund I., was invoked, who restoreil the old order 
of things. The progress of the Lutheran cause, however, was 
not stopped, aniJ Dantzig in the next reign became predomi- M 
nantly Protestant. The council and the burghers of Elbing ■ 
accepted the Reformation in 1523. Thorn also became Prot- 
estant. The advance of the Reformation in the neighboring 
communities made it impossible to exclude it from Poland, 
where numerous burghers and powerful nobles regarded it 
with favor. By the treaty of Thorn in 1466, tlie old Teutonic 
Order or crusading knights, which had long governed Prussia, 
surrendered West Prussia and Ermeland to Poland and retaicwi 
East Prussia as a fief of the Polish crown. At the request of 
Albert of Brandenburg, the Grand Master, two preachers were 
sent by Luther to KiJnigsberg, in 1523. The Reforraaticn 
swiftly spread; and when Albert, after having been deft^tfl 
by Poland, secularized Ins duchy, in 1525, the preval'>nce of the 

' KraaiiLiki. Reliip'ouii History 0/ Ihe Slaronie NoHont, p. 126; Hvilnrn 0' ''' 
Kelnrmation in Poland, '1. 113 aeq. ; Die Sdiiektale d. Polnitehat Diuidmlnt (ili">'- 
burg, 1768), L 42a. 



Protestant doctrine was secured. la 1544 he founded the 
University of Konigsberg for the education of prcaciiers and 
the extension of the new faith. In Livonia, which, after 1521, 
was independent of the Teutonic Order, the Reformation like- 
wise found a willing acceptance. As early as 1524 Luther ad- 
dressed a printed letter to the professors of the evangelical 
doctrine in Kiga, Kevel, and Dorpat. Cities in the various 
parts of Poland and families of distinction embraced the new 
faith. In 1548 a multitude of Bohemian Brethren, exiles from 
their country, came in to strengthen the Protestant interest. 
In this year iSigismund I. died, and was succeeded by his eon, 
fSigismund II., or Sigismund Augustus, who was friendly to the 
evangelical doctrine. Calvin dedicated to him his Commentary 
on the Epistle to the Hebrews, and s\ibsequently corresponded 
with him. In the Diet of 1552, strong indignation was mani- 
fested against the clergy on account of the proceedings of an 
ecclesixiatical tribunal against Stadnicki, an eminent nobleman. 
The clergy were forbidden to inflict any temporal punishment 
on those whom they might pronounce heterodox.' At a Diet 
at Piotrkow in 1555, a national council for the settlement of 
religious differences was demanded, and was prevented from 
assembling only by the strenuous exertions of the Pope. Re- 
ligious freedom was granted by the king to the cities of Dantzig, 
Thorn, and Elbing: and also to Livonia in the treaty of 1561, 
by which it was annexed to Poland. Dissension among Prot- 
estants themselves was the chief hindrance in the way of the 
complete diffusion of the Protestant faith, which at this time 
had penetrated all ranks of society. The Catvinists were nu- 
merous; they organized themselves according to the Presby- 
terian form, and a union between them and the Brethren, in 
respect to doctrine, was cemented at a synod in 1555. Opposed 
to these were the Lutherans, who were mostly Germans, and who 
took little pains to propagate their system through the instru- 
mentality of any other language than their own. Tlie Uni- 
tarians formed a third party, which found a leader in the erudite 
Italian, Faustus Socinus, and liecame strong, in particular 
among the higher classes. The intestine divisions among the 
Protestants afforded in various ways a great advantage to 

> Knwiiuki. RMig. HiM. of Ihe SUvimie Nations, pp, 132, l.Vt ; R^^nvobriu*, 
Hit. Eedtt. Hlafmieamm (16M1, p. 209. 





their antagonists. Ad able, accomplished, and indefatigable 
defeotier of Catholicism was found in Hosius, Bishop of Culm, i 
and, after 1551, of Ermeland. On the Protestant side, con-fl 
spicuous for his efforts in behalf of union, as well as for his™ 
general character and diversified labors, was John k Lasco. 
Born of a wealthy and aristocratic family in Poland, he was 
destined for the priesthood, and after completing his studies in 
his native country, he resorted to foreign universities, especially 
Louvam and Basel. .\t Basel he was intimate with Erasmus, 
and for a time an inmate of his house. For eleven years, from 
the year 1526, he labored to establish in Poland a reformation 
after the Erasmian type. Finding his exertions fruitless, he 
left his country, took a more decided position on the Protestant 
side, and for a number of years superintended the organization 
of the Protestant Church in East Friesland. After the Smal- 
caldic war and ihe passage of the Interim, he went to England,^ 
where he was brought into a close relation with Cranmer, and^ 
took charge of the church of foreign residents, first in London 
and then, from 1553 to 1556, in Frankfort. After the Polish^ 
Diet in 1566 had granted a free exercise of the Protestant re-H 
ligion in the houses of individual noblemen, Lasco was called 
back to his country by King Sigismund. Here he labored to 
promote unity between the Calvinists and Lutherans, and for 
the spread of the Protestant faith. He died in 15G0. Ten 
years after, the Lutherans, uiBuenced by cowisel from Witten- 
berg, where the school of Melancthon then had sway, joined 
with the Swiss and the Brethren, at the Synotl of Seudoniir, in 
the adoption of a common creed. This Confession is consonant 
with the Calvinistic view of the sacrament, but it carefully 
avoids laTiguage that might give offense to Lutherans; and it 
includes an explicit sanction of the Saxon Confession, which 
had been prepared to be sent to the Council of Trent.' After 
the death of Sigismund in 1572, the crown became elective, 
and the sovereigns were obliged to assent to the " Pax Diasiden- ^ 
tium," which guaranteed equality of rights to all churches In fl 

kthe kingdom. Under the term "Dissidents" were included " 
the Catholics as well as the other religious bodies. The Duke 
of Anjou, afterwards Henry in. of France, on being elected 


Th? ConscTtstiB Polonia or Sfndomirrnaia la in Niemeyer, CpU<€ti^ Cvif^ 
•jonuntr P' &A3- Kroaiiukit Hitt. of fA« Rel. in PcUtnd^ i. c. ix. 


King of Poland, in 1573, found it impossible to escape from 
llaking solenm oaths to protect the Protestant religion against 
bersecution and aggression. But the royal power was so much 
nreakened that, although the monarchs might effect much by 
lUie bestowal of honors and offices, the fate of Protestantism 
Idepended mainly on the disposition of the nobles. To detach 
nliese from the Protestant side and to gain them over to the 
■Catholic Church, through institutions of education and by other 
nnfiuences, formed one prime object of the Jesuits; to whom, 
■In fonnection with the fata! divisions and quarrels of Protes- 
Rattte, the Catholic reaction was to be indebted for its great 
■mill » III in Poland. 

I Numerous Germans were settled in Himgary, by whom the 
Idoctrines and the writings of Luther were brought into that 
|countr>*. Bohemian Brethren, and Waldenses yet more, con- 
Itrihuted to the favorable reception of Protestantism by the 
■people among whom they dwelt. Hungarian students not 
looly resorted to tlie universities of Poland, hut went to Witten- 
DCfg also, and returned to disseminate the principles which they 
■ttd learned from Luther and Melancthon. It was in vain 
■that the new faith was forbidden. A savage law against Lu- 
Itbnans, which was passed at the Diet of Ofen, in 1523, did not 
Ictop the progress of the Protestant movement. It emanated 
lliom the people, and silently spread with great rapidity. In 
1 1523 the Protestants were the prevailing party in Hermann- 
Istadl, and two years after, the five royal free cities in Upper 
I Hungary adopted the Reformation.' The new views were 
I (mbraced also by powerful nobles. At the beginning of the 
I axtceoth century, princes of the Slavonic House of Jagellon 
I lopied in the three kingdoms of Poland, Bohemia, and Hun- 
I ptj. But they found it for their interest to connect themselves, 
I ^ matrimonial alliances, with the ruling family in Austria.' 
I \j»aa n,, in 1526, attempted to stem the great invasion of the 
"Turks, under Soliman, with an insufficient force, and perished 
ilt« hid great defeat at Mohacs. Ferdinand of Austria claimed 
11* thrones of Bohemia and Hungary, which the death of Louis 
Wl VMant. By prudent management, he succeeded in pro- 

OlcMlrr. IV i 2. f 16. 
* Buke. DmUtck. GevAie/M, U. 386 Mq. 



curing his election as King of Bohemia, against his amhitious 
competitor, the Duke of Bavaria. In Hungarj' he entered 
into war with a rival aspirant to the crown, one of the great 
magnates, John of ZApolya, voivotle of Transylvania. Both 
Ferdinand and ZApolya found it expedient to denounce the 
Protestants, in order to secure the support of the bishope. 
But neither found it possible, in the circumstances in whicb 
they were placed, to engage in persecution. During this do- j 
niestic conflict, the Reformation advanced in the portions offl 
Hungary not occupied by the Turks. By the peace of I53S 
Ferdinand gained the tlu-one. John was to retain Transj'l- 
vania and a part of Upper Hungary during liis life. After] 
his death, hia Queen, Isabella, climg to his possessions, and 
this was the occasion of a continuance of war. The vholej 
Saxon population of Transylvania adopted the Augsbu 
Confession ; the Synod of Erdod, in Hungary, issued a like dec- ' 
laration. Even the widow of Louis favored the Lutheran * 
doctrine. Queen Isabella, in 1557, granted to the adherents dm 
the Augsburg Confession equal political rights with the Catho- 
lics. Hungary, like Poland, was a severe sufferer through the 
Htrife of Protestants among themselves. The Swiss doctrine! 
of the Eucharist found favor, especially among the native 
Hungarians. It derived increased popularity after the adop-l 
tion of it by Matthew D^vay, who was the most eminent of tioj 
Protestant leaders.' After studying at Cracow, he resided fwj 
a time at Wittenberg, in the family of Luther; and, after his I 
return to his country, became a very successful preacher d j 
the Lutheran doctrines. He was more than once imprisoned, 
but did not cease, by preaching and by his publications, to pro- 
mote the Protestant cause. In 1533 he published a Magj"ar 
translation of the Epistles of St. Paul, and three years after- 
wards a version of the Gospels. D^vay hafl been intimate 
with Melancthon, who preached in Latin to him and to other | 
students who did not understand German ; and he was well 
acquainted with Grynseus and other Swiss Reformers. About 

Lthe year 1540 D^vay began to promulgate the Calvinistic view 
of the sacrament, to the amazement and disgust of Luthw, 
who expressed his surprise in letters to Himgarians. In l-W'- 

Haiick, Realencyd., iv. S9G seq. 
Tramytvania (172S), p. 72. 

Lampe, Hut. Ecd. Sef- <>i ffuiV"'" '' 


or 1558, a Calvinistic creed was adopted by a S>Tiod at Czenger.' 
Tlie Calvinistic doctrine ultimately prevailed and established 
itself among the Magyar Protestants. In Transylvania, the 
Unitarians were numerous, and they were granted toleration in 
1571; 80 that four legalized forms of religion existed there. 
Notwithstanding the unhappy contest of Lutherans and Cal- 
vinists, Protestantism continued to gain ground in Hungary, 
through the reigns of Ferdinand I, and Maximilian II., and for 
a long time under Rudolph II. Only three magnates remained 
in tlie old Church. But Hungary was to furnish a field on which 
the Catholic Reaction, under the management of the Jesuits, 
would exert its power with marked success.' 

' Canfatio Ctengrrirut, in Niemeyer. p. 542, Sec. also, Schaff, Creeds of ChrU- 
tendam, i. liSAt acq. In 1550 all of the UiuigBJian Calviniatic cburcbca submitted 
to tiie Confasio Hdreiica. 

' At RO early tUte, there were numeroua toUowera of Lutber in the Nether- 
luids; but it will be more convenient to n&irati! (lie progreaa of PrateataDtlnu 
m vthct countries, after deacribiug the riwi of CaJviuiam. 



The Reformation was finnly established in Germany hdon 
it bail taken root or had found an acknowledged le^er among 
the Romanic nations. Such a leader at length appeared in liic 
person of John Calvin, whose influence waa destined to exten'l 
much beyond the bounds of the Latin nations and whose name 
was to go down to posterity in fieciuent association with that 
of Luther.' Calvin was born at Noyon, in Picardy, on the 10th 
of July, 1509, He was only eight years old when LuUiei posted 
his theses. He belongs to the second generation of reformera, 
and this circumstance is important as affecting both liis o«ii 
personal history and the character of his work. When he 
arrived at manhood, the open war upon the old Church had 
already been waged for a score of years. The family of Cal™ 
had been of humble rank, but it was advanced by his father, 
Gerard Cauvin, who held various offices, including that of notary 
in the ecclesiastical court at Noyon, and secretary to the hirfi- 
opric. The physical constitution of Calvin was not strong, but 
his uncommon intellectual power was early manifest. From 
his mother he received a strict religious training. Attracting 
the regard of the nobie family of Monimor, residing at Noyon, 
he was taken imder their patronage and instructed with their 
children. He had no experience of the rough conflict with 

' The Life of Cofi'in, by Theodore Bpib, ia the work of B pontempo™ry wul 
frioQii : Dm Lcben Johann CalBinn. von Paul Henry (Haniburg, 1635-^4, 3 vol*-), 
ft Uiorough, bul. diffuaely writlon biography: Joliann Calcin, «ine Ktrdir u. »'" 
Slant in Gunl. van F, W. Knmpaphulle, 2 vols, {Leipaie, 1809. 1890]. K*nip- 
schulte is s Roman CaUiolic, thorough in hia rcsearchiH odJ dispBEsioiiBte. but 
not friendly lo CaJi-in. Hi'nry and KnmpachuUe nmy be proGlably read !*■ 
gBther. Johavncs Cah-in, Lrbrtt u. aMsge^F'ih^le S^firiftrn, von Dr. L. E. Stihelin 
(ElberfeJd, 1863), 2 vols. This U the beat of the Grrman livM of the reformer. A 
valuable, imparlial Lifr o/ Cab-in is lli^t of Dytr fLonJou, IS-IO). Verj' attracfivi 
in its exterior and valuabto in its dolajla \<i tho Krcni'h irork of E. DoiuncrgU*i 
Jean Ctdvijx. Im homtnet, et Ui rliotei de ton Irinpa, S vols,, wUh Bumerou* iOwlni- 
tion*^ Uerniiajard, Correapondenct ilea r^tormntcxtrp dann Us pay* d« ton^ru' fron- 
(*rriH. 1866 — vols-i is a rich eollection of hifitorical aourced. The best coU«luiii 
of Caivin'a Worka is in the Corput Rclormatimim, IlraunMhwcag, 1663-1900. 






penury which many of the German and Swiss reformers were 
obliged in their youth to undergo. Wlicn only twelve years 
(lid, he was made the recipient of the income of a chaplaincy, 
which enabled him to prosecute his studies in Paris. To (his 
stipend, a few years afterwards, the income of another benefice 
was added. At the outset his father intended that he should 
be a priest. AVhen transferred to Paris, he was first in the 
College de la Marche, where he was taught Latin by a cultivated 
Humanist, Maturin Cordier, better known under the name of 
Corderius, for whom he cherished a Hfelong attachment, and 
who became a devoted friend, and cooperated with him m foster- 
ing his plans for Christian Education in Switzerland and France, 
and whom he succeeded in plac'mg in charge of his school at 
Geneva. He also studied in the College Montaigu, where he 
was trained in scholastic logic under a learned Spaniard, who 
afterwards, in the same school, guided the studies of Ignatius 
Loyola.' There Calvin surpassed his companions in assiduity 
and aptitude to learn. He was noted for his quick perception 
and skill in dialectics, but he spent much of the time by him- 
self, and from his serious, and, perhaps, severe tiu^n of mind, 
was nicknamed "The Accusative Case."' Beza says that this 
designation is reported to have been given Calvin by his school- 
mates, on account of his being as a scholar exceedingly [in 
minun modum] religious and a strict censor of all their faults. 
He had reached his eighteenth year, had received the tonsure, 
and even preached occasionally, but had not taken orders, when 
his father, from worldly motives, changed his plan and con- 
cluded to qualify his son for the profession of a jurist,' He 
accordingly prosecuted his legal studies under celebrated teach- 
ers at Orleans and Bourges, then the most famous law schools 
in France. As a student of law he attained the highest pro- 
ficiency and distinction. He undermined his health by study- 
ing late into the night, in order to arrange and digest the 
contents of the lectures which he had heard during the day.' 
Early in the morning he would awake to repeat to- himself what 

■ Kampoehulte, i. 223- * Omiot, 81. LouU and Calvin, p. 166. 

■ Calvin sayv of hia father : "Quum videret leEUm Bcirntmm ptseim BUgere 
■WN cultorei otnbua, apM ilU repente eiim impulit tuJ niulBndiuii cansiliuin." 
— Prefaec to the Ptainu. The fBtbcr's motive appeuv to bavE been the prospect 
of wealth in the lethal profcssiotia- 

• BciB, Vita Johannin Calvini, ii. "Bomni pone nuUiua," uyi Bus in bit 
ig rcmarka upoo Calvin, sxxi. 



he bad thus reduced to order. He never required but a fen 
boim for sleep, and, as was also the case with Melancthon, 
his intense nienlal activity frequently kept him awake through 
the ui^t. Such was his progress, and so highly was he esteemed 
by bis instructors that often when they were temporarily ab- , 
sent he took their plaee. At the same time he indulged his fl 
lASte for literature, and learned Greek from tlie German pro ™ 
feasor of that Umguage, Melchior Wolmar, with whom he stood 
in a friendly relation. TTie amount of Wolmar "s religious 
influence on him was less than it is sometimes assumed to have 
been.' Before this time, at the urgent request of a Protestant 
relative, Peter Olivetan, aftervi'ards the first Protestant trans- 
lator of the Bible into French, he had directed his attention 
to the study of the Scriptures. In 1531, having completed his 
law studies at Bourges, he stayed for several weeks at his 
father's house. In the summer he returned to Paris, where he 
kept up his Humanistic studies. And we have little knowl- 
edge of him up to 1532, the date of his first publication, an 
annotated edition of Seneca's treatise on "Clemency," dated in 
April. It has been erroneously supposed that he hoped by 
this work to move Francis I. to adopt a milder policy towards 
the persecuted Protestants. No such design appears in the 
book.' His interest in literary studies was not chilled, and he 
aimed to bring himself into notice as a scholar and author. 
His notions of reform certainly did not exclude sympathy with 
the writings of Reuchlin and Erasmus. He writes to bis 
friends fo aid in circulating his book and in calling attention to 
it, a part of his motive being, however, to reimburse himself 
for the cost of the publication. His notes on Seneca show his 
wide acquaintance with the classics, his ethical discernment, 
and his interest in theological questions. But there is no pro- 
fession on the side of the Reformation. 




' Spo Hauck, Rrnlcncyfl. d. Thtol. u. Kirch/i, iii. p. C6fl. 

' TIibC the commentary on Seneca woa designed to aSect the French king in 
thli way, and wna composed, therefore, afler Calvin's eonv'^rsioji. U aaBUmed bv 
many, among whom are Hrory, L 50, and Hertog in the art. "Calvin" in thi 
RcoUnxycl. d. Theol., edited by himself; alau by Guimt. St, Loud and CaJriii, fl 
p. 162. For ovidcaco to the contmry. Bee Stahelin. i. 14. The dedicalion (la B 
Uie Abbot of SI. Eloy) ia dated April' 4, 1632. SlShelia gives 1533 as the data 
irt \iia eonveraion. Calvin says {Preface to the Paalma) that in Le^s than a year 
after liij eonvorMion the ProIi'Htants were looking to him for inslruction. The aup- 
jKj^ition IliDl thiq religioua change occurred shortly after the publication of Seneca 1i 
trcntiic bwl acaorda with Ucia'a atatemcnt, Vila CnJvini, ii. See tn/ru, p. 170. 




Respecting the conversion of Calvin, there are questions 
relative to its mode or powers, and the chronology, which are 
■till controverted. This is true especially as to what he him- 
self terms his "sudden" conversion and the open espousal of 
Protestantism. The documents of most interest on these 
topics are his Letter to Sadolet and his Preface to the Psalms. 
In the Preface to his Commentary on the Psalms, he writes that 
when he was too devoted to the superstitions of Popery to be 
eaalj extracted, " God, by a sudden conversion brought his mind 
to a teachable frame." He writes : " After my heart had long 
been prepared for the most earnest self-examination, on a sudden 
the full knowledge of the truth, like a bright light, disclosed to 
me the abyss of errors in which I was weltering, the sin and 
shame with which I was deBled. A horror seized on my soul 
when I became conscious of my wretchedness and of the more 
terrible misery that was before me. And what was left, O 
Lord, for me, miserable and abject, but, with tears and cries of 
supplication, to abjure the old life which Thou condemned, and 
to flee into Thy path?" He describes himself as having striven 
in vain to attain inward peace by the methods set forth in the 
teaching of the Church. But the more he had directed his eye 
inward or upward to God, the more did his conscience torment 
him. "Only one haven of salvation is there for our souls," he 
pSays, "and that is the compassion of God, which is offered to us 
Oirist:" "We are saved by grace not by our merits, not by 
'our works. Since we embrace Christ by faith, and, as it were, 
Renter into his fellowship, we call this, in the language of 
^tecripture, 'justification by faith.'" We know less of Calvin's 
^Boward experience than we know of Luther's, and even its es- 
^nential identity with that of Luther is by some doubted. Calvin 
had hesitated about becoming a Protestant, out of reverence 
for the Church. But he so modified his conception of the Church 
^^»s to perceive that the change did not involve a renunciation 
^fcf it.' Membership in the true Church was consistent with 
^Renouncing the rule of the Roman Catholic prelacy; for the 
^■Church, in its essence invisible, exists in a true form wherever 
^■he Gospel is faithfully preached and the sacraments admin- 
^nMercd conformably to the directions of Christ. Calvin was 
^b^urally reserved and even bashful ; he aspired after nothing 

^^^B • Bpiit. ad Saddet. Opera (ed. Reuas si.}, vol. T. 380 seq. 

I mil 


sioaer. gag- ifis- or bdoR Itis ouiaBwo, Asa tbe of^xxr- 
Trtrn- :.: zcr«oe *ie <cot5s in RCnanenL Hehadaaingtinctive 
— r-i-;r-ifc.-.-» -..- p^roKEj uii eonffiet. His fanner studies, to 
b^ ^;^*. =dti =(:v A swQDtivT fhee; his whole soul was ab- 
src^K-: :=. iz£ •xkzisuicn cf tbe BiUe snd in the investigation 
■•s ^7-1^^^ ^mc-' Bci s&n he czmved sechisifMi and quiet. 
Hf f:<^=iL h«?«w^. Eiukt. DocwitfaEtancfiiig his youth, in the 
eocxa^j c£ :&e pssecded ^ftolestants at Paris he was quickly 
nsu-ieii i£ a feaAr. aod his couBsd was soo^t by all vrbo had 

N:ci^ =:ATher« be gHm to tbe diroDola^cal [Hvblem per- 
•1^--'-';? -,•. "is coDT«soo. Ilie tiaditioa was early accepted 
asri hd£ '%«n loos aiiopied that Calvin wrote for his friend, 
Xir:-:^ Cop. who had been made Rector of tbe Vnivoaty 
ot PiTJ. :he opening Address, in which there were introduced 
th'^ liiAS of xhe Refonnatioo. and that the doctrines thus de- 
cLiJ^i awakened a hostile exatement, whidi not only obliged 
Cop :o -v lo escape arrest, which is admitted, but Calvin also. 
The le^imel critic. R. Stahelin, of late has brou^t together data 
thai con%~ince him that the suppoeiticm of Calvin's authorship of 
Cop 5 A'i'iress is a mistake. With this opinion is connected 
further the persuasion that at this time of the Paris agitation 
and Cop's Address. Cal\in did not, and had not before, avowed 
himself a convert to the Protestant Creed and resumed his ad- 
hesion to the Church and Creed of Rome. Stihelin seeks to 
show that this li\'ing experience and profession of the new faith 
were at a later date, when at Noyon he resigned his benefices, 
and was there arrested and for a good while confined in prison 
by the adherents of the old Church. The position of Stahelin, 
as to the dates, is withstood by A. Lang, Domprediger in 
Halle,' who brings t<^ther important evidence of the author^ 
ship by CaK-in of Cop's Address, of Calvin's co-working in Paris 
with the Protestant converts, and of his spiritual consecration 
to God between August 23, 1533, and the end of October, of 
tliat year, hia giving of himself thenceforward to the service of 
thi; Gmpol. His resignation and imprisonment at Noyon was 
fiarly in May, 1534. 

' ttonnnt, Lutert of Calvin, i. 7, 8. 

* Oir Uektkrunn Johanna* Calvin*, von A. Lkhc, L^pdo, 1897. WiU) tin 
priHifH iifTomd by Lang la »» intereating statement of the prindp*) cgntenta, ch. 
Iv. i>. 43 WH). 




Surprise has been felt at the prominence often g^ven by 
Calvin to the impression made on him, through the Scriptures, 
of ihe divine authority of the Bible and of the Law of God, in 
comparison with the less he has to say of the doctrine of the 
Saviour's work in behalf of the sinner, and of the one indispen- 
sable need of dependence on Christ as the ground of forgiveness, 
Lang finds in Cop's Address much on these last vital points 
of the Gospel, which corresponds, in part sentence by sentence, 
to portions of a sermon of Luther, preached in 1522 on the 
same festal day as the day of that Address, and which, taken up 
in the Church Postils, might have been made knoivTi in France 
through one of the Latin translations.' The connection of these 
extracts with what is said through Cop of the grace of God to 
the believer, with no merit on his part, who nevertheless receives 
with indubitable certainty the free pardon of sin and peace, 
Lang recognizes as an expression by Calvin of his own personal 
experience, and as one of the evidences of its identity with the 
mind of Luther, as regards the place of law and of the work of 
Christ in the practical reception of the Gospel. The copious 
reproduction in Cop of these excerpts is analogous to a like cita- 
tion from pages of Erasmus, which Lang likewise ascribes to 
the pen of Calvin. 

Tte extended researches of M. Doumergue embrace a careful 
discufflion of the conversion of Calvin.' Doumergue gives 
high praise to Lang's very recent and remarkable " Study of the 
Conversion of Calvin," but does not concur with him in full. 
With Lang, he defends the thesis that Calvin's authorship is at 
the basis of Cop's Address. He does not concede that Calvin 
used the term "conversion" in exactly the sense in which we 
use it DOW. When the religious change in himself is referred 
to, the successive stages in this change, if not mentioned, are 
not meant to be disavowed. Tliis is the case when the change 
is referred to as "sudden." It was brought to pass, realized, 
between .\ugust 23 and November 1, 1533.* "Calvin," Lang has 
aid, " broke suddenly {not gradually but suddenly) with all that 
which had been for him up to that time the end or goal of his 
efforts, his ideal. In 1532 he contented himself with a com- 
p]tte]y superficial acquaintance with the ^'uIgate. To the end 
of 1533 the study of Scripture in the original tongues filled his 

■ Lai^, p. 47 leq. * Tom. i. Livro troui^e, p. 337 aeq. * vi, p. 343. 








lieart." "Before 1532, and perhaps to the middle of 1533, the 
rpligious question is for him as if it did not exist." ' Dou- 
mergue brings much evidence to show that the successive 
changes in Calvin's mind are not connected by him with par- 
ticular designation of time. Doumergue * differs pointedly from 
Lefranc * who differentiates in a marked way the religious 
experience of Calvin from that of Luther. "The definitive of 
Calvin," says Lefranc, "was before everything of logic and of 
reflection, where sentiment counted for nothing (ne fut pour 

Lang .'furas up in a few closing pages of his Essay the relation 
of Calvin's religious experience to that of Luther (pp. 53-57). In 
the recognition, says Lang, that we can do nothing of our own 
strength to attain the approval (Wohlgefallen) of God, that 
His grace, however, gives without any merit, to the believef, 
with an absolute assurance, tlie forgiveness of sin and peace of 
mind — therein for the author of the Cop Address are the essential 
contents of the Gospel : where else could Calvin have received 
this conviction save from his own experience? At the point 
in the Address where Luther is left, the speaker, affected as he 
was by the religious movement in Paris, was suddenly getroffen 
by the hand of God. He heard the will of the Law, His con- 
science was burdened, but the promise of the Gospel came to 
him; he laid hold of it in faith, in undoubting assurance that 
God forgives sin and without any merit justifies. His highest 
good becomes peace and conscience, peace with God. Not 
from the Church Poatils only, but soon by plunging in other 
writings (in Latin) of Luther, he revered him for life as a father 
in ChrLst. His difference from Luther is in giving greater 
prominence to the declaration in Scripture of the pardoning 
grace of God. The peculiarity of Calvin is the more emphatic 
and conspicuous teaching of what is called the Formal Principle 
of Protestaiilism — the authority of the Bible. 

Leaving Paris after Cop's Address, Calvin went from place to 
place. He first went to Angoul^me, where he enjoyed the 
society of his friend Louis du Tillet and the use of a good hbrary. 
He visited Karn, and at the coiu-t of Margaret, the Queen of 
Navarre, sister of Francis L, he met the aged Lef^vre, the father 




' Doiurcrgue, p. 342. 
* Tom. I. p. 360 s. 

■ La Jeiinent dl Calvin, pp. 96, 97. 98. 



frf the Reformation in France. Tlien followed tlie visit to 
Noyon to resign his benefices. Returning to Paris after his 
imprisonment, he wa-s again in peril. The intemperate zeal 
of the Protestants in posting placarcis against the mass stirred 
up the wrath of the court, and he was again obhged to fly. 
Not without a struggle and tears he bade farewell to his country.' 
He tarried again at Angoulenie, in tlie house of du Tillet, At 
about this time (1534) tradition places the date of his first theo- 
lo^cal publication, the "Psychopannychia," a polemical book 
against the doctrine which was professed by Anabaptists that the 
soul sleeps between death and the resurrection. It may in its 
groundwork have been composed then, but it appears to be 
shown tliat it was first printed in 1542, At Strasburg he was 
warmly received by Bucer, and at Basel by Gryn:eu,« and Capio. 
At Basel he began to acquire the Hebrew language, and wa,s able 
to gratify his strong inclination for retirement and study. It was 
here that he WTote his " Institutes," ^ The first edition, of 1536, 
was only the genu of the work, which grew in successive issues 
to its present size.' What moved him to the composition of it 
was Ihe cruel persecution to which his bretlu^en were subject in 
France. He wished to remove the impression that they were 
fanatical Anabaptists, seeking the overthrow of civil order, 
which their oppressors, in order to pacify the displeasure of 
German Lutherans, industriously propagated.* He was desirous 
of bringing Francis I. into sympathy with the new doctrine. 
For this last end the dedication to the king, which has been 
generally admired for its literary merit, and as a condensed and 
powerful vindication of the Protestant cause, was composed. 
Tliis elo«"iuent appeal to the justice of the king concludes thus: 

€ut if your ears are so preoccupied with the whispers of the 
levolent as to leave no opportunity for the accused to speak 
themselves, and if those outrageous furies, with your con- 
irance, continue to persecute with imprisonments, scourges, 


Imrr. i. 154. 

' The inlenaUng literary question aa to tUe luiguage in vhich it Ural ap- 
t«ar«l. vhcthpr Latin or Prenr'h, mav. porhapB. be regarded as Beltled. It tba 
Int pnnlivl in Lntin. nnd the aulhor'a nuinc wna nttaclied to it. Sec the Prol»- 
pWB Mia to the new etlition of Cali*iii's nTiliiigs. ettitttl by Baum, Cuniti. and Reun; 
Hd Stakelin, i. 61. Guiiot. however, atill holda that the first edition waa ia 
FRseb. St. Ltmia and Cairin. p. 176. It nppenrfd in 1536. 

* Htli be aaja was ha Aole ntotive : "Neque in ahum fiDern," etc. Prtf. Ce 
UM /'M^na, * So StaiieliQ, in Hauuk, Beaiauyel., etc., iii, p. 66S. 




tortures, confiscations, and flames, we shall indeed, like sheep 
destined to the slaughter, be reduced to the greatest extremities. 
Yet shall we in patience possess our souls, and wait for the 
mighty hand of the Lord, which undoubtedly will in time ap- 
pear, and show itself armed for the deliverance of the poor 
from their affliction, and for the punishment of their despisers, 
who now exult in such perfect security. May the Lord, the 
King of Kings, establish your throne with righteousness, and 
your kingdom with equity." Although this famous manual 
was much amplified from time to time, until it appeared with 
the author's latest changes and additions in 1559, yet the doc- 
trine of it imderwent no alteration, and the identity of the 
work was always preserved.' We may notice in this place 
some of Calvin's characteristics as a WTiter and a man. His 
direct influence was predominantly and almost exclusively 
upon the higher classes of society. He and his system acted 
powerfully upon the people, but indirectly through the 
agency of others. He was a patrician in his temperament. 
By his early associations, and as an effect of his culture, he ac- 
quired a certain refinement and decided affinities for the class 
elevated by birth or education. This was one of his points of 
dissimilarity to Luther: he was not fitted, like the German 
reformer to come home to "the business and bosoms" of com- 
mon men. He had not the popular eloquence of Luther, nor 
had he the genius that left its impress on the words and worba ^ 
of the Saxon reformer; but he was a more exact and finbhetiH 
scholar than Luther. Tlie Latin style of Calvin has been iini— ' 
versally praised for its classical purity. He was a terse writer 
hating diffuseness. He was master of a logical method, a grea.lM 
lover of neatness and order. In all his words there glows t*"»* 
fire of an conviction. Tlie "Institutes" are in trutt 
a continuous oration, in which the stream of discussion ro^^* 
onward with an impetuous current, yet always keeps witl'i'^ 
its defined channel. Tlie work, in its whole tone, is remo'v'^*^ 
as far as possible from the dry treatises of scholastic theolog ^^l 
with which it has often been classed. In forming an estim**-^^ 
of Calvin, as a thinker, the first thing to observe is that he x^^ 
a Frenchman and a lawyer. His nature and hia training eo*^' 


' A tabular view rjT ttip cUanf^ps in the su<!rpsflive editioru is prcflented i 
latest edition of Calvin's writings, Opera (Reuaa ot al.), vol. i. 

itediD ^'fl 


spired to make him eminently logical and systematic. That 
talent for organization which is ascribed to his countrymen as a 
national trait belonged to him in an eminent degree. It was 
manifested in the products of his intellect, not less than in his 
practical activity. He came forward at a moment when the 
ideas of the Reformation were widely diffused, but when no 
adequate reduction of them to a systematic form had been 
achieved. The dogmatic treatise of Melancthon, meritorious 
though it be, was of comparatively limited scope. The field 
was for the most part open ; and when Calvin appeared upon 
it, he was at once recognized as fully competent for his task, 
tmd greeted by Melancthon himself as "the theologian." By 
the enemies of Protestantism his work was styled "the Koran of 
the heretics." Of the clearness, coherence, and sjTiimetry of 
all its discus-sions, there is no need to speak. It is remarkable 
that the theological opinions of Calvin remained unchanged 
from the time of his conversion to his death.' This, it is well 
known, was far from being true of Luther, or of Melancthon, or 
even of Zwingli. One prime characteristic of his system is the 
steadfast, consistent adoption of t^eBible as the sole standaid 
of ''""'"■y He scouts the doclrinethat the truth of the Bible 
rests on the authority of the Church. Tlie Divine authority 
of the Bible can be proved by reason : assured conviction of the 
truth of the Gospel and a spiritual insight are imparted by tlie 
Holy Ghost. Wliat cannot verify itself by the explicit authority 
of Scripture counts for nothing. Tliat inbred reverence for the 
ancient Church and that influence of Christian antiquity, which 
are seen in Luther, were entirely foreign to Calvin. He holds 
the Fathers, especially Augustine, in esteem; but he makes no 
apologies for sharply contradicting them aU, in case he deems 
them at variance with Holy Writ. For the Papacy, and for 
the tenets and rites which he considers the "impious inventions 
of men," without warrant from the Word of God, he feels 
an intense hatred, not unniingled with scorn. Yet, probably, 
none of the Reformers speak so often and with so much defer- 
ence of the Church. But by the Church he means something 

' B*ia h« noticed this fuel — Vila Calnni. xx\i. I.eeky {Hitlory o/ Fa- 
tionaliim, i. 373) «ays. sppakLog of the eucliBristic eoulniveray: "C'nlvin only 
arrived at his BdoI i-iewa aftpt o long bsmi-s of oicillalions. " Thie is quite erro- 
neous: there ia do reasoD [or thinking that Calvin ever had but one opimon 
this Bubjeot after hi* eonvenion. 



on ] 





different from the sacerdotal organization of the Roman Catho- 
hc hotXy. He holds to the Church invisible, composed of true 
believers; and to the Church \Tsible, the criteria of which are 
the right administration of the sacraments, and the teaching (rfl 
the Word. For the visible Chinch, as thus constituted, he" 
feels the deepest reverence, and holds that out of it there is no 
salvation. The schismatic cuts himself off from Clirist. For 
the Church, as established after the model of the New Testa- 
ment, he demands a submission little short of that which the 
Roman Catholic pays to the authorized expoimders of his faith.' 
_But the striking, the peculiar, feature of Calvin's system, is the 
doctrine of Predestination. This doctrine, at the outset, iu- ■ 
deed, was common to all of the Reformers, Predestination is 
asserteil by Luther, in his book on the " Servitude of the W\\l," 
even in relation to wickedness, in terms more emphatic time 
the most extreme statements of Calvin. Melancthon, for & 
considerable iieriod, wrote in the same strain. Zmngh, in his 
metaphysical theory, cUd not differ from his brother Reformers. 
They were united in reviving the Augustinian theology, in 
opposition to the Pelagian doctrine, which affected in a greater 
or less degree all the schools of Catholic theology. It is very 
important to understand the motives of the Reformers in tliis 
proceeding. Calvin was not a speculative philasoplier who 
thought out a necessitarian theory and defended it for the ■ 
reason that he considered it capable of being logically estah- 
liahed. "fit is true that the kejTiote in his system was * 
profound sense of the exaltation of God. Nothing could bead— 
mitted that seemed to clash in the least with His universal coa- 
trol, or to cast a shade upon His omniscience and orunipotencff. 
But the direct grounds or sources of hia doctrine were practical- 

I Predestination to him is the correlate of human dependence ; 

(the counterpart of the doctrine of grace; the antithesis to sal- 
vation by merit ; the implied consequence of. man's complete 
bondage to sin. In election, it is involved that man's salvatiof 
is not his own work, but, wholly, the work of the grace of God; 
and in election, also, there is laid a sure foundation for <i^^ 
believer's security under all the assaults of temptation. It "^ 
practical interests which Calvin is sedulous to guard ; he clin^ 

' See, for Example, hii Acta Sunodi TriderUinir cum Antidoto (1547), or Bouy- 
i- 313. 



to the doctrine for what he considers its religious vji 
is no more than justice to him to remember that he ha! 
styles the tenet, which proved to be so obnoxious, an unfatl 
able mystery, an abyss into which do mortal mind can descend 
And, whether consistently or not, there is the most earnest 
assertion of the moral and responsible nature of man. Augus- 
tine had held that in the fall of Adam the entire race were in- 
volved in a common act and a conmion catastrophe. Tlie will 
is not destroyed; It is still free to sin, but is utterly disabled as 
regards holiness. Out of the mass of mankind, all of whom are 
alike guilty, God chooses a part to be the recipients of his mercy, 
whom He purifieB by an irresistible influence, but leaves the 
rest to suffer the penalty which they have justly brought upon 
themselves. In the " Institutes," Calvin does what Luther had 
done in his book against Erasmus; he makes the Fall itself, 
the primal transgression, the object of an eflicient decree. In 
this particular he goes beyond Augustine, and apparently affords 
a sanction to the extreme, or supra-lapsarian type of theology, 
which afterwards found numerous defenders — which traces 
sin to the direct agency of God, and even founds the distinction 
of right and wrong ultimately on His omnipotent wiJl.' But 
when Calvin was called upon to define his doctrine more care- 
fully, as in the Consensus Geneverms, he confines himself to the 
assertion of a permissive decree — a volitive permission — in 
the case of the first sin. In other words, he docs not overstep 
the Augustinian position. He explicitly avers that every de- 
cree of the Almighty springs from reasons which, though hidden 
from us, are good and sufficient ; that is to say, he founds will 
upon right, and not right upon will.' He diflers, however, both 
from Augustine and Luther, in affirming that none who are 
once converte<i fall from a state of grace, the number of believers 
being coextensive with the number of the elect. The main 
peculiarity of Calvin's treatment of this subject, as compared 
with the course pursued by the other Reformers, is the greater 
prominence which he gives to Predestination. It stands m the 
foreground; it is never left out of sight. Luther's practical 
handling of this dogma was quite different. Under his influ- 

' Intl.. in. xiiU, 6 »«q. 

* Oprra (Amat. «l.)i torn. viil. SSS, "Clare sffirmo nihil deceroere «ne optima 
Muik: quae n hodie nobis incognits est, ultimo die palefiet." 




different Fr,rwitecl more and more into the background, until 
lie body in Melancthon'e system, but also in the later Lutheran 
beliftogy, unconditional Predestination disappeared altogether. 
t' As a commentator, the ability of Calvin is very great. TTie 
first of his eejies of workfi in this tiepartraent — his work on 
the Epistle to the Romans — was issued while he was at Stras- 
burg, after his expulsion from Geneva, The preparation of bis 
commentaries was always the most congenial of his occupations. 
If his readers, he once said, gathered as much profit from the 
perusal as he did from the conipoBttion of thcni, lie should have 
no reason to regret the labor which they had cost. He ft-as 
passes.sed of an exegetical tact which few have equaled. He 
has the true spirit of a scholar. He detests irrelevant talk 
upon a passage, but unfolds its meaning in concise and pointed 
tcrma. He is manly, never evades difficulties, but always 
grapples with them ; and he is candid. He makes, on points 
of dogma, qualifications and occasional concessions which are 
generally left out of his polemical treatises, but which are in- 
dispensable to a correct appreciation of his opinions. If he 
created an epoch in doctrinal theology, it is equally true that 
he did much to found a new era, for which, however, Helanclhon 
and others had paved the way, in the exegesis of the Scriptures. 
Luther seized on the main idea of a passage, but was less pre- 
cise a-s a philological critic. TTie palm belongs to Luther, as ft 
translator, to Calvin, as an interpreter of the Word, 

Notwithstanding the radical principles of CaUHn, it desen'cs 
to be remarked that as a practical Reformer, he was, in some 
marked particulars, not the extremist which he is commonly 
supposed to have been. He did not favor the iconoclastic 
measures of men like Knox. He was not even hostile to 
bishops as a jure humano arrangement.' lie would not haw 
cared to abolish the four Christian festivals, which the Genevan 
Church, without his agency, early di-=icarded. In his epistles to 
Somerset, the Protector in the time of Edward \1., and to the 
Englisli Reformers, he criticises freely the Anglican Church. 
Too much, he said, was conceded to weak brethren; to bear 
with the weak does not mean that " we are to humor blockheads 
who wish for this or that, without knowing why." He thought 
it a scandal, he wrote to Cranmer. so many papal corrup 

' Beniv, ii. 138, 139. 




Hotts remain; for example, that "idle gluttons are supported 
to chant vespers in an unknown tongue." But he was indif- 
Ittvut respecting various customs and ceremonies, which a more 
rigid Puritanism made it a point of conscience to abjure. 

ThtiB are marked personal traits of Calvin, which exhibit 
^emselvcs in his letters and other writings, and which we .shall 
find illustrated in the course of his hfe. Instead of the geniality, 
wliich is one of the native qualities of Luther, we find an acerb- 
ity, which is felt more easily than described, and which, more 
Uua anything else, has in,5pired multitudes with aversion to 
him. Beza, his disciple, friend, and biograplier, states that in 
his boyhood he was the censor of the faults of his mat^s,' 
Through hfe, he had a tone, in reminding men of their real or 
mppoeed delinquencies, which provoked resentment. To those 
much older than himself, to men like Cranmer and Melancthon, 
be wrote in this unconsciously cutting style. There was much 
in the truthfulness, fitlelity, and courage, which he manifests 
even in his reproofs, to command respect. Yet, there was a 
tart quality which, coupled with his unyielding tenacity of 
opioioD, was adapted to provoke disesteem. We learn from 
Calvin himself, that Klelancthon, mild as he was naturally, was 
so offended at the style of one of his admonitory epistles that 
he to«« it in pieces. The wretched health of Calvin, with the 
Rionnous burdens of labor that rest-ed upon him for years, had 
an unfavorable effect upon a temper naturally irritable. He 
Wis occasionally so carried away by gusts of passion that he 
lost all self-control.' He acknowledges this fault with the 
utmost frankness: he had tried in vain, he says, to tame "the 
wld beast of his anger;" and on his death-bed he a.-^ked par- 
; (Ion of the Senate of Geneva for outbursts of passion, while at 
ihe same time he thanked them for their forbearance. The 
JatW biographers of Calvin, even such as admire him most, 
remarked that his piety was unduly tinged with the Old 
it spirit. It is significant that the great majority of 
I of his homilies and sermons, as far as they have been 
ptwerved, are from the ancient Scriptures. Homage to law is 

It «iu • currenl plirsse at Opnei.'ii ; "Beaaer mit Brui in der Hdlle tit mil 
IIQ Hinutiplr" Henry, i. 171. 

bia L*tt(T to Farel (April. I53!>), Henry, i. 35B. See. aliyi, p. 435 ttq., 
"Thr ouH of bin ocpupalioiu, " C&lviu uyi, "bad coufimiHl Lim in an 
habit." Ueoiy, i. 466. 



tionB remain; for example, that "idle gluttons are supported 
to chant vespers in an unknown tongue." But he was indif- 
ferent respecting various customs and ceremonies, wliich a more 
rigid Puritanism made it a point of conscience to abjure. 

TiitTS are marked personal traits of Calvin, which exhibit 
themselves in hta letters and other writings, and which we sliall 
find illustrated in the course of his life. Instead of the geniality, 
which is one of the native qualities of Luther, we find an acerb- 
ity, which is felt more easily than described, and which, more 
than anything else, has inspired multitudes with aversion to 
him. Beza, his disciple, friend, and biographer, states that in 
his boyhood he was the censor of the faults of his mates.' 
Through life, he had a tone, in reminding men of their real or 
supposed delinquencies, which provoked resentment. To those 
much older than himself, to men like Cranmer and Melancthon, 
he wrote in this unconsciously cutting style. Tliere was much 
in the truthfulness, fidefity, and courage, which he manifests 
even in hia reproofs, to command respect. Yet, there was a 
tart quality which, coupled with his unyielding tenacity of 
opinion, was adapted to provoke disesteem. We leam from 
Calvin himself, that Melancthon, mild as he was naturally, was 
so offended at the style of one of his admonitory epistles that 
he tore it in pieces. The wretched health of Calvin, with the 
enormous burdens of labor that rested upon him for years, had 
an unfavorable effect upon a temper naturally irritable. He 
was occasionally so carried away by gusts of pa.ssion that he 
lost all self-control.' He acknowledges this fault with the 
utmost frankness; he had tried in vain, he says, to tame "the 
wild beast of his anger;" and on his death-bed he asked par- 
don of the Senate of Geneva for outbursts of passion, while at 
the same time he thanked them for their forbearance. The 
later biographers of Calvin, even such as admire him most, 
have remarked that his piety was unduly tinged with the Old 
Testament spirit. It is significant that the great majority of 
the texts of his homilies and sermons, aw far as they have been 
preserved, are from the ancient Scriptures. Homage to law is 

■ II wu a current phrase at Gpdcvb; "Bcsser roit Beaa in der U6lle alt mjt 
Calvin im Himmel." Ilenry, i. 171, 

' See hia Letter to Farel {April. 163D), Henry, i. 256. Bee, mly. p. 43fi leq., 
ii. 433. "The mass of hin aceupaUonji," Calvin taya, "had confirmed him in an 
Frritable habit." Heniy, i. 40S. 


a part of his being. To bring thought, feeling, and wUl, to 
bring his own life, and the lives of others, to bring Church and 
State, into subjection to law, is his principal aim. He is ove^ 
come with awe at the mconceivable power and holiness of GoM 
This thought ia uppermost in his mind. Of his conversion, he 
writes ; " God suddenly produced it ; he suddenly subdued my 
heart to the obedience of His will." To obey the will of God 
was his supreme purpose in life, and in this purpose his soul 
was undivided ; no mutinous feeling was suffered to interpose 
a momentary resistance. But the tender, filial temper often 
seems lost in tlie feeling of the subject toward his lawful Ruler, 
A sense of the exaltation of God not only lakes away all fear of 
men, but seems to be attended with some loss of senslbilitfl 
with regard to their lot. To promote the honor of Goil, and ^^ 
secure that end at all hazards, is the chief object in view. What- 
ever, in his judgment, brings dishonor upon the Almighty, as, 
for example, attaciis made upon the truth, moves his indigna- 
tion, and he feels bound, in conscience, to confront such altaelta 
with a pitiless hostility. He considers it an imperative duty, 
as he expressly declares, to hate the enemies of God. In refer- 
ence to them, he says : " I would rather be crazed than not be 
angry." ' Hence, though not consciously \'indictive, and though 
really placable in various instances where he was personally 
wronged, he was on fire the moment that he conceived the honor 
of God to be assailed. How difficult it would be for such a 
man to discriminate between personal feeling and zeal for a 
cause with which he felt himself to be thoroughly identified, it 
is easy to understand. Calvin did not touch human life at so 
many points as did Luther ; and having a less broad sj-mpathy 
himself, he has attracted leas sympathy from others. The 
poetic inspiration that gave birth to the stirring hynms of the 
German Reformer was not among his gifts. He wrote a poem 
in Latin hexameters, on the triumph of Christ, which was com- 
posed at Worms during the Conference there — in which he 
describes Eclt, Cochlaus, and other Catholic combatants, a^ 
dragged after the chariot of the victorious Redeemer. A fefl 
hymns, mostly versions of Psalms, have lately been traced to 
his pen.' It has been noticed that aUhough he spent the moaL 

■ Henry, i. 404. ^M 

■ See Cidvini Opera (Reiina et al.), vol. vi. One of those hym&H. tranalaW b^' 
Un. H. B, Smitb, isiaSch&ff'scoUeeVtOQ uE KUeioua poetry, ChriM in Soni;(lS60) 

of his life on the borders of the Lake of GeDeva, he nowhere 
alludes to the beautiful scenery about him. Yet, there is some- 
thing impressive, though it be a defect, in this exclusive 
abeorptioD of his raintl in things invisible. When we look at 
extraordinary intellect, at his culture — which opponents, 
ke Bossuet, have been forced to commend — at the invincible 
energy which made him endure with more than stoical fortitude 
tn&nuitiea of body under which most men would have sunk, and 
to perform, in the midst of them, an incredible amount of men- 
tal bibor ; when we see him, a scholar naturally fond of seclusion, 
phj-sically timid, and recoiling from notoriety and strife, ab- 
juring the career that was most to his taste, and phmging with 
a single-hearted, disinterested zeal, and an indomitable will, 
into a hard, protracted contest, and when we follow his steps, 
and see what things he effected, we cannot deny him the attri- 
butes of greatness. The Senate of Geneva, after his death, 
spoke of "the majesty" of his character. 

Calvin published the first edition of the Institutes, without 
the knowledge of any one, at Basel, so averse was he to noto- 
riety. Apart from the repute of this work, his fame as an acute, 
promising theologian was extending. Having visited Italy, 
and remained for a while at Ferrara, at the court of the accom- 
plished Duchess, the daughter of Louis XII., and the protector 
of the Protestants, with whom he kept up a correspondence 
aflerwanis, he returned to Basel, and thence made a secret visit 
to France, and to his native place. On account of the obstruc- 
tion of the route through Lorraine, by the army of Charles V., 
he aet out to return by the way of Geneva. There he arrived 
kte in July, 1536, with the design of tarrying but a single night ; 
after which he expected to pursue his journey to Ba.sel. Here 
occurred the event that shaped the future course of his life. 

The war of Cappel, in which Zwingli had fallen, had left 
the preponderance in the Swiss Confederacy m the hands of 
the Catholics. They used their power to humiliate their adver- 
Mries in various ways, and to reestablish the old religion in some 
nets from which it had been expelled or in which the people 
di%'ided. Tlie leading cities of Zurich, Benie, and Basel, 
.-er. remained faithful to the Reformation. A mixture of 

ilttieaJ circumstances and religious influences at length created 

DCW seat for Protestantism at Geneva. 



I Geneva, situated on the border of Lake Leman, was a frag- 
ment of the old Kingdom of Burgundy, and was governed for 
many centuries by the bishop, who was chosen by the canons 
of the Cathedral. The bishop, by an arrangement with tbfl 
neighboring counts of Geneva, had committed to them h^ 
civil jurisdiction; but on acceding to office, he always swore 
to maintain the franchises and customs of the citizens. The 
counts held the castle on the Isle of the Rhone. Toward tlie end 
of the thirteeutli century, this office of Vidame or Vice-regent 
was transferred from them to the dukes of Savoy. The eily 
for the most part ruled itself after a repubHcan form, ajid tlic 
Emiierors Frederic Barbarassa, Charles IV,, and Sigismund, 
as a means of protecting it against encroachments on the part 
of Savoy and of the counts of Geneva, recognized the place 
as a city of the Empire, Once a year the four syndics who 
practically managed the government were chosen by the assPD 
biy of citizens. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, 
ambitious projects of the Vidames led the Genevans to look fo 
help and support to the Swiss cantons. Charles III., who 
came Duke of Savoy in 1504, entered into a struggle, for tl 
subjugation of Geneva, which continued twenty years. Find- 
ing it impossible to secure his end by artful negotiation wit 
the citizens, he, with the assistance of Pope Leo X., forced up 
them, in 1513, Jolm, the Bastard of Savoy, who became bisho 
under the stipulation that he would give the control of the~ 
city, as far as civil affairs were concerned, into the hands of tt 
Duke. The citizens, under the lead of Bonivard, Berthelie 
and other patriots, made a brave resistance. The Duke ac 
quired the mastery, and Berthelier was put to death, 
revolution which liberated the city from the tyranny of Sav( 

I and restored its freedom was achieved by the aid of Berne anJ 
Freiburg, Tlie Genevans were divided into two parties, the , 
Confederates (Eidgenossen), who were for striking hands wit 
the Swiss, and the Mamelukes, or adherents of the Duke. TTie 
former were successful. The office of Vidame was abolished,' 
and civil and military power pa.ssed from the bishop into the 
hands of the people (1533), 

The civil was followed by an ecclesiastical revolution. Ber 
became Protestant ; Freiburg remained Catholic, From Bern 
a Protestant influence was exerted in Geneva, The young 









[)pli? maile use of their liberty to disregard the prfscnptioiiR 
the Church in r('&|n?ct to abstinence from meat on fast days, 
lid disputes arose between the citizens and the ecclesiaetics, 
Jie effort was made to correct the dissolute habits of the 
riests, of whom there were three hundred in Geneva, in order 
take a poteot weapon out of tlie hands of the reformers. But 
iteetantisR), by the efforts of Farel and other preachers, 
tined ground, until at length, in 1535, with the aid of Berne, 
t second revolution took place, in which the bishop was expelled, 
1(1 Protestantl'^m was established. In connection with this 
the adjacent territory was conquered, and with it the 
castles which hajl served as strongholds of the Duke, and as con- 
venient places of shelter for fugitives, and for tJie organization 
of attacks upon tbe city. Geneva was reformed, and at the 
aune time gained its mdependence.' 

The principal agent in planting the new doctrine in Geneva 

bad been William Farel, born in 1489, of a noble family in Gap, 

in Dauphin^; a convert to Protestantism, driven out of France 

fay persecution, and welcomed to Switzerland as one able to preach 

the French population in their own language. Honest and 

irlesR, but intemperate in language and conduct, he fulminated 

the tenets and practices of Rome, in city and country, 

churches or by the wayside, wherever he could find an' 

adience. Wherever he preached, his stentorian voice rose 

ve the loudest tumult that was raised to drown it. On one 

son he seized the relics from the hand of a priest in a 

procession, and flung them into an adjacent river. He waa 

frtcjuently beaten and his life put in imminent peril. He waa 

Bkid to have denounced Erasmus at Basel as another Balaam, 

ud Erasmu.9 repaid the compliment by describing him, in a 

letter, as the most arrogant, abusive, and shameless man he 

^bad ever met with.' Yet Farel did not limit himself to de- 

^baeiatioD. He understood well, and knew how to inculcate, 

^■oquently. the distinctive doctrines of the Protestant faith. 

HBis earliest attempt in Geneva was in 1532, immediately after 

I T%» ftrvolufioiu in Gebtva and the Introduction of the R^fomuitLOii arc de- 
WlilWll by Riirhnt. HitUiirr de la Rftormaliim de la Sui'sne. nouvellp ed., T x-oli. 
KfWt, inS-fi^: ilao by K»ropschu1lp, ypft/inn Co/rin, etc., vol, i. ; and in great 
4aUA hy Hrrle D'.^iibign^. Hittory of the Htfurmalion in EuTopt ID tht Ttmt of 
rWrm Sn. bIm>, Higamfa Enay on CBiriniani in Geoera (Afemcnri Hiit., 3d 
, PWM, I8S4). 
» Ofmn. lii, S33. Kinhhoter. Das Lebm (T. f nrrij, c. IV. 


^M the first revolution. He was then driven from the city, and] 
H owed his life to the bursting of a gun that was aimed at him. 
H The second time he was more successful. The new doctrine 
H wa-s eagerly heurJ and won numerous disciples. At the po- 
H iitical revolution, which expelled the bishop, the Protestant 
H faith was adopted by the solenm act of the citizens. The 
H general council, or the assembly of citizens, legahzed the new 
H order of divine service, which included the administration ot^ 
H tlie Supper thrice in the year; abolished all the festivals exceptfl 
H Sunday, and prohibited worldly sports, such as dances and 
H masquerades. The citizens took an oath to cast off the Rom- 
H ish doctrine and to live according to the rule of the Gospel 
H But signs of disaffection soon appeared. A large portion o^H 
H the inhabitants of this prosperous, luxurious, and pleasure-V 
H loving city soon grew impatient of the new restraints which 
H they had accepted in the moment of exhilaration over theff 
H newly gained political independence. They cried out openly 
I against the preachers and demanded freedom. ■ 

H There is no reason to doubt that the morals of Geneva were 

H in a low state. The Savoyards had sought to secure the ad- 
H herence of the young men by means of dances and convivialfl 
H entertainments; and Berthelier endeavored to baffle this pur- 
H p03e by joining with them himself in their noisy banquets and 
licentious amusements. The priests and monks, according to 
trustworthy contemporary accounts, were exceptionally profli- 
gate.' Tlie prostitutes, over whom there was placed a queen 
who was regularly sworn to the fulfillment of prescribed func-fl 
tions, were far from being confined to the quarter of the city 
which was specially assigned to them. Gambling houses and 
wine shops were scattered over the town. The various motives ■ 
of opposition to the new system were sufficient to develop a 
powerful party that demanded the old customs and the former 
liberty. They clamored for deliverance from the yoke of thofl 
preachers. H 

Geneva was in this factious, confused state when CalviaH 
arrived there, and took his lodgings at an inn, with the inten-H 

Ition of remaining only for the night. In his Preface to the 
Commentary on the Psalms, which contains the most interests 
ing passages of autobiography that we possess from his pen, J 
> KumpBchultc, i. 00 «Bq. ^M 



accouiit of his interview with Farci, to whom his 
been reported by liis friend, Du Tillet. Farel 
t him to remain and assist him ui his work. Calvin 
ined, pleading his unwilHngness to bind himself to any one 
and his desire to prosecute his studies. Seeing tliat his 
ions were fruitless, Farel told him that he might put 
forward his studies as a pretext, but that the curse of God 
would light on him if he refused to engage in His work. Calvin 
often refers to this declaration, uttered with the fervor of a 
prophet. He says that he was struck with terror, and felt as 
if the hand of the Almighty had been stretched out from heaven 
and laid upon him. He gave up his opposition. "Farel," 
it has been said, "gave Geneva to the Reformation, and Calvin 
to Geneva." He at once began his work, not taking the post 
of a preacher at first, but giving theological lectures of an exe- 
getical sort in the Church of St. Peter. He composed hastily 
a catechism for the instruction of the young, which he deemed 
a thing essential in the guidance of a church. A confession of 
faith, drawn up by Farel, was presented to all the people, and 
by them formally adopted. A body of regulations relating to 
church services and discipline, containing stringent provisions, 
was Ukewisc ratified and put m operation. Opposition to the 
doctrines and deviation from the practices thus sanctioned 
were penal offenses. A hairdresser, for example, for arranging 
a bride's hair in what was deemed an unseemly manner, was 
imprisoned for two days; and the mother, with two female 
friends, who had aided in the process, suffered ihe same penalty. 
Dancing and card playing were also punished by the niagis- 
tntp. They were not wrong in tliemselves, Calvin said, but 
ley liad l>een so abused that there was no other course but to 
them altogether. He who so dreaded a tumult, not 
to encounter Anabaptist fanatics who appeared in 
Gene^'a, but soon found himself, with his associates, in conflict 
with the government, and with the majority of the citizens 
who rebelled against the strictness of the new regime.' At the 

* ll« wn* compcUnl. much to bk morlilicslion, to withBtBnd an attsck of a 
it kinil from Koolber quarter, Br waa t'hsrged with Arianinn and Sabd- 
Si* Henr)'. i. 17S seq. Calvin was cautious aa la the (emu which be 
on the vubjiwl of Ihe Trinity, aod ilid not intriet on the word ptraaft. Ste 
JuMvtM, b. 1. xiii. 5, For liia opinJoD of the AthBHoaiaD cre«d, we Kampscbulte, 


head of the party of opposition, or of the Libertlnee, as thej 
were styled by the supporters of Calvin, were Amy Perrin, Van- 
del, and Jean Philippe, who had been among the firet advocates 
of the ReforamtioD. In their ranks were many of the Coufeti- 
erates, or Eidgeno»sen, who had fought for the independence 
of the city. At Geneva, the baptismal font, the four festivals 
of Christmas, New Year's Day, the Annunciation, and the As- 
cension, and the use of unleavened bread in the sacrament, all 
of which was retained in Berne, had been discarded. TTie 
opponents of the new system called for the restoration of the 
Bernese ceremonies. Finding themselves thwarted by the 
authorities in the enforcement of church discipline, on Easter 
Sunday (1538), the ministers, Calvin, Fare], and Viret, preached 
in spit« of the prohibition of the Syndics, and also took the bold 
step of refusing to administer the sacrament. Thereupon, by 
a vote of the Comicil, which was confirmed the next day by the 
general assembly of the citizens, they were banished from the 
city. Failing in then* efforts to secure the intervention ofj 
Berne, and in other negotiations having reference to their res- 
toration, they parted from one another. Farel went to Neuf- 
ch&tel, and Calvin found a cordial reception in Strasburg. It 
was a general feeling, in which Calvin himself shared, that the 
preachers had gone imprudently far in their requirements. But 
the joy of Calvin at being delivered from the anxieties which 
he had suffered, and in finding himself at liberty to devote him- 
self to his books, was greater, be says, than under the circum- 
stances was becoming. But soon he was solicited by Bucer 
take charge of the church of French refugees who were at Stn 
burg. Once more he was intimidated by Bucer's earnest a 
peal, who reminded him of the example of the fugitive prophet, 
Jonah, Though his pecuniary support was small, so that he 
was compelied to take lodgers and even to sell his books to get 
the means of living, he was satisfied and happy. While at Stra»fl 
biu-g, he was brought into intercourse with the Saxon theo-" 
logians at the religious conferences held between the years 1539 
and 1.541, at Frankfort, at Worms, and at Hagenau, and in 
connection with the Diet at Ratisbon, where Contarini appeared 
as the representative of the Pope. Like Luther, Calvin had no 
faith in the practieableness of a compromise with the Catholics, 
and the negotiations became more and more irksome to hi 




o biau^ 

His ignorance of the Gorman language occasioned him aome 
embarrassment. His talents and learning were fully recog- 
nii«d by ihe German theologians, and with Melancthon he 
formed a friendship which continued with a temporary, partial 
ioterruption, until they were separated by death. To the com- 
promises of the Leipsic Interim, Calvin was inflexibly opposed. 
^»n the great controverted point of the Eucharist, he and 
^lelancthon were agreed, and the latter confided to him the 
anxieties which weighed heavily upon him on account of the 
jealousy on the Lutheran side, which was awakened by hia 
change of opinion. With Luther, Calvin never came into per- 
sonal contact; but he was delighted to hear that the Saxon 
leader had read some of his books with "singular satisfaction," 
had betrayed no irritation at his difference on the question of 
the Supper, and had expressed a high degree of confidence in 
Lis ability to be useful to the Church. He thought Luther a 
much greater man than Zwingli, but that both were one-sided 
and too much under the sway of prejudice in their combat upon 
the Eucharist. He exclaims that he should never cease to 
revere Luther, if Luther were to call him a devil.' When called 
upon at a later day, after the death of Melancthon, to take the 
field against bigoted Lutherans, he breaks out with the exclama- 
tion: "0 Philip Melancthon, I direct my words to thee who 
DOW livest before God with Jesus Christ, and there art waiting 
tor ua till we are gathered with thee to that blessed rest ! A 
hundred times hast thou said, when, wearied with labor and 
oppressed with anxieties, thou hast laid thy head affectionately 
upon my bosom: 'O that, that I might die upon this 
baoml'" But notwithstanding their friendship, Melancthon 
Willi not be prevailed on to express himself in favor of Cal- 
vin'g doctrine of predestination, though the latter dedicated 
In hiui, in flattering terms, a treatise on the subject, and by 
'Hltre sought to enlist his support. Calvin was bringing in, 
[ UflucthoD wrote to a friend, the Stoic doctrine of fate,* When 
f B(^ was taken into custody for vehemently attacking this 
•loclrine in public, Melancthon wrote to Camerarius that they 
L W put a man in prison at Geneva for not agreeing with Zeno.* 

'Henry, ii. 362. 'Corp. Re/., vii. 392. 

'MfltiirthuQ uid that tlieyhad revived Ihc fatalUtic doctrine of Laurentiua 
irB,g ofic of {he moat oSeniive acrusatiotiB ol Bo^icC. 

lUi. . 



(he I 

were I 

ffered ^ 


The relations of Calvin to the frientLs of Zwingli and to 
churches whicli had been eslablishctl under bis auspices 
for a while unsettled. Calvin's Euchariatic doctrine differed 
from that of the Zurich reformer, and he was suspected of as 
intention to introduce the Lutheran theory. He succeeded io > 
convincing them that this suspicion was groundless, and iafl 
bringing about a union through the acceptance of commoo 
formularies. Tlie fact that Zwingli had rather professed the 
doctrine of predeslmalioD as a philosophical theorem, than 
brought it forward in popular teaching, required special exer- 
tions on the part of Calvin to quiet the misgivings of the Swiss 
respecting this point also.' In this effort he was likewise suc- 
cc^ul. Yet Berne, partly from the disfavor which it felt 
towards minor peculiarities of the Genevan cultus, but chiefly 
owing to the disappointment of political schemes, never treated 
Calvin with entire confidence and friendliness. 

Whde at Strasburg Calvin was married to the widow trf 
an Anabaptist preacher whom he had converted. Several pre- 
vious attempts to negotiate a marriage, "m which he had pro- 
ceeded in quite businesslike spirit, with no outlay of sentiment, 
had from various causes proved abortive. The lady whom hefl 
married appears to have been a person of rare worth, his life 
with her was one of uninterrupted harmony; and when, nine 
years aft^r their marriage, she died, his grief proved the tender-^ 
ness of his attachment. His only child, a son, lived but a short 
time. It may be remarked here that Cahnn was far from being 
unsusceiitiblo to friendship. With Farel and Viret he wasfl 
united in the closest bonds of intimacy, Tliough schooled to " 
submission, when he hears of the death of one after another of 
his friends, he gives expression to his sorrow, sometimes in 
pathetic language. Beza loved him as a father. 

Three years after his expulsion he was recalled to Geneva 
by the united voices of the government and people. The dis- 
tracted condition of the city caused all eyes to turn to him as _ 
the only hope. Disorder and vice had been on the increase. I 

' Calvin crilicJMS Zwingti's tPeatinent of thU doctrine, in ft letter to BuUin- 
gor (Bonnet, cclmii.)- The lukewarmnesa of the SuriBa cliurchos in the caae of 
BalBBo was very vexatioiifl to Calvin, bb this and oilier letlera ahow. The cor- 
nwpondpiice on (his cusc iimtmc lively cxhibiln the unBillinpuwa of the Zwingliaa 
churcliea lo prcuB the doctrine of predestioBlion, an Cotvin would wish. Their ex- J 
prcraions of sympathy were very qiialificJ and conBtrBined. Bullinger took quil« ^ 
uuathcr Ujdg In ratoreiica to Servclua, where the dootriue of the Trinity waa aasailed. 




IPS ot liccntiousncsa and violence were witnessed by d.iy 
and by night in (he streets. The Catholics were hoping to see 
the old religion restored. There was a prospect that Berne 
would find its profit in the anarchical situation of its neighbor, 
and establish its control in Geneva. Of the four Syndics who 
had been active in the banishment of the preachers, one had 
broken Iiis neck by a fall from a wimiow, another had been 
executed for murder, and the remaining two had been banished 
on suspicion of treason. The consciences of many were alarmed 
at these occurrences. Meantime Cardinal Sadolet, Bishop of 
Carpentras, addressed to the Senate a very persuasive letter, 
tree from all acrimony, and couched in a flattering style, for 
the purpose of brmglng the city back to the fold of the Catholic 
Qiurch. To this document Calvin published a masterly reply, 
in which he expressed his undying interest in the welfare of the 
Oinevan Church, and reviewed the Protestant controversy with 
Miigiilar force and clearness, "Here is a work," said Luther, 
on reading it, "that has hands and feet." The personal remi- 
Mwcnces relating to his conversion, which are interwoven, make 
it, as a contribution to his biography, only second in Importance 
[to the Preface to the Psalms. It made a most favorable imprea- 
\ <i(m ni Geneva, and an edition of it was published by the author- 
ities. The city, torn by faction, with a government too weak 
|,ta exercise effective control, turned to the banished preacher, 
I had never been without a body of warm adherenta, how- 
[ever overborne in the excitement that attended his expulsion. 
I another instance in which Providence seemed to inter- 
^to baffle his cherished plans, and to use him for a purpose 
^101 his own. He could not think of going back without a shud- 
'''T The recollection of his conflicts there, and of the troubles 
"' foiiscicnce he had .suffered, was dreadful to him.' But he 
■^^uld not long withstand the unanimous opinion of his friends 
"nil the earnest importunities of the Genevan Senate and people. 
To the solicitations of the deputies who followed him from Stras- 
•"Tg to Worms, he answered more with tears than words. Eia 
Wnstnt W.1S at length obtained, and once more he took up his 
_ I'Wft in Geneva, there to live for the remainder of his days. 
^ Of the system of ecclesiastical and civil order which was 
'Milled under his influence, only the outlines can here be given. 

1 See his Lettcn, Bonnet, i. 163, 1G7, 207, 2H. 




Hie idea was that the Church should be distinct from the Stat*. 
Imt that both should be intimately connected and mulually 
cooperative for a common end — the realization of the kingdom 
of God in the hves of the people. Tlic Cliurch was to infuse a 
religious spirit into the State ; the State was to uphold and fos- 
ter the interests of the Church, For the instruction of the 
people, preachers, whose qualifications have been put to a thor- 
ough test, must be appointed, and respect for them and atten- 
tion to their ministrations must be enforced by law. So the 
training of the children in the catechism is indispensable, and 
this must likewise be secured, if necessary, by the intervention 
of the magistrate. The Three Councils, or Senates, the Little ■ 
Council, or Council of Twenty-five, the Council of Sixty, and 
tlie Council of Two Hundred, which had existed before, were 
not abolished, but their functions and relative prerogatives I 
were materially changed. The drift of all the jjolitical changes 
was to concentrate power in the hands of the Little Council, 
and to take it away from the other bodies, and especially from 
the General Council, or popular assembly of the citizens. Eccle- 
siastical disciphne was in the hands of the Consistory, a body 
composed of the preacliers, who at first were six in numbef, 
and of twice as many laymen; the laymen being nominated 
by the preachers and chosen annually by the Little Council, 
but the General Coimcil having a veto upon their appointment. 
Calvin thus revived, under a peculiar form, the Eldership in 
the Church. It had existed, to be sure, in some of the ZndngliaD 
Churches, but not as an effective organization. The preachers 
were chosen by the ministers already in office ; they gave proof 
of their qualifications by publicly preaching a sermon, at which 
two members of the Little Council were present. If the min- 
isters approved of the learning of the candidate, they presented 
him to the Council, and his election having been sanctioned 
Ijy that botly, eiglit flays were pven to the people, in which tliey 
might biing forward objections, if they had any, to his appoint^ 
ment. The Consistory had jurisdiction in matrimonial causes. 
To this body was committed a mora! censorship that e.\tended 
over the entire life of every inhabitant. It was a court before 
which any one might be summoned, and which could not be 
treated with contumacy or disrespect without bringing upon 
the offender civil penalties. Tlie power of excommunication 


its hands; and excommunication, if it continued beyond 
lin lime, was likewise foUowed by penal consequences. 
Though ostensibly purely spiritual in its function, the Consist- 
ory might haud over to the magistrate transgressors whose 
offenses were deemed to be grave, or who refused to submit 
to correction. The city was divided into districts, and in each 
o( them a preacher and elder had superintendence, the ordinance 
being that at least once in a year every family must be visited, 
anil receive such admonition, counsel, or comfort as its con- 
ilition might call for. Every sick person was required to send 
for the minister. From this vigilant, stringent, imiversa! super- 
vision there was no escape. There was no respect for persons; 
the high and Uie low, the rich and the poor, were alilte sutn 
jwted to one inflexible rule. In the Consistory, by tacit con- 
Iknt, Calvio was the unofficial leader. The ministers — the 
■\eni!il*bi.e Company, as they were styled — met together for 

■ mutual fraternal censure. Candidates for the ministry were 

■ raniined and ordained by them. They were to he kept up to 
" n high standard of professional qualifications and of conduct. 

I^nlvin, it may be observed, felt the importance of an effective 

delivery : he speaks against the reading of sermons.' 

b In the framing of the civil laws, Calvin had a controlling 

I influence. His legal education qualified him for such a work, 

Buulso great was the respect entertained for him that he was 

P^ tnndf, not by any effort of his own, the virtual legislalor of the 

ciiy. The minutest affairs engaged liis attention. Regulations 

'w the watching of the gates, and for the suppression of fires, are 

found in his hanriwriting. An examination of the Genevan 

. w<ip (shows the strong influence of the Mosaic legislation on 

■ falv'm's conception of a well-ordered community. Both the 
W "pwial statutes and the general theocratic character of the 

H'hrew commonwealth were never out of sight.' In all points 
m tilvin did not find it practicable to conform to his own theories. 
W '^ of his cardinal principles is that to the congregation belongs 
•'w choice of its religious teachers; but it was provided at Ge- 
•"^"a that the Collegium, or Society of Preachers, should select 
powna tt) fill vacuneies, and to the oongiegation was left only 
*veto, which was regarded more as a nominal than a real pre- 
'^Uve. Wliatever may have been the influence of Calvhiisin 

■ Bcmy, ii. 105. ' KampRuhulte, l. 4\T, 





on society, Calvin himself was unfavorable to democracy.' It 
13 remarkable that almost at the beginning of liis earliest writing, 
the Commentary on Seneca, there is an expression of contempt 
for the populace. His experiences at Geneva, and especially 
the dangers to which his civil as well as ecclesiastical system 
would be liable if it were at the disposal of a popiJar assem- 
bly, confirmed his inclination to an aristocratic or ohgarcbic 

Calvin had begun, after his return, with moderation, with 
no manifestation of vindictiveness, and without undertaking 
to remove the otlier preachers who had been appointed by ihe 
opposite party in his absence. But symptoms of disafFection 
were not long in apjwaring. The more the new system was 
developed in its characteristic features, the more loud grew 
the opposition. Let us glance at the parties in this long-con- 
tinued conflict. Against Calvin were the Libertines, as they 
were styled. They consisted of two different classes. Tliere 
were the fanatical Antinomians, an offshoot from the sect ol ■ 
the Free Spirit, who combmetl pantheistic theology with a \&x 
morality, in which the marriage relation was practically sub- 
verted and a theory allied to the modem "free love " was more 
or less openly avowed and practiced. Tlieir number was sufit 
cient to form a dangerous faction, and it appears to be prov' 
that among them were persons in affluent circumstances an' 
possessed of much influence. United with the "Spirituels, 
as tliis class of Libertines was termed, were the Patriots, as tliey 
styled themselves; those who were for maintaining the demo-^ 
cratic constitution, and jealous of the Frenchmen and other^ 
foreigners who had migrated in large numbers to Geneva, and 
to whom the supporters of Calvin were for giving the rights of 
m citizens. Tlie licentious free-thinkers, the native Genevese of 

■ democratic proclivities and opposed to the granting of politi 

■ power to the immigrants, and the multitude who chafed under th 

■ new restraints put upon theip, gradually combined against the 
B new system and the man who was its principal author. On 

■ the other side were those who preferred tJie order, independence, 

■ morahty, and temporal prosperity which were the fruit of th 
I new order of things, and, in the existing circumstances, 
I inseparable from it, and especially all who thoroughly acceptei 

^^^^^ ■ For bii opInioD of "tLe people," see Kajnpachiille, i. 4)9. 


he Protestant system of doctrine as expoundpd by Calvin. In 
ie ranks of this party, which maintaiiied its ascendency, though 
not without perilous struggles, were the numerous foreigners, 
kio had been, for the moat part, driven from their homes by 
persecution, and had been drawn to Geneva by the presence of 
Calvin and by the religious system established there. On a, 
angle occa^on not less than three hundred of these were natural- 
That widespread disaffection should exist was inevila- 
The attempt was made to extend over a city of twenty 
bousand inhabitants, wonted to freedom and little fond of 
straint, the strict discipline of a Calvinistic church. Not 
Jy profaneness and drunkenness, but recreations which hud 
been consideretl innocent, and divergent theological doctrines, 
it the effort was made to disseminate them, were severely pun- 
iAed. In 1568, under the stern code which was establislied 
under the auspices of Calvin, a child was beheaded for striking 
iw father and mother. A child sixteen years old, ior Ttttempling 
loslrike its mother, was sentenced to death, but, on account 
of its youth, the sentence was commuted, and, having been pub- 
licly whipped, with a cord about its neck, it was banished from 
the city. In 1565 a woman was chastised with rods for singing 
*Tu!ar songs to the melody of the Psalms, In 1579 a culti- 
vated gentleman was imprisoned for twenty-four hours because 
he was found reading Poggio, and, having been compelled to 
Wn the book, he was expelled from the city. Dancing, and 
•he manufacture or use of cards, and of nine-pins, brought down 
ipon the delinquent the vengeance of the laws. Even those 
*ho looked upon a dance were not exempt from punishment. 
""" prevalence of gjimbling and the indecent occurrences at 
WIh furnished the ground for these stringent enactments. To 
P^'p the names of Catliolic saints to children was a penal offense, 
locrimmal processes torture was freely used, according to the 
"istom of the times, to elicit testimony and confession ; and 
^Qt by fire was the penalty of heresy. It is no wonder that^ 
•he jtrisons became filled and the executioner wa-s kept busy/ 
"ibe suppression of outspoken religious dissent by force was 
*> inevitable result of the principles on which the Genevan estate 
' *to established. The Reformers can never be fairly judged 
unles it is kept in mind that they were strangers to the Umited 

■ KunpHhulte (i. 436, 438] givn aUtialicB. 



idea of the proper function of the State, which has come into 
vogue in more recent times. TTie ancient religions were all state 
religions. It was a universal conception that a nation, like a 
family, must profess but one faith, and practice the same reUgious 
ril^. The toleration of the ancients, which has been lauded 
by modern skeptical writers, was only such as polytheism re- 
quires. The worship of a nation was sacred within its territory' 
and among its own people. But to introduce foreign rites, or 
make proselytes of Roman citizens, was contrary to Roman 
law, and was severely punished. This policy was conformed to 
the general feeling of antiquity. The early Cliristian fathers, 
as Tertullian and Cyprian, speak against coercion in matters of 
rehgion.' After the downfall of heathenism, the successors of 
Constantine enforced conformity to the religion of the Empire; 
and Constantine himself did the same within the pale of the 
Christian Church, as is seen in the Arian controversy. There 
was persecution both on the orthodox and on the Arian side. 
Severe laws were enacted against the Manichieans and Dona- 
tiats. Augustine, who in his earUer writings had opposed the 
use of force for the spreati of truth, or the extirpation of error, 
altered his views in the Donatist controversy. He would not 
have capital punishment inflicted, but would confine the penalties 
of heresy to imprisonment or banishment, the confiscation of 
goods and civil disabiUties, Theodosius has the unenviable dis- 
tinction of incorporating the theory of persecution in an elaborate 
code, which threateneii death to heretics; and in his reign the 
term Inquisitors of the faith first appears.' The feeling of the 
necessity of uniformity in religious belief and worship, and of 
the obligation of rulers to punish and to exterminate infidelity 
and heresy within their dominions, was tmiversal in the Middle 
Agea. Imiocent III. enforced this obligation upon princes under 
the threat of excommunication, and of the forfeiture of theu' 
crowns and dominions. In 1208 he established the Inquidtion. 
It is true that the Church kept up the custom of asking the mag- 
istrate to spare the life of the condemned heretic ; but it was an 
empty formality. Tlie Church inculcated the lawfulness of the 
severest punishments in such cases. Leo X., in his Bull against 

■ Thi" paiiaagH! are given iu I.inib&rch, llittaria Inquuilionii, i. U. 

' For the kiifltory of pvrspcutioD, bpc Liioborch. i. iii. ; Gibbaa, di. 3Exvii. : th« 
krt. ■■Htraaie " in Henog, RtaUnei/d. d. Thcol. Lcrky, Hiatary ef Ratumal- 
Icn tn Europe, eb. iv. (ii.]. 


Luther, in 1520, explicitly condemns the proposition: "Hiere- 
licoe comburere est contra voluntateni Spiritus." No historical 
student needs to be told what an incalculable amount of evil 
has been wrought by Catholics ami by Protestants, from a mis- 
taken belief in the perpetual vahtlity of tlie Mosaic civil legisla- 
tion, and from a confounding of the spirit of the old dispensation 
with that of the new — an overlooking of the progressive char- 
acter of Divine Revelation. The Reformers held that offenses 
agEunst the first table of the law, not less than the second, fall 
under the jurisfUction of the magistrate. To protect and foster 
pure religion, and to put down false religion, was that part of 
his office to which he was most sacrctily bound. Occasional 
utterances, it is true, which seem harbingers of a better day, 
fell from the lips of Protestant leaders. Zwingli was not dis- 
posed to persecution. Luther said, in reference to the prohi- 
bition of his version of the New Testament: "Over the souls of 
men God can and will have no one rule save Himself alone;" 
and in his book against the Anabaptists, he says: "It is not 
right that they should so shockingly nuirder, burn, and cruelly 
slay such wretched people; they should let every one believe 
what he will; with the Scripture and God's Word, they should 
check and withstand them; with fire they will acconiphsh little. 
The executioners on this plan would be the most learned doc- 
tors." ' But these noble words rather express the dictates of 
Luther's humane impulses than definite principles by which he 
would consistently abide. It is oft^n charged upon the Prot- 
estants themselves as a flagrant inconsistency that whilst they 
■were persecuted themselves, they were willing, and sometimes 
eager, to persecute others. So far is Calvin from being impressed 
with this incongruity, that he writes: "Seeing that the defenders 
of the Papacy are so bitter and bold in behalf of their supersti- 
tions, that in their atrocious fury they shed the blood of the 
innocent, it should shame Christian mapstrates that in the pro- 
tection of certain truth they are entirely dp.stitute of spirit." * 
The repressive measures of Catholic rulers were an example for 
Protestant rulers to emulate ! There were voices occasionally 
raised in favor of toleration. The case of Servetus, probably, 
tended more than any ."ungle event to produce wiser and more 
charitable views on this subject. Free thinkers, who had no 

■ Wklcb, X. 4S1, 374. > Bonnet, letter ccczxv. 



pestles I 

convictions for which they would die themselves, — the apostles 
of indifference, — were naturally early in the field in favor of the 
rights of opinion. But religious toleration could never obtain 
a general sway until the Umitationa of human responsibility, 
and the limited function to wliich the State is properly restricted, 
were better understood. A more enlightened charity, which 
makes larger allowance for diveraties of intellectual view, is 
doubtless a powerful auxiliary in effecting tliis salutary change." 

The conflicts through which Calvin had to pass in upholding, 
and firmly establishing the Genevan theocracy would ha 
broken down any other than a man of iron. Personal indignitii 
were heaped upon him. The tiogs in the street were named 
after him. Every device was undertaken in order to intimidate 
him. As he sat at his study table late at night, a gun would be 
discharged under his window. In one night fifty shots were 
fired before his house. On one occasion he walked into the midst 
of an excited mob and offered his breast to their daggers. 

The case of Bolsec, who was arrested and banished for vio- 
lently attacking the preachers on the subject of predestination, 
has already been referred to. Another instance, somewhat sinii- 
lar, was the controversy with Castellio. Castellio was a highly 
cultivated scholar whom Calvin had brought from Straaburg lo 
take charge of the Geneva school. He was desirous of becooiing 
a minister, but Calvin objected on account of his views on the 
Song of Solomon, which he thought should be struck from the 
canon, and his opposition to the passage of the creed respecting 
the descent of Christ into hell. The result was that Castellio 
at length made a public attack upon the preachers, charging 
them with intolerance, and leas justly, vfith other grave faults- 
He accused Calvin of a love of power. Whether the charge were 

' Lecky. in conunon with othn' writers at the present day, nmlces penec<i<i< 
the necessary result of undaubting oonviotiooB on the subject at religinn, rcupl'''* 
with a belief that moral obliquity is involved in holding oppor^ite viewa. Tb'^^ 
writers would make skepticism essenlial to the eserpiae of tolefation. See Leeli) '* 
i|Uotation from C. J. Fox (vol. ii. p. 20). But if thix he true, how slioll wf actO""* 
for the opposition to Ihn spirit of persecution, whicli Difsp very writera nttriW* 
to the founders of ChrisKonity — to Christ and the AposllesT Much that i"*^ 
cribed to the infiuencc of "Ralionahsin " lA really due to tlie increasing |>owcf ^* 
Christinoity, and lo Ibe bettor understanding of its precepts, and of the limi'^ 
of the rpsponsibility of society for the opinionfl and character of its mrnibrr*' 
Thirrc an- two antidotes to uncharital'lcnees an<] narrowness. The one is |ibpr&» 
culture : Ltie other is that high degrte of religion — *>f charity — ^ wiiicli is deHnr*!""* 
St. Paul iu 1 Corlntliiatu xhi. Either of these remedies against iuUileraaci! i* 
Isat with ft living, etimeat fsitli. 



true, Calvin wrote to Farel, he was willing to leave it to God to 
judge. The result was that Castellio, who had many points of 
excellence, was expelled from Geneva, and afterwards prosecuted 
in print a heated controversy with Calvin and Beza.' But these 
and all other instances of alleged persecution are overshadowed 
by the more notorious case of Servetus. Michael Servetus was 
born at Villeneuve, in Spain, in 1509, and was therefore of the 
same age as Calvin, According to his own statement, he was 
attached, for a while, when a youth, to the service of Quintana, 
the chaplain of Charles V., antl witnessed the stately ceremo- 
nies at the coronation of the Emperor at Bologna. He was 
Bent by his father to Toulouse to study law ; but his mind turned 
to theological speculation, and, in connection with other scholars 
of his acquaintance, he read the Scriptures and the Fathers, 
especially the writers of the anf^Nicene period. He also delved 
in judicial astrology, in which he wa^ a believer. Of an original, 
inquisitive mind, adventurous and independent in his thinking, 
he convinced himself of the groundlessness of the claims of the 
Roman Catholic Church; but he was not satisfied with the 
Protestant theology, especially on the subject of the Trinity. 
Going to Basel he formed an acqumntance with (Ecolampadius, 
who expressed a strong dislike of his notions. Zwingli, whom 
(Eeolanipadius consulted, said that such notions would subvert 
the Christian religion, but seems to have discountenanced a 
resort to force for the suppression of them.' Tlie book of Ser- 
vetus on the "Errors of the Trinity," appeared in 1531. In it 
he defended a view closely allied to the Sabellian theory, and 
an idea of the incarnation in which the common belief of two 
natures in Christ had no place. He endeavored to draw Calvin 
into a correspondence, but became angry at the maimer in which 
Calvin treated him and his speculations. He wrote Calvin a 
number of letters well stored with invectives agunst the preva^ 
lent conceptions of Christian doctrine, as well as against Calvin 
personally. At length be returned to Paris, where he had pre- 
viously studied at the same time that Calvin was there, and under 

> WhpQ Calvin wu ciDited. he vi&a a match Sot Luther in Ihp Met of i-iluper- 
•livc epithets. The opprobrious numes which he applies to Cnslcllio the latter 
Collects in a lon^ list. The origin of Calvia'fl disputea with CaatelLio — Calvin'a 
)lli»ii till fill linn with his translation of the Kew Teslumeot —is given ia tile letter 
to Virel. Bonnet, i, 336. See, also. i. 316, 379, 3S2. A Ikir scooilDt of the coo- 
troveray ia given by Dyer, 160 aeq. 

■ Uooheiia, GaehichU Sircela, p. IT. 


the assumed name of Villanovus, derived from the village where 
he was born, he prosecuted hia studies in natural science and 
medieine, for which he had a remarkable aptitude. He divined 
the true method of the circulation of the blood, ahnost antici- 
pating the lattT discovery of Har\ey.' As a practitioner of 
medicine he stood in high repute. After repeatedly changing 
his name and residence, he finally took up his abode in Viemip, 
in the south of France, where he was hospitably received by the 
Archbishop, and long lived in the lucrative practice of Ids pro- 
fesaon. During all tlus time, in the aggregate more than twenty 
years, he conformed outwardly to the Catholic Church, attended 
mass, and was not suspected ®f heresy. Here he finished a book, 
not less obnoxious than the first, entitled "The Restoration of 
Christianity "— Christianisnii Restitutio — and not being able 
to get it printed in Basel, he bribed the Archbishop's own prmter 
and two of his assistants to print it for him secretly. He su- 
perintended the press, and sent copies of the anonymous book 
to various places for sale, not forgetting to dispatch one or more 
copies as presents to the Genevan theologians. In this work 
his conception of the person of Christ is somewhat modified; 
its doctrine makes a nearer approach to Pantheistic theories.' 
The two grand hindrances in the way of the spread of Christian- 
ity were declared to be the doctrine of the Trinity and that of 
Infant Baptism. The manuscript of the first draft of the work 
had been sent to Calvin at an earher day. A French refugee 
residing at Geneva, by the name of Guillaume Trie, in a letter 
to Antoine Ameys, a Roman Catholic relative at Lyons, made 
reference to Servetus as the author of this pestiferous book, and 
as, nevertheless, enjoying immunity in a Church that pretendetl 
to be zealous for the extirpation of heresy. Arneys carried the 
information to tlie Archbishop of Lyons. Servetus was arrested ifl 
and an ecclesiastical court was constituted for his trial. SomC^ 
pages of an annotated copy of the "Institutes," which he had 
long before sent to Calvin, and a parcel of his letters were tran^v'J 
mitted from Geneva by Trie, for the purpose of establishing thff" 
charge which he had indirectly caused to be made. Trie pre- 

H theia 
^M verbi 
M p. 86 

' Henry. Leben Cali>in(, iii . Bril . G9. 

" Ea gibt kaiim eiu aiider»i Syslfin, doa so whr wie dan Serveta bIb ein p«i>- 
IhtFiaticlica beieichnel tii wprdeo vetiiiem in dem gewohnlicli rait diesem Worts 
verbundenEn Sinn." — Baur, Dir. clirisU. Lehre v. d. Dteirinigkfit, etc., lu, i, 1, 


vailed on Calvin to grant him this adtlitional evidence. Scrvetua 
and the printers with him had swom that tliey knew nothing 
of the book which they had publishe<!. Servelus also swore 
that he was not the person who had written the book on the 
"Errors of the Trinity." But when the Genevan documents 
arrived, he saw that conviction was inevitable, and contrived 
to escape from his jailer. The Vienne court had to content 
iWeU with seizing his property and burning his effigy. We 
know Call's dispoation towards him ; for in a letter to Fare! 
hp had once said that if his authority was of any avail, in 
case Servetus were to come to Geneva, he should not go away 

Servetus, having escaped from Vienne, after a few months 
etually appeared in Geneva and took lodgings in an inn near 
le of the gates. He had been there for a month without being 
jiized, when Calvin was informed of his presence, and pro- 
his arrest. A scribe of Calvin made the accusation. Ulti- 
itely, Calvin and all the other preAchera were brought face to 
lace with the prisoner before the Senate wliich was to sit in 
juiigment upon him. In the subsequent proceedings he defended 
his iheolo^cal opinions with much aeuteness, but with a strange 
tnitpouring of violent denunciation.' His proportions relative 
lo the participation of all things in the Deity, and the identity 
o[ Ihe world with God, although he made the embodiment of 
ihe primordial essence in the world to spring from a volition, 
Wtl' couched in phraseology which made them seem to his 
Mtiaers in the liighest degree rlangerous and repulsive." He 
Orieatured the Church doctrine of the Trinity by the most 
offenmve compari.sons. His ideas were out of relation to the 
Wsting philo.sophy and theology, and were an anticipation of 
1^a»s of speculation of a nmch later date. His physical theo- 
"68 Were interwoven with his theology. His maxim, that "no 
'Wee acta except by contact," was connected with his doctrine 

' Ffbnury 13, 1546. Bonnet, ii. 10. 

' I>yfri a writer nol nt &11 disposed to excuse Calvin, soya (p. 337) of tlie in- 
"'•WfBt* mad* by Servetim nii ihc list of thirty-Piglit heretical propositiom 
"•H Calvin had extracted (rom Ills writings: "The repjii* of Servetus lo lliia 
Jj^Woml an- very ineolent, and ifvca almoat like the productiona of a madman." 
■"^tepliia may be read in the new edition of Calvin's works, viii. fil9 aeq. 

'"Man kajin nioh daher nicht wiindcni. dans ouch die Gegner an diraem so 
^™ rti Augen lieeenden Character dm Svsteuui don grasstcn Aiuloa nahmn." 
~^vai, Ihid.. p. 103. 




of the puli?tantiftl communication of the Deity to all thi 
anil he tokl Calvin contriii|tliioiisly that if he only uinlerstooJ 
natural science, he coulii coniprt-hem.! this subject. ttTiile he 
was undergoing his trial, a messenger arrived from the tribunals 
at Vicnne to demand their escaped prisoner. There was no 
safety for him with Papist or Protestant ! He chose to remain 
and take his chance where he was. It is not improbable that 
his boldness and vehemence were inspired by suggestions from 
the Libertine party, and that he felt that they st^iod at his back.' 
Calvin was far from being omnipotent in Geneva at this time. 
He was, in fact, in the very crisis of his conflict with his adve^ 
earies. It was on the 27th of August, 1553, that he denounci 
Servetus from the pulpit; he had been arre-sted on the 13th d 
the same month. On the 3d of September, Calvin refused the 
Lord's Supper to the younger Berthelier, a leader of the Liber- 
tines. So strong was this party, that had the cause of Scr\Ttu3 
been carried, as was attempted, to the Council of Two Hundred, 
Servetus would have escaped. He was extremely bold, and 
demanded that Calvin should be banished for bringing a mali- 
cious accusation, and that his property should be handed over 
to him. Contrary to his expectation, he was condemned. He 
called Calvin to his prison, and asked pardon for his personal 
treatment of him ; but all attempts to extort from him a retrao 
tion of his doctrines, whether made by Calvin or by Farel before 
the execution of the sentence, were ineffectual. He adhered 
to his opinions with heroic constancy, and was burned at tlie 
stake on the morning of the 27th of October, 1553. 

On the one hand, it is not true that Calvin arranged that the 
mode of his death should be needlessly painful. He made the 
attempt to have it mitigated; probably that the sword might 
be ased instead of the fagot. And notwithstanding the previous 
threat, to which reference has been made, it is likely that he 
expected, and he had reason to expect, that Servetus would 
recant. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that he yielded 
to the solicitation of Trie, and supplied the documentary e'/i- 
dence which went from Geneva to the court at Vienne. He 
caused the arrest of Servetus at Geneva, and it is a violation of 

' Guizot cxptoBsos the decided opinion that Servrtiia went to Geneva relying ' 
on the Libertinca. and tliut they expected r^upport FroEn liinir St- Louia and Cei- 
vin. p. 313. But thiire ia no good ovidenco of any previous UoderatsndLDg between 
him ^ati tiicm. 




historioal tnitb to say that he did not desire his execution.* The 
infiiclion of capital punishment on one whom he considered a 
blasphemer, as well as an assailant of the fundamental truths 
of Christianity, was in his judgment right. In the defense of 
the doctrine of the Trinity against Servetus, which Calvin pub- 
lished in 1554, be enters into a formal argument in favor of the 
capital punishment of contumacious heretics by the civil author- 
ity. He thinks that if Roman Catholic riders slay the innocent, 
this is no reason why better and more enlightened magistrates 
abould spare the guilty. The whole discussion proves that the 
Arguments for toleration, both from Scripture and reason, were 
not unknown to him, for he tries to answer them. He makes 
bis appeal, in great part, to the Old Testament. Guizot thus 
pronounces upon the case of Servetus and Calvin : " It was their 
tragical destiny to enter into mortal combat as the champions 
of two great causes. It is my profound conviction that Calvin's 
cause was the good one; that it was the cause of morality, of 
soda] order, of civilization. Servetus was the representative of 
t system false in itself, sujicrficial under the pretense of science, 
ud destructive alike of social dignity in the individual and of 
moral order in human society. In their disastrous encoimter, 
CWviii was conscientiously faithful to what he believed to be 
truth and duty; but he was hard, much more influenced by 
violent animosity than he imagined, and devoid alike of sym- 
pathy and generasity. Servetus was sincere and resolute in his 
IHKiTiction, but he was a frivolous, presumptuous, vain, and 
envious man, capable, in time of need, of resorting to artifice 
»nJ untruth. Servetus obtained the honor of being one of the 
f""* martyrs to intellectual liberty; whilst Calvin, who was 
umloulitedly one of those who did most toward the establish- 
l"'it of religious liberty, had the misfortune to ignore his adver- 
■^■"y'" right to liberty of belief."' Tlie forbearance of Calvin 
''Ward Lielius Socinus has been sometimes considered a proof 
^l he was actuated by personal vindictiveness in relation to 
8*rvetU3. But CaU-in, widely as he might differ from Socinus, 

' We ba*e alnady eited hU letter to Farel. of February 13, iM6. After the 

•"■• ol Servetiw, Calvin wrote to Fnrel (August 20, IS53), saying: "1 hope 

' vt*n}j ihd flvDtrnffl will at leut bo capilhl : but dGsire the atrocity of thepuoiiib- 

I Bcui (0 |)e abated. " He wiahed him to be put to dcstli. but nut by fire. Cnlvia 

E^whi^l IE) vJAbormifi vork in deferme of the proceeding. Henry hiA miAtran^ 
, nI the kbovB puUKe ; acv Dyer. Lilr nt Cairin, p. 33tf. 
'St. tmtitaiid Calvin, b lU. ]i. 326. 




rccognizcil hi him a sobriety, a moral respectabUity, which lie 
wholly missed in the restless, visionary, passionate physician of 
Villpneuve. It was the diversity of character in the two men, 
and the different methods which they adopted to spread their 
doctrines, much more than any resentment which Calvin might 
feel in consequence of tlio attacks of Scrvetus — whom be looked 
down upon as a wild, mischievous dreamer — that made hi 
80 courteous and lenient to Socinus. 

The execution of Servetus, with a few notable exceptio: 
was approved by the Christian world, Bullinger, the friend and 
successor of ZwingU, justified it. Even Melancthon gave it his 
motion. The rise of infidel and fanatical sects in the path of 
the Reformation, as an incidental consequence of the movemeatdfl 
and the disposition of opponents to identify it with these mani^ 
festations, made the Protestants the more solicitous to demon- 
strate their hostility to them, and their fidelity to the principal 
articles of the Christian faith. In rejecting infant baptism, and^ 
in the terms of his proposition respecting the identity of tb^| 
world with God, Servetus was at one with the Libertine free- 
thinkers. "He held with the Anabaptists," said the Genevan 
Senate, and must suffer;' although Servetus asserted that he 
had always condemned the opposition made by the Anabaptists. 
to the civd magistrate. 

Tiie conflict with the Libertine faction did not end with 
condemnation of Servetus. The courage and determination of 
a HiUlebrand were required to stem the opposition wliich Calvin 
had to meet. An attempt to overthrow the power of the Coi 
Eistory, by interposing the autliority of the .Senate, was onl 
baffled by his resolute refusal to admit to the sacrament persoi 
judged to be unworthy. Finally, the efforts of the Libertia 
party culminated in 1555, in an armed con.ipiracy under the 
lead of Perrin, who had held the highest offices in the city ; and 
the complete overthrow of this insurrection was the deathblow 

' upon tlie lifo and opiiiionn of ScrvetUfi, and the circumstances of his tril^H 
and death, flee MoalieLm, Kelzerge/idiichle, ii, (1748), aad .Vow NatJiriiJUen ia«^ 
dem biruhmten spun. Anir, .If. Smvto (1750); Trcchael, Die Anli-lriniSarier^ and 
ttrt. "Svtvct" in HeTZOE's HealenrJ : Dyer, Li/B o/ CoJl'in, chs, is. and x.; Honry, 
Leben Calvine, ill. i, ; Dsur, Die chrisll. Lrhre von d. Drtifinxgkrii, etc.. t. iii. p. 54 
■cq. ; Dorner. Entv-ielUtingech, d. l^hrr von d. Prnon Chritti. ii. 649 m-q.: R. 
Willis, Semrtut and Calvin (1877) ; Schaff, Hiil. of the Chriilian Churth, vii. 631 
wq. The lelUri! of Servetus to Calvin. logether with the Minutes of his Trial al 
Geneva, are Bivcn in the now edition of Uie Work* at Calvin (bv Bauut, CuniU, 
and ReusB), vol. viii. (1870) 





the party. In tlie Preface to the Psalms, Calvin makes a 

pathetic reference to the stormy scenes which he — by nature 

" imwarUke and timorous" — had been compelled to pass 

through ; to the soitow which he felt in the destruction of those 

whom he would have preferred to save; and to the multiplied 

calumnies that his enemies persistently heaped upon him.' "To 

my power," he says, "which they envy — that they were 

the successors!" "If I cannot persuade them while I am alive 

thai I am not avaricious, my deatli, at least, will convince them 

of it," His entire property after his death amounted to less 

than two hundred dollars I 

Wk At Uie same time that he was waging this domestic contest, 

^e was exerting a vast influence as a religious teacher within 

the city and all over Europe. Besides preaching every day of 

each alternate week, he gave weekly three theological lectures. 

is memory was so tenacious that if he had once seen a person, 

recognized him immediately years afterwards, and if inter- 

pted while dictating, he could resume his task, after an interval 

.. at the point where he had left it, without aid from his 

Luensis. Hence, he was able to discourse, even upon the 

prophets, where numerous historical references were involved, 

^ without the aid of a scrap of paper, and with nothing before him 

Btmi the U^xt. Being troubled with asthma, he spoke slowly, ao 

Hitatt his lectures, as well as many of his sermons, were taken 

^Hwn, word for word, as they were delivered. Hundreds of 

Militors from the various countries of Europe flocked to Geneva 

t« listen to his instructions, Protestant exiles in great numbers, 

1 many of whom were men of influence, of whom Knox was one, 

■found a refuge there, and went back to their homes bearing tlie 

H'Uiil>rPs which he had stamped upon them. Under Calvin's 

VtQHucace, Geneva became to the Romanic what Wittenberg 

■18 to the Lutheran nations. The school of which Castellio 

"W the head did not flourish after he left it; but, In 1558, a 

Synmasium was established, and in the following year the 


' KuDpcchulte itAlea that Hh^ii the peatilFnce raged at Genev* in tM3, Cbtvin 
"uUd| from fear, lo go 1o the peat-liouM^ to mimater 1o tbe aick and dying. , 
(J'^t Calvin, i. 4fM.) But Rpia. than whom tliere is no bettor witotas, Htatea ' 
*MC«Jvin oHerpd himwif (or this service, but the Senate would not permit him 
•f OMmake il ; Vila Calmni, ix. For other eonleraporarj' proo'i sec Bonnet, 
**« of Cairin. i, 334, n. 3. See alao Henry, ii. *3. But ifampschulto himeell 
VWm Uif act of the Cauncil, withholding Calvin from lliis service which involved 
ocrtala death (p. 480, a. 2). 





Academy of Tlieology was founded, and Beza placed over It.' 
The writiiiga of Calvin were circulated in every country of Eu- 
rope By his correspoudence, moreover, his powerful influence! 
was brought to bear directly upon the leaders of the reformatory 
movement everywhere. In England and France, in Scotland 
and Poland and Italy, on the roil of his correspondents we: 
princes and nobles, as well as theologians. His counsels we 
called for and prized in matters of critical importance. He 
writes to Edward VI. and Elizabeth, to Somerset and Oanmer. 
But especially in the affairs of the Reformation in France hi 
agency was predominant. Geneva was the hearthstone 
French Protestantism. It was there that its preachers we: 
trained. The principal men in the Huguenot party looked up 
to Calvin as to an oracle. But he was strongly averse to a resort 
to arms and to a dependence on political agencies and expedients. 
His instincts were, in this respect, in full accord with those of 
Luther, It would be impossible to describe his connection with 
the Huguenot struggle, without narrating the entire history 
the French Reformation. 

In the concluding years of Calvin's life, he had the sati 
faction of seeing Geneva delivered from faction, and the insti 
tutions of education, which he had planted, in a flourishi 
condition. Tlie grievous maladies that afliicted him did not move' 
him to diminish the prodigious labors which, to other men in 
like circumstances, would have been unendurable. It had been 
his habit when the day had been consumed in giving sermons 
and lectures; in the sessions of the Consistory over which he 
presided; in attending upon the Senate, at their request, to 
take part in their deliberations; in receiving and answering 
letters that poured in upon him from every quarter; in confer- 
ring with the numerous visitors who sought his advice or came 
to him from different countries — it had been his habit, when 
night came, to devote himself, with a sense of relief, to the studieifl 
which were ever most accordant with his taste, and to the com" 
position of his books. For a long time, in the closing period of 
his life, he took but one meal in a day, and this was often omitted. 
He studied for hours in the morning, preached and then lectured, 
before taking a morsel of food. Too weak to sit up, he dictated 
to an amanuensis from his bed, or transacted business with those 
who came to consult him. When his body was utterly feebb 




when he was reduced to a shadow, his mind lost none of its clear- 
ness or energy. No complaint in reference to his physical suf- 
ferings was heard from him. His lofty and intrepid spirit 
triumphed over all physical infirmity. From his sick bed he 
regulated the affairs of the French Reformation. When he 
could no longer stand upon his feet, he was carried to church 
to partake of the Lord's Supper, and to a session of the Senate, 
Seeing that his end was near, he desired to meet this body for 
the last time. A celebrated artist has depicted the interview 
upon the canvas. The councilors gathered about his bed, and 
he addressed them. He thanked them for the tokens of honor 
which they had granted to him, and craved their forgiveness for 
outbreakings of anger which they had treated with so much for- 
bearance. He could say with truth, that whatever might be 
his faults, he had ser\ed their republic with his whole soul. He 
had taught, he said, with no feeling of uncertainty respecting 
his doctrine, but sincerely and honestly, according to the Word 
of God. "Were it not so," he added, "I well know that the 
wrath of God would impend over my head." Courteously and 
solemnly, in a paternal tone, he warned them of the need of 
humility and of faithful vigilance to keep off the dangers that 
might threaten the State. "I know," he said, "the mind and 
walk of each one of you, and know that ye have all need of ad- 
monition. Much is wanting even to the best of you." He con- 
cluded with a fervent prayer, and took each one by the hand, as 
with tears they parted from him. Two days afterwards, he 
met the clergy of the city and of the neighborhood. He sat up 
in his bed and, having offered prayer, spoke to them. He began 
by saying that it might be thought that he was not in so bad a 
rase as he supposed. "But I assure you," he added, "in all 
my former iilneK,ses and sufferings, I have never felt myself so 
weak and sinking as now. Wlien they lay me down upon the 
l>cd, my senses fail and I become faint." He referred to hia 
past career in Geneva. When he came to this Church there 
was preaching, and that was all. They hunted up the imagea 
and burnt them, but of a Reformation there was nothing; all 
was insubordination and disorder. He had been obliged to go 
through tremendous conflicts. Sometimes in the night, he said, 
to terrify him, fifty or sixty shots had been fired before his door. 
" Think," he said, " what an impression that must make upon a 



poor scholar, shy and timid as I then was, and at the bottom 
have always been." This last statement respecting his natural 
disposition, he repeated two or three times with emphasis. He 
adverted to his banishment and stay in Strasburg, but on his 
return the dlHicultics were not diminished. They had set their 
dogs on him, with the cry : "Seize him! seizehim!" and bis 
clothes and his flesh had been torn by them. "Although I am 
nothing," he proceeded to say, "I know that I have prevented 
more than three hundred riots which would have desolated 
Geneva." He asked their pardon for his many faults; in par- 
ticular for his quickness, vehemence, and readiness to be angry. 
In regard to his teaching and his writings, he could say that 
God had given him the grace to go to work earnestly and sys- 
tematically, so that he had not knowingly perverted or errone 
ously interpreted a single passage of the Scriptures. He had 
written for no personal end, but only to promote the honor of 
God. He gave them various exhortations relating to the oliliga- 
tiong of their ofEce ; then took them each by the band, and "we 
parted from him," says Beza, "with our eyes bathed in toarf, 
and our hearts full of unspeakable grief," He ilied on the 27tii 
of May, 1564, His piercing eye retained its brilliancy lo (lis, 
last. Apart from this, his face had long worn the look of death, 
and its appearance, as we are informed by Beza, was not pRT- 
ceptibly changed after the spirit had left the body. His last 
days were of a piece with his life. His whole course has been 
compared by Vinet to the growth of one rind of a tree from 
another, or to a chain of lo^cal sequences. He was endued 
witli a marvelous power of umlerstanding, although the imagina- 
tion and sentiments were less roundly developed. His systematic 
spirit fitted him to be the founder of an enduring school of 
thought. In this characteristic he may be compared with 
Aquinas. He has been appropriately styled the Aristotle of 
t!ie Reformation. He was a perfectly honest man. Re sub- 
jected his will to the eternal rule of right, as far as he could dis- 
cover it. His raotives were pure. He felt that God was neafl 
him, and sacrificed everything to obey the direction of Provi- 
dence. The fear of God ruled in his soul ; not a slavish fear, 
but a principle such as animated the propiiets of the Old Cove- 
nant. The combination of Ids qualities was such that he coulA 
not fail to attract profound admiration and reference from one 





cSeeB of minds, and excite intense antipathy in another. There 
is no one of the Reformers who is spokeu of, at this late day, 
with so Qiuch personal feeling, either of regard or aversion. But 
whoever studies his life and wiitings, especially the few passages 
in wliich he lets us into his confidence and appears to invite our 
sympathy, will acquire a growing sense of his intellectual and 
moral greatness, and a tendex consideration for his errors. 

In Calvinism, considered as a theological system, and con- 
trasted with other types of Protestant theology, there is one 
diaractcristic, pervading principle. It is that of the sovereignty 
of Goii; not only his unlimited control, within the sphere of 
mind, as well as of matter, but the determination of His will, 
as the ultimate cause of the salvation of some, and of the aban- 
donment of others to perdition. 

B In the constitution which Calvin created at Geneva, as it is 
seen in the light which the lapse of Ihree centuries casts upon 
,it, were two capital errors. First, the jurisdiction of the Church, 
discipline over its members, was carried into the detals of 
act, extended over personal and tloniestic life, to such a 
as unwarrantably to curtail individual liberty. Sec- 
(ondly, the power of coercion that was given to the civil author- 
Illy mibverted freedom in reUgious opinion and worship, 

IIow is it, then, that Calvini,sm is acknowledged, even by 
iUfocs, to have promoted powerfully the cause of civil liberty? 
lOnc reason lies in the boundary line wliich it drew between 
lOmrch and State. Cahinisni would not surrender the peculiar 
[lurictions of the Church to the civil authority.' Whether the 
Oiii^h, or the Government, should regulate the administration 
«' the Sacrament, and admit or reject the communicants, was the 
qWRtion wliich Cahin fought out with the authorities at Geneva, 
'n lliis feature, Calvinism differed from the relation of the civil 
"Jens to the Church, as established under the auspices of Zwingli, 
*»ell as of Luther, and from the Anglican system wliich origi- 
Mtfti under Henry \^^. In its theory of the respective powers 
"f the Church and of the Magistrate, Calvinism approximated 
'" the traditional view of the Catholic Church. In France, in 
Hnlluifl, in Scotland, in England, wherever Calvinism was 
plwUil, it had no scruples about resisting the tyranny of civil 

'Cklvia randemoa Henry VIll. for slyliiij( hiiuBeU the head ot the *''g'''<^n 
«wh. KunpDohulie, i. 271. 



rulers. This principle, in the long run, would inevitably p-^- 
duce to the progress of civil freedom. It is certain ihat ific 
distinction between Church and State, which was recognizeii 
from the conversion of Constantine, notwithstamling the long 
ages of intolerance and persecution that were to follow, was the 
first step, the necessary condition, in the development of rell^ous 
liberty. First, it must be settled that the State shall not streich 
its power over tbe Church, within its proper sphere; next, liiat 
that State shall not lend its power to the Church, as an execu- 
tioner of ecclej^iastical laws. 

A second reason why Calvinism has been favorable lo civil 
liberty is found in the republican character of its church organi- 
zation. Laymen shared power with ministers. The people, ilip 
body of the congregation, took an active and responsilik* jp;irl. 
in the choice of the clergy, and of all other officers. At Genev.!, 
the alliance of the Church witli the civil authority, and the cir- 
cumstances in which CaK'in was placed, reduced to a consider- 
able extent the real power of the people in church alTah-g. Cahnn 
did not realize his own theory. But elsewhere, especially in 
countries where Calvinism had to encounter the hostility of the 
State, the democratic tendencies of the system had full room for 
development. Men who were accustomed to rule themselves in 
the Church would claim the same privilege in the commonwealth. 

Another source of the influence of Calvinism, in advancing 
the cause of civil liberty, has been derived from its theology.™ 
The sense of the exaltation of the Almighty Ruler, and of his| 
intimate connection with the minutest incidents and obligatioos 
of human life, which is fostered by this theology, dwarfs all- 
earthly potentates. An intense spirituality, a consciousness tha^| 
this Hfe is but an infinitesimal fraction of human existence, 
dissipates the feeling of personal homage for men, however high 
their station, and dulls the luster of all earthly grandeur, Calvin- 
ism and Romanism are the antipodes of each other. Yet, it is 
curious to observe that the effect of these opposite systems upoa_ 
the attitude of men towards the civil authority has often be«^l 
not dissimilar. But the Calvinist, unlike the Romanist, dii»- 
penses with a human priesthood, which has not only often proved 
a powerful direct auxiliary to temporal rulers, but has educated 
the sentiments to a habit of subjection, which renders submis- 
8ion to such rulers more facile and less easy to shake off. 




Thf, lonp contest for Gallican rights had lowered the prestige 
the popes in France, but it had not weakened the Catholic 
|Church, which was older than the monarchy itself, and, in the 
, leeUog of the people, was indissolubly a.ssociated with it.' The 
College of tlie Sorbonne, or the Theological Faculty at Paris, 
and the Parliament, which had together maintained Gallican 
liberty, in a spirit of independence of the Papacy, were united 
in Mem hostility to all doctrinal innovations. The Concordat 
onduded between Francis I. and Leo X., after the battle of 
Uarign&DO, gave to the King the right of presentation to vacant 
bfjicficps; to the Pope, the first-fruits. It excited profound 
•liMontent, and was only registered by Parliament after pro- 
longed resistance and under a protest. It abolished the Prag- 
■"ilic Sanction of 1438, which had been deemed the charter of 
finllican independence. It put into the hands of Frances I., and 
• great many laymen besides, an endle^ amount of patronage 
of Me sort and another, but it weakened the Catholic Church, 
wly aa it led to the introduction of incompetent, unworthy 
PWMiB, favorites of the court, into ecclesiastical offices, and 
•oui<l the necessity for reform.' In Southern France 
'remnant of the Waldcnses had 8ur^^ved, and the recollection 
" iJie Catharistfi was still preserved in popular songs and legends, 
But the first movements towards reform emanated from the 
Humanist culture. 

A literary and scientific spirit was awakened in France 
•'"ough the lively intercourse with Italy, which aubsisted imder 
was XJI. and Francis I. By Francis especially, Italian 
and artists were induced in large numbers to take up 

* fUnkf. FntnMont^ie Ctitchifhte vornthmlich ifri Iti, u. IT- Jahrhunderl, i, 1 tO. 
Oa the comiption consequent upi:in Ibe C-oncorditt. aee Rijike, FransontchM 
''MidlK, i. 131; Catnbrulft Modem HUtory, vol, i., p. OTt. 




Ihcir abode in France. Frpnchmen likewise visited Italy 
brouglit home the classical culture wliich they acquired ih 
x\mong the scholars who cultivated Greek was Budajus, the 
foremost of them, whom Erasmus styled the "wonder of France." 
After the "Peace of the Dames" was concluded at Cambray, in] 
1520, when Francis surrendered Italy to Charles V., a throng] 
of patriotic Italians who feared or hated the Spamsh rule 
Btreaoicd over the Alps and gave a new impulse to Uteraturc' 
and art. Poets, artists, and echolars found in the king a liberal 
and enthusiastic patron. The new studies, especially Hebrew andS 
Greek, were opposed by all the might of the Sorbonne, the™ 
leader of which was the Syndic, Beda. He and his as.*ociate8 
were on the watch for heresy, and every author who was sus- 
pected of overstepping the bounds of orthodoxy, was immedi- ^ 
ately accused and subjected to persecution. Thus two partie^B 
were formed, the one favorable to the new learning, and the ~ 
other inimical to it and rigidly wedded to the traditional tbe-^ 
ology.' f 

The Father of the French Reformation, or the one more 
entitled to this distinction than any other, is Jacques LefeiTe^ 
who was bom at Etaples, a little village of Picardy. about thefl 
year 1455, prosecuted his stuches at the University of Paris, and 
having become a master of arts and a priest, spent some lime in 
Italy. After his return he taught mathematics and philosophjB 
at Paris, was active in publishing and commenting on the works 
of Aristotle, which he had studied in the original in Italy, as well 
as in printing books of ancient mathematicians, writings of the 
Fathers, and mystical productions of the Middle Ages. Lef^vrc 
was honored among the Humanists as the restorer of philosophy 
and science in the University. Deeply imbued with a religiou 
spirit, in 1509 he put forth a commentary on the Psalms, ac 
in 1512 a commentary on the Kpistles of Paul. As early 
about 1512, he said to his pupil Farel: "God will renovate the 
world, and you will be a witness of it;" and in the last-named 
work, he says that the signs of the times betoken that a renova- 
tion of the Church is near at hand. He teaches the doctrine of 
gratuitous justification, and deals with the Scriptures as the 
supreme and sufficient authority. But a mystical, rather than 



' Weber, Getehuhlliche DanleUung d. Caiviniamua im VerhaUnim aim 
33 occ). 

um 5ta^| 



a polemical vein characterizes him; and while this prevented 
liim from breaking with the Church, it also blunted the sharp- 
ness of the oppo^tion which his opinions were adapted to pro- 
duce. One of his pupils was Bri^onnet, Bishop of Meaux, who 
held the same ^^cw of justification with Lef^vre, and fostered 
the evangelical doctrine in his diocese. The enmity of the Sor- 
bonne to Leffrvre and his school took a more aggressive form 
when the writings of Luther began to be read in the University 
and elsewhere. Tiic theologians of the Sorbonne set their faces 
agiunst every deviation from the dogmatic system of Aquinas. 
Rouchlin, having been a student at Paris, had hoped for support 
there in his conflict with the Dominicans of Cologne; but the 
Paris faculty declared against him. In 1521 they sat in judg- 
ment on Luther and condemned him as a heretic and blasphemer.' 
Heresy was treated by them as an offense against the State ; and 
the Parliament, the highest judicial tribunal, showed itself 
prompt to carrj' out their decrees by the infliction of the usual 
penalties. The Sorbonne formally condemned a dissertation of 
Leffrvre on a point of the evangelical history, in which he had 
controverted the traditional opinion. He, with Farel, Gerard 
Roussel, and other preachers, found an asylum with Briijonnet. 
Lef^vre translated the New Testament from the Vulgate, and, 
in a commentary on the Gospels, explicitly pronounced the Bible 
the sole rule of faith, which the individual might interpret for 
himself, anti declared justification to be through faith alone, 
without human works or merit. It seemed as if Meaux aspired 
to become another Wittenberg.' At length a commisaon of 
Parliament was appointed to take cognizance of heretics in 
that district. Bri^onnet, either intimidated or recoiling 
at the sight of an actual secession from the Church, joined 
in the condemnation of Luther and of his opinions, and 
even acquiesced in the persecution which fell upon Protestant- 
ism within his diocese. Leftvre fled to Strasburg, was after- 
wards recalled by Francis I., but idtimately took up his abode 
in the court of the King's sister, Margaret, the Queen of Na- 
varre.' At about the time of his death (1536), Calvin's Institutes 

' HeUncthoo replied. SMkcndorf, i, 185. 

• Henri Martin, Hittoire dt France, viii. M9. 

* The middle palli wliich Raimj'pl and otbpm, who accepted the doctrine o( 
juatificBtioii by faith, but remained in the ttoman Catholic Cburcb, endesvored 
to tmko, is exhibited by Schmidt In his worlt. Gfrard Routttl, prtdicatair de la 




i and a 

appeared, which gave to the Huguenots a definite creed 
unity which imparted to them strength, at the same time iha^ 
it cost them a fraction of their adherents. ■ 

Margaret, from the first, was favorably inclined to the new 
doctrines. There were two parties at the court. The moth^_ 
of the King, Louisa of Savoy, and the Chancellor Duprat, WG^| 
ftlliea of the Sorbonne. They were of the class of persons, nu- 
merous in that age, who endeavor to atone for private vices by 
bigotry, and by the persecution of heterodox opinions. Mar- 
garet, on the contrary, a versatile and accoinphshcd princ(*s. 
cherishetl a mystical devotion which carried her beyond Bri- 
^onnet in her accept-ance of the teaching of the Reformers. Bui 
this very spirit of mysticism, or quietism, produced in her miii'I 
an indifference as to external rites and forms of ecclesiastical 
order; so that while she received the Protestant idea of salva- 
tion by faith, and of the direct personal communion of the sou! 
with Christ, she was not moved to withdraw from the nias*, or 
separate formally from the old Church, There was a warm 
friendliness for the reforming preachers, a disposition to pro- 
tect them against their enemies, a type of piety that no longfr 
relished the invocation of saints, and of the Virgin, and various 
other peculiarities of the Catholic Ritual, yet left the sacraments 
and the polity of the Church unassailed. The passionate atlach- 
ment of Margaret to her brother, of which so much has be<^| 
said, illustrates her nature, in which sensibility had so large r 
place.' The authoress of a religious poem, the "Muror of tlie 
Sinful Soul," which was so Protestant in its tone as to e.\cit^ 
the wrath of the Sorbonne, and of many devotional hymns; sh^ 
also compased, when in middle life, the "Heptameron," a seric^ 
of tales in the style of Boccaccio, in which the moral reflection^ 
and warnings are a weak antidote to the natural influence of th.^ 
narratives themselves.' Before the death of her first husband* 

Reins Margurrite de Navarre (1846), and in the articlce, by the lokme author, if* 
Horiog's Rtalencyd.. ■'Brigonnet," "G*r»rd Rousael," and "Maigsrelha v*" 

' See the judicious rcnarks of Henri Martin, viii. 83, n. 4. M. Genin. in !»»* 
Supplfnfnt a tn notice aur SJarguerite d'AngrmlSiite, whicli forma the preface *^ 
the jVouufWrg Lrtlra di la Rcint df la Noivrrr, 1i&9 given an improbable vera* 
ol thia "trUtc m)-Bt6re," which attributes a culpalile intcratiDn to the lister. 
oppoAite view ia presented by Mii-helet, La Rijormr. p. 17S. 

' Soc Ihf briu-f tint admirnble reraarka of Profpssor Uorlcy, in his intewstii 
biography of Clement Marol (London, 1871), i. 272. It is a curious illuatrali"" 
of the uiBiinDta of the Frcoch nobility at thia time, tliat Hargart^t should be i 






^Hlie Duke of Alen^on, and while she was a widow, she exerted 
^^her influence to the full extent in behalf of the persecuted Prot^ 
estants, and in opposition to the Sorbonne, After her mar- 
riage lo Henry d'Albret, the King of Navarre, she continued, 
^■in her own little court and principality, to favor the reformed 
^Pdoctrine, and its professors. Occasionally her peculiar tempera- 
meul led her to entertain hospitably enthusiasts who concealed 
antinomian license under a mystical theory of gospel hberty. 
Jvin wrote to her on the subject, in consequence of her coiii- 
iint respecting the language of his book against this sect.' 
|He somewhere speaks of her attachment, and that of her friends, 
' the GospeJ, aa a platonic love. Yet, the drift of her influence 
lis in the character of her daughter, the heroic Jeanne 
Ibret, the mother of Henrj' IV., and in the readiness of the 
lie, over whom Margaret immediately ruled, to receive the 
ProK^tant faith. Her marriage to the King of Navan-e, and 
rclirement from the French court were preceded by the return 
lo England of one of the young ladies in her service, Anne 
BoWti, whose tragical history is ao intimately connected with 
tiip introduction of Protestantism into England.' 

Francis I., whose generous patronage of artists and men of 
iMlere, gave him the title of "Father of Science," had no love 
(oc the Sorbonne, for the Parliament, or for the monks. He 
Wtertained the plan of bringing Erasmus to Paris, and placing 
bim ftt the head of an institution of learning. He read the Bible 
*ith his mother and sister, and felt no superstitious aversion to 
•bp leaders of reform. He established the college of "the three 
'•nguages," in defiance of the Sorbonne. The Faculty of The- 
"''"Ky, and the Parliament, found in the King and couit a hin- 
innK to their persecuting policy. It was in the face of his 
'JppoRlion that the Sorbonne put the treatise of Lefc\Te on their 
l"t of prohibited Ixroks, It was not through any agency of the 
King that the company of reforming preachers m Meaux was 

"'la of Iheae elorln. Bod lliat htr daughter, the viiiiioUB and uubic Jrauiie 
JIWwl, (bould have publiahwl thpm in the Ural rarrppt ptljlion. Sec Mprlu 
<'*ub«gn*, Hillary of tht Refonnalian in the Time of Calvin, n. 170. 

'The Irrstiw, Conire la Secte Fatitattique rt Furieiof drt Librrline* qvi *c 
■"* .^pirtfuWa {ISM). CaJvio's l.ptter is in RonuPt, i. 420. 

*Tbp Li^ttftB of hfrtrfcaret hjkvc hepii piibliahod bv M. Gi^nin, LrttrtK df Mar- 
''•U'l/'.tnOoWCTnr (1841); SoUHilm Lrltrct de In Keint de ff aiHim U»42 1. To 
™ in\ of these colJpvtiona ifl prefixed ft full biographiriil inTniduction. Ilr^r 
™*nEtrt BOd caresr an dnscribed by Von Polem. Gtch. d. FmruaiiaciH Frol., L 




dispersed. The revolt of the Constable Bourbon made it neces- 
sary for Francis to conciliate the clergy; and the battle of Pam, 
followed by the cai>tivity of the King, and the regency of his 
mother, gave a free rein to the persecutors. Ao inquisitorial 
court, composed partly of laymen, was ordained by Parliament. 
Heretics were burned at Paris, and in the provinces, Loius de 
Berquin, who combined a culture which won the adminttioo of 
Erasmus, with the religious earnestness of Luther, was throwu 
into prison. The King, however, on his return from Spain, at 
the earnest intercession of Margaret, set him free. The failure 
of Francis, in his renewed struggle in Italy, emboldened the per- 
secuting party. Berquin, who had commenced a prosecution 
against Beda, the leader of the heresy-hunting conmiissionprs 
appointed by the Sorbonne, was again taken into custotly, and 
this time was burnt before the King could interpose to saveLim. 
The theological antagonists of Reform went so far as to endeavor 
to put restrictions upon the professors m the college for the 
ancient languages, and even to lampoon, in a scholastic comedy, 
the King's sister, against whom they threw out charges of heresy, 
besides condemning her book, the " Mirror of the Sinful Soul." 
Francis was, at this time, holding a conference with Clement 
VII., in Provence, and on his return was extremely indignant at 
the treatment of his sister. He authorized Gerard Roussel ta 
preach freely in Paris ; and when Beda raised an outcry against 
his sermons, Francis caused Beda to be banished and prosecuteA 
for sedition. He died in prison, in 1537. 

At this moment it seemed doubtful what course France would 
take in the great religious conflict of the period. In 1534, Henry 
VIII. separated England from the Papacy, and made himself 
the head of the English Church. This event made a profountl 
imprcssion throughout Christendom. Since the Diet of Worms, 
the Papacy had lost the half of Germany and of Switzerland, 
then Denmark (in 1526), then Sweden (in 1527), and now Eng- 
land, The Netherlands were deeply agitated, and the coufla'^ 
gration which Luther had kindled was spreadmg into Italy aiidf 
Spain. The Teutonic portion of Christendom was lost to Rome ; 
what would be the decision of the Romanic nations? It was 
inevitable that all eyes should be turned to France, and to its 
King.' Early in 1534, the Landgrave of Hesse came to negotiate 

■ Henri Martin, viii. 180. 



n person with Francis. Margaret corresponded with Melano- 
lion, whom she was desirous of bringing to France. Tlie 
Landgrave restored the Duke of Wurtemlierg to his poissessions, 
md in Wiirteraberg tlie two fonns of worship, Lutheran and 
!3atho!ic, were made free. Francis 1. had approached nearer to 
:he Protestants; ami the death of Clement Vll., in September 
rf this year (1534), had released Francis from his political ties 
with the Medici and the Papacy. The violent spirit of the 
champions of the Papacy in Paris, the offensive proceedings of 
monks in Orleans and elsewhere, had produced a reaction un- 
(avOTable to their cause. 

An eminent modern historian of France has depicted the 
three rival sj'atems, Rome, the Renaissance, and the Reforma- 
which were presenteti to the choice of France, and were 
presented in three individuals, who happened to be together 
■ a moment in Paris — Calvin, Rabelais, Loyola.' This inter- 
Mg passage of Martin suggests a few observations which, 
Wever, are not wholly in accord with his own. Calvinism 
was a proiluct of the French mind. In its sharp and logical 
flructure it corresponded to the peculiarities of the French 
intellect. In its moral earnestness, in its demand for the reform 
of ifclfsiaetical abuses, it found a response in the consciences of 
gwiii men. But Calvinism was the radical type of Protestant- 
ism; it broke abruptly and absolutely with the past, and must 
this reason encounter a vast might of opposition from 
ditional feelings, from sacred or superstitious associations. 
[TTifi dc^ma of predestination, which Calvinism put in the fore- 
■irotit of Us theolog>', would stir up the hastility of men in whom 
jUif spirit of the Renaissance was predominant, not to speak of 
|Whcr claK^es. It was, moreover, a defect that Calvinism did 
^rise to the level of religious toleration. In the mid.«t of their 
t sufferings, the Calvinistic preachers of France invoked the 
'"•fiD of tlie niagistrate to suppress and punish Anabaptists, 
*fvrtians, and the like, not as disturbers of civil order, but as 
m '''rrtics. But stronger than any other obstacle in the way of 
HKidCftlvinistic Reform was the amendment of life which it re- 
r I'liftd, It was too stern, unrelenting a foe of sensuality to make 
' ilwlf tolerable to a multitude of men and women, in the court 
I Wi! out of it, who coulil have endured easily its doctrinal for- 

[ ■ Ibid., 1S4. 





multis and have submitted to its method of worship. At 
opposite extreme from Calvinism was the spirit of Spauirfi' 
Catlmlieism, tlie reawakened zeal for the traditions, the author- 
ity, the imaginative worship of the old religion; the spirit c^fl 
the Catholic Reaction, which found an embodiment in Loyola 
and his famous society. With this spirit, France as a nation, 
France left to its natmBl impulses and affinities, did not sym- 
pathize. Between these mighty contending forces, whicli more 
and more were coming into conflict, was the Iiterar>% philo- 
sophical, skeptical temper of the Renaissance, which found an 
expression in that strangest of writers, Rabelais, whose extraor- 
dinary genius has been acknowledged by the profoucdest 
students of literature, whose influence upon the French langua^ 
has been compared to that of Dante upon the Italian, and who 
veiled under a mask of bm'Iesque fiction — of filth and ribaldry, 
too, we must add — his ideas upon human nature, society, 
education, and religion. The follies of monks and priests, the 
sophistry and ferocity of the Sorbonne, he lashes to such an 
extent that he needed powerful protectors to save him from 
their wrath. His own religion does not extejid beyond a theism^^ 
in which even personal immortality has no clear recognition. IJH 
is doubtless true that one type of thought and feeling in France 
at tliat day is reflected on the pages of Gargantua and Pantag- 
ruel. A little later, a skepticism of a somewhat modified tj-pe, 
yet a genuine product, likewise, of the Renaissance, appears in 
Montaigne. Whatever attractions this species of philosophical^ 
skepticism, or of natiUTil religion, may have for the French min<i 
it was too intangible in form, it had too little of earnestness aai 
courage, to mediate between the two resolute combatants wt 
were to contend for the possession of France. Much, if no 
everything, depended on the path which the hesitating monarch,' 
Francis I., woidd conclude to take. The French monarchy, it 
has been said, which had been emancipated politically fro^l 
Rome since Philip the Fab-, had nothing to gain by becomin^^ 
Protestant.' But at least it had much to gain by preser\'ing its 
indepentlence ; by refusing to enlist in the reactionary, repress- 
ive policy of Spanish Catholicism; by declining to partake in. 
a work in which the House of Austria had taken the leading part. 
But Francis I. did not assume a distinct and independent poo- 

■ UiijiiDl, quoted by Henri Usnin, viu, 210. 



lion. He did not rmbrace Protestantism; he did not consists 
ently throw himself upon the side of ultramontane Catholicism. 
Now partially tolerating the Reformation, and now persecuting 
it with base cruelty, he adhered to no definite policy. By thia 
undecided and vacillating attitude he brought upon his country 
incalculable miseries, civil wars in which France became "not 
the arbiter, but the prey, of Europe," and its soil " the frightful 
theater of the battle of sects and nations." "His dynasty per- 
iled in blood and mire," and France would have perished with 
it, had not this fate been arrested by a statesman and warrior 

rom Providence raised up to mitigate the lot of his country.' 
Notwithstanding his friendly professions to the Lutherans, it 
Boon appeared that if Francis would have been glad to see a 
Reformation after the Erasniian type, he had no sympathy with 
attacks upon the doctrine of the Sacraments or upon the hier- 
irchical system of the Church, the topics which his sister, in her 
wiiiings, had avoided. Nor had lie any disposition to counte- 
nance movements that involved a religious division in his king- 
idom. As long as religious dissent was confined to men of rank 
wJ education, the King might discountenance the use of force 
to repress it ; but when it penetrated into the lower ranks of the 
f"|il(', ihe case was different. Unity in religion was an element 
ill ilip strength of his monarchy, of which he boasted. He prized 
fheoW maxim, "Un roi, un foi, un loi." When, therefore, in 
October, 1534, inconsiderate zealots posted at the comers of the 
*ftt8 in T&ns, and even on the door of the King's chamber at 
BIflis, placards denouncing the mass, he signalizeil his devotion 
totiirCatholic religion by coming to Paris to take part in solenm 
•^figimis proce-Rsions, and in the burning, witli circumstances of 
'twcious cruelty, of eighteen heretics. Yet again he showed 
iisdf anxious to cement a political alliance with the German 
te, and even entered into negotiations looking to a 
^'■on of tlie opposing religious parties. He went so far as to 
"ivito Melancthon to Paris to help forward the enterprise. He 
fKini>\| tliat the persons who had been put to deatli were fanatics 
*■"! bilious people, whom the safety of the State rendered it 
occwfiary to destroy. In truth, the Grand Master, Montmo- 
fJici, and the Cardinal de Toumon, active promoters of perse- 
1 '^utioQ^ had [wrsuaded him that the posting of the placards was 
I ' Mwtin, p. 217. 



thf first Step in a great plot of Anabaptists, who dssigned to do 
in Fmncp what they had done in Miinster.' But the unwilling- 
ness of Francis to |)roduce a schism, or to place hiniseJf Id n 
antikgonisni to the Catholic Church obliged him (1543) to givad 
his approval to a rigid statement pf doctrine, in opposition lo^ 
the ProtestAHt views, which the Sorbonne put forth, in the form 
of a direction to preachers.' It was their answer (in twenty-six 
Articles) to the Institutes of Calvin, published in a French trans- 
lation. This approval by the King followed (in 1543) the Issue 
by him of several severe edicts, one of them the ordinance for a 
Bhari>er process in the trial of heretics (1540). Parliament, as 
a part of its edict (1542) for the control of the press, ordained 
that all copies of the Institutes should be surrendered without 
delay. After an interval, they were burnt in a solemn style, 
and the first Index Eipurgalorius by Parliament was issued soon 
after. He even did not lift a finger, in 1545, to prevent the 
wholesale slaughter of his unoffendmg Waldensian subjects. Hia 
governing aim wa.s to uphold the power of France, and to with- 
stand and reduce the power of the Emperor. Hence he culti- 
vated the friendshi|> and assisted the cause of the Protestants 
in Germany, while he was inflicting imprisonment and death 
upon their brethren in France. It was not partiality for Protr 
estantism, but hostility to Charles, that moved him; and so 
strong was this sentiment, that he did not hesitate to make 
common cause with the Turks, for the sake of weakening his 
adversary. On the whole, during the reign of Francis, Prot- 
estant opinions found not a little favor among the higher classes. 
For a while, it wa-s Lutheranism that was adopted. But Luther 
was too thoroughly a German to be congenial to the French mind. 
It was Calvinism, as soon as Calvinism arose, which attracted the 
sympathies of the Frenchmen who accepted the Protestant faith. 
After the mischievous affair of the placards, the closing years 
of the reign of Francis — he died in 1547 — were a period oM 
cruel persecution, when Calvinists were driven into exUe, and a 
large number suffered cruel torture and death. The courage 
and quickened zeal of the victims inspired a great nmnber witbfl 
sympathy with their faith, and seemed to plant Calvinism in a. 
number of the French Universities, and in nearly all the prov-_ 
inces. New Protestant churches were founded. 

■ Benri UftTtin, viU. 223. 

■ Ranke, i. IIA. 



Farel and Calvin were both fugitivps from peraeculion in 
France. Calvia returued to Geneva from his banishment in 
1541. More and more Genevii became an asylum for French- 
men whom intolerance drove from their country. Many of 
them came, wearing tlie scara which the instruments of torture 
ha<L left upon them. As the victims of rehgious cruelty emerged' 
from the passes of the Jura and caught sight of the holy city, 
Jhey fell on their knees with thanksgivings to God.' From thirty 
HiDtingH3fIices of Geneva, Protestant works were sent fortli, 
which were scattered over France by colporteurs at the peril 
of iheir lives. Tlie Bible in French was issued in a little volume, 
which it was easy to hide; also the Psalms, in the version of 
CSement Marot, with the interlinear music of Goudimel,* Calvin 
was intlefaligable in exhorting and encouraging his coimtrymen 
by his letters. Preachers who were trained at his side returned 
I their country and ministered to the little churches which long 
pid their worship in secret. The Reformation spread rapidly, 
lly in the south of France. The spectacle of godly men 
pure lives, led to the stake, while atheists antl scoffers were 
tolerated if they would go to the mass, alienated many from the 
■«lil religion. 

P^ Henry II., who succeeded his father in 1547, had no sym- 
pathy with Protestantism. He might support the Protestants 
abtoati when a pohtical object was to be gained, as when he 
pQlered into a treaty with Maurice at the time when the latter 
Was about to take up arms against the Emperor ; but at home 
!ic cooperated with the Sorbonne, who were more anfl more busy 
in iht'ir work of extirpating false doctrine by burning the books 
wii persons of its professors. The rage of the common people, 
uni even the holy horror of licenticua courtiers, were excited 
"y fittilioua talfis of abominable vice which was said to be prac- 
'jfil in the meetings of the Huguenots. To be objects of this 
''"'■t of calumny has been a common experience of sects which 
We been obliged to conduct their rites in secrecy.* 
Yet in tiiis reign the Protestant opinions made great prog- 


' SImunidi. HUtoirt dri Franeait, liii. 24 aeq. 

'Sre Ml eI(K|Uciit pBasage on the influence of Geneva, in Micbelet, <3ii«itm 4e 
•*fi«.. p, 108, 

' ftiirh >rcu<uitions wire brougbl H^utut Jews in Ihe Middle Ag». Like 
^*tlr» mre brought ugaiox the early Diristiiuis in the Roman Empire. Qibbou, 



res8. Tn 155S it was estimated that there were two thousaml 
places of reformed worship scattered over France, and congrf>- 
gatioos numbering four hundred thousand. They were orgaD- 
ized after the Presbyterian form, and were adherents of the 
Genevan type of doctrine. In 1559 they ventured to hold a _ 
general synod in Paris, where they adopted their coniessioa of ■ 
faith and determined the method of their church organi- 
zatioD. _ 

After Henry concluded the disastrous peace of Cateau-Cam- I 
bresis, by which his conquests in Italy and in the Netherlands 
were given up to Spain, and his daughtex, Elizabeth, was to be _ 
married to Philip II., and his dster, Margaret, to the Duke offl 
Savoy, he commeneed with fresh vigor the work of persecution. 
It was involved in this treaty that the two kings should unite in 
the suppresaon of heresy. "The King of France, which, ance 
the reverses of Charles V., had been the first power in Europe, 
bought, at the price of many provinces, the rank of Lieut«iant 
of the King of Spain in the Catholic party." ' He unexpeclr ■ 
ediy presented himself in a session of ParHament, where a nulder 
pohcy had begun to iiml advocates, and ordered the two mem- 
bers who had expressed themselves most emphatically on that B 
siile to be shut up in the Bastile. He declared that he would 
make the extirpation of heresy his principal bu^ess, and by 
letter threatened the Parliament and inferior courts in case 
they showed any leniency to heretics. But in a tilt which 
formed a part of the festivals in honor of the marriages, a 
splinter from the spear of Montgomery, the Captain of hisl 
Guarils, struck his eye and inflicted a deadly wound. Itj 
seemed to the Protestants that in the moment of estremej 
peril the hand of the Almighty was stretched out to deliver| 
them (1559). 

Thus far persecution had failed of its design. "The fanatics] 
and the politicians had thought to annihilate heresy by the 
number and atrocity of the punishments: they perceived with' 
dismay that the hydra multiplied itself under their blows. They 
had only succeeded in exalting to a degree unheard of before, 
all that there are of heroic powers in the human soul. For one^ 
martyr who disappeared in the flames, there presented the 
selves a hundred more: men, women, children, marched 

> Martin, viii. 480. 



their punishment, singing the Psalms oF Marot, or the Caulicle 

t3UUt»(l RapptJfi voire Servitouf. 

Seigneur I j 'ai vu votre Siiuveur. 

Many expired in ecstasy, inseosible to the refined cruelties of 
the savages who invented tortures to prolong their agony. 
More than one judge died of consternation or remorse. Others 
pjiibraced the faith of those whom tliey sent to the scaffold. 
Tliu executioner at Dijon was converted at the foot of the pyre. 
All the great phenomena, in the most vast proportions, of the first 
days of Christiaiuty, were seen to reappear. Most of the vic- 
tinis died with the eye turned towards that New Jerusalem, 
that holy dty of tlie Alps, where some had been to seek, whence 
others had received the Word of God. Not a preacher, not a 
missionary was condemned who did not salute Calvin from afar, 
thanking him for having prepared him for so beautiful an end. 
TTiey no more thought of reproaching Calvin for not following 
them into France than a soldier reproaches his general for not 
^plunging into the melee." ' 

Wc have now to refer to the circumstances that converted 
' the Huguenots into a political party. With the accession of 
Fntocis II., a boy of sixteen, Catharine de Medici, the widow 
of llif late icing and the mother of his successor, hoped to gratify 
iier ambition by ruling the kingdom. The daughter of 
WnKo II., of Florence, and the niece of Clement VII., her 
liiliilioo*! had been pa.ssed in an atmosphere of duplicity, and 
'lie had thorouglily imbibed the unprincipled maxims of the 
Italian school of pohlics. The death of the Dauphin hatl made 
I'lT husband the heir of the throne ; but his aversion to her was 
sydi that, at an earher ilay, when it was supposed that no chil- 
«0i ffould spring from her marriage, there was an idea of sentl- 
"•E her back to Italy. She had to pay assiduous court to the 
ffiMlreases of her father-in-law and her husband. Even after 
'lip birth of her children and after her husband ascended the 
wwne, she did not escape from her himTihating position. She 
■W dependent upon the good offices of Diana of Poitiers, 
""wj-'s mistress, for the mMntenance of relations with her 
""wlanH, whose repugnance to her was partly founded on 
[ihyMcal peculiarities, which were derived from her profligate 
'•ther and which entailed a diseased constitution upon her 

■ U&niD, viii. 480. 


cluldren.' AecustotDed fmm eariy childhood to hide hpi 
tboogbt^ and fe^Iiogi^; without conscieDce and altuoet without 
a heart ; caring little for rdi^oo except to hate its restnunts, 
Catharine had nursed her dream of ambition in secret.' But 
the fact that Frands was legally of age, though practically is 
his minority, disappointed her hope. It immediately appeared 
that the young King was entirely under the control of the family 
of Guise. Gaude of Guise had been a wealthy and prominent 
Doblemao of Lorraine, who had distinguished himself at Marig- 
nano, and in the subsequent contests with Charles V. Two d 
his sons, Francis, Duke of Guise, and Cb&rles, Cardinal of Lor- 
raine, had acquired great power under Henry IL: the Duke 
as a military leader, especially by the successful defense of 
Metz and the taking of Calais ; and the Cardinal as Confessor 
of the King, whose conscience, Beza says, he carried in his 
sleeve. Both were unpopular, the Cardinal, from his hostility 
to heresy, specially odious to the Protestants. Their sister 
had marriwl James V., of Scotland; and her daughter, Mary 
Stuart, who was to play so prominent a part in the histor)- of 
the age, was wedded to the youthful King, Francis II. He 
was weak in mind and body, and it was not difficult for the 
Cardinal and the Duke, both of them aspiring and adroit meo, 
with the ad of the vigorous and beautiful young Queen, to 
maintain a complete ascendency over him. The CanUnal was 
supreme in the affairs of State, the Duke in the militarj' depart- 
ment. It was an association of the soldier and the diplomatist, 
the lion and the fox, for their common aggrandizement. The 
Guise.'! set themselves up as the champions of the old religioii, 
although they at first adopted the policy of withstanding 
Charles V. through an alliance with the Pope. They had large 
hopes of acquiring power in Italy, and assumed to inherit the 
claim of the house of Anjou to Naples. On the accession of 
Francis their first step was to induce the King to give a cour- 
teous dismissal to the Grand Constable, Montmorenci, who, 
with his numerous relatives, had been the rivals of the Guiseg 
and had shared with them the offices and honors of the king- 

' Miclielot, Ourrrei de Rdigum, p. 43. 

* Anquctil atrivHi to paint CalhBrinc, in sonic points, in s less unfavonhle 
light. L'Efpril de la Ligue. i. S4. Slio is chBmotcriied by the Due d'Aunute 
M being '■without affeelionpi, without principles, and without acruplea." HiUani 
"I tte Pn'ncBi o/ Coiutt, i. 80. 




im. It was by the support of Diana of Poitiers, one of whose 
daughters had married their brother, that the Guises were enabled 
first to make themselves theequals and thenthesuperiorsof Mont- 
morenci, whom they greatly outstripped in political sagacity.' 

It was not to be expected that the great nobles of France 

would quietly see the control of the government practically 

usurped by persons whom they considered upstarts, who had 

seized on places that did not belong to them by the laws and 

customs of the realm. The opjjosition to the Guises centered 

in two farailiea, the houses of Bourbon and Chatillon. The 

three brothers of the former house were princes of the Mood, 

being descended by a collateral line from Louis IX. Anthony 

of Vendomc, t.he eklest, who by his marriage with Jeanne d'Al- 

I bret, the daughter of Margaret, wore the title of King of Na- 

ft&rre, had been moved to take the side of the Protestants, but 

Hris a man of weak and vacillating character. He had no loftier 

■kopc than to get hack from Spain his principality of Navarre, 

w to provide himself ivith an equivalent dominion elsewhere. 

^The ereond brother, Charles, the Cardinal of Rouen, was of a 

^pnular temperament. The third, Louis, Prince of Condf, was 

iHrave man, not without noble quaUties, but rash in counsel, 

atiil not proof against the enticements of sensual pleasure. The 

IPfoWatant wives of these men. the Queen of Navarre and the 
Princess of CondiS, a niece of the Constable, had more firmness 
of fpli^ous conxnction than their husbands. The three brothers 
of ihc hoase of Chatillon, sons of Louisa of Montmorenci, the 
■fltr of the Constable, were men of a nobler make. These 
"pre Odet. Cardinal of Chatillon. Admiral Coligny, and Dande- 
"l. Colonel of the Cisalpine infantry. Coligny had acquired 
I P*»t credit by introducing strict discipline into the French 
■ofantry, and by valor at St. Quentin and elsewhere. In all 
l^ip qualitiea of mind and character that constitute hmnan 
,PS3, he was without a peer. His attachment to the Prot^ 
it cause was sincere and immovable. 
Tliat the Bourbons antl the great nobles who were connected 
*ilh them should .seek thesuppfirt of the persecuted Calvinists, 
Mill Iliat the latter, in turn, should seek for deliverance through 
thrill was natural.' Tlie were virtual usurpers, who 
hml taken the station that belonged to the princes of the blood, 

■ Henri Mmin. viii 3n2. ■ Ranks, i. iS4. 




i\rit I 


and, at the same time, were persecutora. The nobles, thrir 
aatagonists, and their Protestant co-reli^onists had a coraiuoo 
cause. There was a unioD of political and religious motives 
to bind them all together. If political considerations hal a 
governing weight with Anthony of Navarre and some other 
leaders, this was the misfortune, and a heavy misfortune it 
proved, of the Huguenots: but it was not their fault. TSTiiie 
it is vain to ignore the influence of political aspirations, it is .i 
greater error of some writers, like Davila, to ascribe the whole 
lovcment of the Huguenot leaders to motives of this character.' 
PThere was on their part a thorough opposition to the cruel per- 
eecution of the Calvinists, and an attachment to their cause, 
which, if it was inconstant in some cases, proved in others » 
profound and growing conviction, such as no terrors and no 
BacriScea could weaken. 

Calvin, like the Lutheran reformers, preached the doctrine 
of obedience to rulers, and imconiplaining submission to suffer- 
ing and death.' For forty years the unoffending Huguenols 
had acted on this principle and submitted to indescribable in- 
dignities and cruelties, inflicted often by men who in their o«ii 
daily lives violated every commandment of the decalogue. But 
even Calvin held that Christians might lawfully take up anm, 
under authorized leaders, to overthrow usurpation. We shall 
see, moreover, that it was the unchecked atrocities, not of tha 
magistrates, but of their subjects, acting without color of law^ 
that kindled the flames of civil war. But in France, as ii 
Germany, during this period, the reluctance of the Protestant 
to abandon the ground of passive resistance and to rise againa 
their oppressors, the indecision of the Protestants on this ques- 
tion, more than once cost them dear. J 

' DnviU {Sloria drlU Otirrre CiiTli di Franria) describes a formBl meeting it" 
Vnmloinc, at which CondS and olhora advcwated an open war, but Collgny per- 
BUBiled them to adopt a more crafty pohcy. Dsvila makes the conrpirary of 
Amboiiip (he result of Ihjfl confi-rence. But it is not credible that aueh a con- 
ferenee vsa evor held. See the Bearehing criticism of Dnvilo by Raoke. Front- 
GcMchichtCf V 3 spq. 

• See Honry. lil, 64R, and Beil.. p. I.'i4 Heq. SpenWing of the counsel whiefa he 
gave in reference to the Amboiae con^piracyn Calvin "Cependant les lameif 
tations cstoyent grando de rinhumaniti' quon e)icn;oit pour abolir la religion: 
mesmc d'h&ure en heure on atlendoit une horrible boucherie. pour eitemuner 1o^ 
les pavres lidelefl." He Niya, that he replied, thai if a single drop of blood were 
shed, riviTs of blood would flow over Enrol* '■ moreover that it is better "(or u> 
all to periah a hundred limeti, than that (he name of the adherents of the Gospil 
should be exposed to suob opprobrium." 


The coDSpiracy of Amboise was a plot, of which a French 
tlemao, La Renaudie, was the most at-tive contriver, to 
dispossess the Guises of their position by force and to place the 
control of the government in the hands of the princes of the 
blood. Cond^ appears to have been privy to it. Cohgny re- 
fused to take part in it ; Calvin tried to tli,ssuade La Renaudie 
from executing his project, which the Reformer sternly disaji- 
proved, unless the princes of the blood, not Condi5 alone, but 
the first of them in rank, were to sanction it, and Parliament 
were to join with them.' The Gui-ses were forewarned and fore- 
armed, and took a savage revenge, not only upon the conspira- 
tors, but upon a great number of innocent Protestants, whom 
tJie conspirators had in\ited to the court to present their peti- 
tions, but who had no further complicity in the undertaking 


PThe commotion of which this abortive scheme was an im- 
^TFssive sign, haul the effect to moderate for the moment the 
policy of the Cardinal. The prisons were opened and the 
I Protestants set at liberty. The EtUct of Romorantin, in 1560, 
I ptased by the agency of L'Hoapital, no friend of the Guises, 
stiil forbade all Protestant assemblies for worship, but proceed- 
ings Against individuals on account of their faith were to be 
'iffijitieii. The tares, it was said, had become too strong to be 
•Plicated from the field. The Protestanta made an appeal 
for liberty to meet together for worship. Their petition was 
™'liily presented to the King in an Assembly of Notables at 
f'Titsinebleau by Coligny, who had espoused, but not yet pub- 
licly professed, tlie new opinions. At the same time, a demand 
■u made for a meeting of the States General, to consider the 

'Bn Calrin'i Better, cited above, on the aubjeot (April 16. 1661). in Hettrj, 

^ii'i Beil-, p. IfiS. There can bo no doubl Ibal l>a RonAudie repreaenlod CoiidA 

•^ li« (be nient Icadtr tit thr cnlcrprise. Thnt he wna in griiemKy aMuniKi, and 

B*b«hly irilb truth. Henri Murtin, viii. 34 seq. Sisinoudi, Hitloire det Fran- 

"", iviu, 132. Ehic d'AumoJc, History o/ thf Pn'nrf u/ C.mdf, i. 50. Il in so 

">M by Bc». fliAlairt dr» Eglinct Itfl-. \. 260. Ritnke says : "Mit hiiiloriBeher 

BiHiBmlliat bust airb selbat nicht Bagen ob Ld KeDoudie licU mit Condd reni- 

■**« hstlr." (i. M7.) Riinke ndverta to the denial of Cond*; but be only 

' *ai#d th»l he had been a party in any eiit-erprise nitainrt tht King or thf >*/iJiff," 

l"' inmid not hme ml milled tlint the Coiispiracy of Ainboiw w.ii direcled ngninrt 

f"'lirf. 8ee lit*. Mnrfh's interesliiig work, TIiif Prol. flr/. lO Fmner (l.on.luii. 

I^T>, i. 142, n. BranlAme, who rises to somelliing like eiilhuaiium ill praiuilig 

I !■* virtue* of Coli^ny, Aaya that the eonspiraloni were prevented by bia known 

Mid sen«e of honor from impiirlins to biin their jiecrel- Let Momm^a 

t. III. XX. (M. I'Admiial de ChiutilloD). BnintAine compare* Coligny 

•, •■ lapidaries (he tayt) place tuKCllier two dinmoads of ciqiutttc bcauV). 


Laee H 


finances of the kingdom, and for a National Council to regu! 
the affairs of religion. The Cardinal was obliged to acquiesce. 
The Guises now exert«d all their influence to combine an o^-er- 
whelming party against the Protestants and the Bourbon 
princes. Calvin adliered to his principle and discountenanced 
all violence on the side of the Protestants, who were inclined 
to take possession of churches; but he sought to persuade the 
princes to collect the nobles of Provence, Languedoc, and Nor- 
mandy, and make such a demonstration as would of itself, 
without blooilshed, break down the power of their antagonists. 
The frivolous .\nthony of Navarre was not equal to so manly 
an undertaking. Summoned by the court to Orleans, he went ■ 
with Condf. They went, aware of the peril in which they 
placed themselves, and in opposition to the advice of their 
friends and the entreaties of their wives. Cond^ was put under 
arrest, on the charge of complicity in the Amboi.sie Conspiracy. 
The King of Navarre was deprived of his officers antl guartls, 
and surrounded with soldiers and spies. The Deputies of the 
Estates, as they arrived, found everything in the hands of the 
Cardinal ; and were compelled, at the outset, to sign a Catholic 
creed. Tlie same test was to be presented to the chevaliers of M 
the Order of St. Michael, the French cardmals, the prelates, ' 
the nobles, and the royal officers present at Orleans. Tlie 
laymen who should refuse to sign this formulary were to be 
deprived of all their offices and estates, and the next day sent 
to the stake. Ecclesiastics were to be renian{lcd to their own 
order for trial and judgment. It was expected that Coligny 
and Dandelot, and probably their brother, the Cardinal, would 
be involved in this destruction of the Protestant leaders. The 
same creed was to be imposed on all officials and pastors 
throughout the kingdom, and the requirement was to be en- 
forced by bodies of soldiers, who were to march through tlie 
land. Tlie dominion of the Catholic Church was to be at once 
established. Tlie Guises pushed forward, with all possilile 
rapidity, the process against CondtS, who was charged wilh 
high treason.' He was condemned, and the 10th of Decern- 

■ That lliB oxiatenca al this plot was credited by the Huguenot leaden nl- 
pxitH of no doubt. For the evidetiee of ita rcaljl3\ which appeals to be ftutHciciiI. 
dee Hi'nri Martin, ix. 64, n. Ranke saya : "Ich liabc manclies gefunden, wodurcli 
diese 3cbauptorigeQ " — the ri?port« of the coDspiracy — "bestatigi, uirliU wi>" 
durch sie gam ausser ZwcHel gesctit wiirden." i. 166. Martin says i "Tho 




was the day fixed for his execution. Just then, on the 5th 

December, 1560, the young King suddenly died. Once more 

le Protestants felt that an interposition of Providence had 

,ved them. "When all was lost," said Beza, "behold the 

d our God awoke 1" 

The opportunity of the Queen Mother had come at last, 
question whether lier second son, Charles IX,, was in his 
minority, could not be doubtful. She assumed the practical 
guardianship of him, and with it a virtual regency. The plan 
[of the Guises to crush the house of Bourbon, and their sup- 
Ts, by a single blow, had failed. L'Hospital easily coii- 
the Queen that it was for her interest to liberate Cond^, 
to put a check upon the power of the opposite party, which 
liad barely failed of attaining to absolute control. The Duke waa 
too wise to attempt to retain the supremacy, which the Cardinal, 
his brother, was not disposed to relinquish. The King of Navarre 
became Lieutenant-general. Tlio Constable Montmorenci re- 
covered tlie direction of military affairs, but the GuLses kept 
their places in the Council, and Duke Francis retained the post 
ol master of the royal household. But the favorable attitude 
of the government as regards toleration reenforced the Protcs- 
tanU. The Huguenots, as they came to be called,' were power- 
lul in numbers, and still more in the character of their party. 
Entire counties were almost wholly Protestant. They were 
Btreng among the nobles and educated class. Many rich mer- 
<JUDt8 adhered to them. But their largest support was from 

Ultistlirity of lh« plot. M to its subslancc. is not doubtful. The Qiiisoa vont ui 
'v u i'urkey to indure the Sullsn dot to hinder, by any diversioo against the 
^uiirtn State*, the work of the destruction of heretics. The inlerEninAble dis- 
i^ou AS to the premedilation of St- BirOwlomme, interesting from a hiatoricai 
^<iil of «ew, are Pitiorody vain from llie mora] point of view. The St. Bar- 
^'iawtr^ -». that is to say, the extermination of the beTelica by force, open or with 
''a ihI of atratagetn — hud olffay* been in the heart of the chiefs a( the peraecut- 
>^ parly. They matSAcred when they could, just aa they burned." 

' B^a •xplaios the ongin of the name IlugueootH (i, 260). At Taura there 
*»s » « mi er Bti tioU3 belief that the ghost of Hugh Capet roamed through the city 
^ bjfbt- Aa the Protftitants held their meetings in the night, they were deri- 
■•^ cstled Huguenots, us if tliey were the troop of King Hugh, Ttiie e:ipla- 
^Uoo la given by De Thou, ixxiv. 741. Other writen, among them Merl? 
^AuUgirf f>. 88), derit-e it from Eidgmota, the name given to the party of free- 
^"^ el ffeneva. who were for an alliance with the Swiss. Martin (viii. 2S) uiLJtoe 
^Ih nplaaalions. Littr^ (Z>u^. ^''ninfaiwl adoptsneither. butconnecta the tenn 
*Ub tbe Qvoe of a p«rvon. A derivation fron^ Ihf tauffue rf V.c of southern FVance 
Wtata ratcnlly ■uggiwted. the word " duganau " indicating " owt-Iike, " probably 
•1'b irfMVoee to aight roeelings See Bull/tin hitt. rt Jul., for IBOS, p. 050 acq. 
' ^< eune mratM to have been io use by 1552, 


the intelligent middle classes, the artisans in the cities; al- 
though not a few of the lower orders, who had seen the world, 
and were practiced in bearing arms, were in the Huguenot ranks. 
In a representation made to the Pope, in 1561, by the middle 
party of French prelates, it was stated that a quarter of the 
entire population of the kingdom were Protestants. That it 
would be impracticable to exterminate them, and that both 
parties should make up their minds to Hve together in peace, 
was the conviction of a few dispassionate and far-sighted men, 
among whom was the Chancellor L'Hospital, who had lieeii 
called to his office after the Conspiracy of Amboise, and who 
put forth his best exertions to recommend this wise and huniane 
policy. His tolerant views were reflected in edicts of the Slates 
General at Orleans, where, also, sound reforms were adopted 
in the administration of justice; but these measures were re- 
sisted by Parliament, ani.i by the Catholics attached to the 
Guises. The Duke of Guise was joined by Montmorenci; and 
they, with the Marshal of Saint Andr^, formed the Triumvirate 
with which the feeble King of Navarre was unequally matched. 
Strife arose in the Council between the two parties. It was 
arranged, much to the joy of the Protestants, that a great reli- 
gious conference should be held at Poissy to see if the two parties 
could come to an agreement. In this measure the Cardinal^ 
of Lorraine concurred, in the expectation that he should MH 
able to bring out the differences between the Calvinists and the 
Lutherans, and deprive the former of their natural allies in the 
event of a religious war, which he probably anticipated. Hifl 
elections from the nobility and the third estate for the States^ 
General, which first assembled, in 1561, at Pontoise, and after- 
wards adjourned to Poissy, were extremely unfavorable to the 
Guise faction. This meeting was really a crisis in the historj" 
of France.' The noblesse and the commonalty were united 
against the clergy, and presented measures of constitutional 
reform of a startling character, such, had they been carried 
through, as would have brought the French system of govprn- 
ment into a striking resemblance to that of England, would 
have carried the nation along in one path, and prevented the 
civil wars. The Pope, the clergy, and the King of Spain united 
in efforts to stem the prevailing current towards compromise 

■ Rsnke, i. 164, 165. Henri Martin, ix. 03. 



■r peace between the opposing confessions. But the religious 
PoUoquy was held. It was in the autumn of 1561. In the 
great Refectory of the Benedictines at Poissy, the young King 
sat in the midst of the aristocracy of France — Catharine 
de Medici, the King of Navarre, and the Pruice of Cond6, tlie 
great lords and ladies of the court, cardinals, bishops, and 
ftbbots, doctors of the Sorbonne, and a numerous company of 
lesser nobles, with their wives and daughters. In this brilliant 
concourse, Theodore Beza appeared at the head of the preachers 
and eiders deputed by the Huguenots to represent their cause, 
and eloquently set forth the doctrines of the party of reform. 
Besa was a man of high birth, of prepoEisessing appearance, of 
graceful and polished manners, who was at his ease in the 
society of the court, and, prior to the public conference, won 
|lhe respect and favor of many of his auditors by his attractive- 
in social intercourse.' It was something gained for Protea- 
FtK&tism, when such a man, with whom there could be no 
rductance to associate on equal terms, was seen to come forward 
in its defense. But Beza, besides being an impressive speaker, 
Lns an erudite scholar, with liis learning so perfectly at com- 
] maud that he could not be perplexed by his adversaries. At 
one time there was some prospect of an agreement, even in a 
fKneral definition of the Eucharist. The final result of the 
inlerviewg, public and private, that took place in connection 
with the conference, was to convince both parties that no com- 
promise on the points of theological difference was practicable. 
Widespread disturbances in France, for one thing, moved 
(^tharine to call together a new Conference at St. Germain 
(Jinuary, 1562). There the Chancellor frankly and boldly 
•t forth the principles of religious toleration. 

On the 17th of January, 1562, was issued the important 

Edict of St. Germain. It gave up the policy, which had been 

punued for forty years, of extirpating religious dissent. It 

I gaated a measure of toleration. The Protestants were to su> 

I wider churches of which they had taken possession and were 

to build no more. On the other hand, they might, until further 

I order should be taken, hold their religious meetings outside of 

I tbe waUs of cities, by daylight, without arms in their hands; 

■BmH. M. Burd, Tluedon Be2a (18M), p. 130 seq., Tor a full Bceount oC tb« 

A com 


and their meetings were to be protected by the police. They 
were to pay regard to the festival Jays of the Catholic Church, 
were to as.«enible no consistories or synods without permis- 
aon, were not to enter into any military organization or levjB 
taxes upon one another, and were to t^ach according to the Scrip- 
tures, without insulting the mass and other Catholic inistitulioiB. 
It was a restricted toleration, but the practice ha4 been to give 
to edicts of this nature some latitude of construction. Calvin 
rejoiced in it, and the Calvuiists felt that under it they could ^ 
convert the nation to the Protestant faith. Not until the 6t 
of March could the vote be carried in Parliament to register th 
Edict, and it was not long observed. The papal legate and the 
Catholic chicf,s succeeded in inducing the King of Navarre t4| 
abandon the Protestant cause. He was told that the Pope 
would annul his marriage, and that he could then wed Man,-, , 
the young Queen of Scotland. He was not base enough to coua-M 
tenance this proposal.' The throne of Sardinia was held out" 
to him as a compensation for tlie loss of Navarre. The only 
hope for the success of the tolerant policy of L'Hospilal had 
rested in the union of the Queen Mother with the princes of the 
blood ; and this union was now broken. 

The leaders of the Catholic party were resolved not to ac- 
quiesce in a policy of toleration, not to give up the idea of obtain- 
ing uniformity by coercion. Tlie massacre of ^'assy was the 
event that occasioned war. On Sunday morning, the 1st of 
March, 1562, the Duke of Guise arrived at the village of Vaav 
on his way to Paris, at the head of a retinue of several hundred 
nobles and soldiers. Tlie Protestants were holding their reli- 
gious service in a spacious barn. Thither he sent some of his 
men, who provoked a conflict. The rest of the troop came to 
the spot, tore off the door, and with guns and sabers slaughtered 
and wounded a large number of the unarmed, defenseless con- 
gregation, and plundered their houses. Guise looked on andA 
did not hinder the work. In fact, he had come to town with 
the de'iign of putting an end to the Huguenot worship there.' i 
Their preacher, bleeding from his wounds, he carried off as & B 
prisoner. Tlie Duke was received, especially in ParLs. with H 
acclamations. The Protestants throughout France jii^lJy 
considered his deed a wanton and atrocious violation of the 

' Due d'Aumtile, i. SS, 



» Htnri Mftrtia, Ix. J 13. 



Religious Peace, and flew to arms. In every parish a crusade 
was preached againt^t the Huguenots, and the scenes of cruelty 
that followed have been styled, by a French historian, the St. 
Bartholomew of 1562. The Triumvirs seized the persons of 
the Queen Mother and the King, and, either with or without 
their consent, conveyed them to Paris, where the whole popu- 
lation were full of hatred to the heretics. Another maasacre 
at Sens, even more cruel than that of Vassy, was the signal for 
an outburst of iconoclastic fury on the side of the Huguenots, 
which was attended with a great destruction of monuments 
of art and the profanation of sepulchers. It was true of the 
Huguenots that, "less barbarous, in general, than tlieir adver- 
Bories, toward men, their rage was implacable against things" 
— against whatever they considered objects or signs of Idolatry.' 
Thus began the series of terrible wars, which only terminated 
with the accession of Henry IV. to the throne. In the devasta- 
tion which they caused they may be compared to the Thirty 
Years' War in Germany. France was a prey to religious and 
political fanaticism. The passions that are always kindled in civil 
wars were made the more fierce from the rehgious consecration 
wliich was imparted to them. Other nations, as was inevitable, 
raingle<l in the frightful contest, and France had well-nigh lost 
its independence. It must be admitted that the Huguenots 
acted in self-defense. As we have said, their connection with a 
poUtical party, whatever evils were incidental to it, was tlie 
unavoidable result of the course taken by their antagonists, 
who attacked at once the Protestant religion and the rights 
of the princes who professed it. But it was private violence 
countenanced by the authorities, against which the Huguenots 
rose in arms. Agrippa d'Aubigng, the Huguenot historian of 
the sixteenth century, says: "It is to be forever observed, that 
as long as they put the reformed to death under the forms of 
justice, however iniquitous and cruel it was, they stretche<l 
out their necks, but not their hands; but when the public 
authority, the magistrates, weary of their burnings, threw the 
knife into the hands of the crowd, and by tumults and great 
massacres took away the venerable face of justice, and caused 
neighbor to be slain by neighbor to the sound of trumpets and 

' Henri Hartiii, ix. 124, On these wui see A. J. BuUet, in Cambridgr Modtm 
HittorTf, iii. 1 aeq. 



drums, who could prevent the miserable victims from opposing 
arm to arm, steel to steel, and from taking the contagion of a 
just fury from a fury without justice? , , , Let foreign nations 
judge whether we or our enemies have the guilt of war upoqfl 
the forehead."' ™ 

Rouen was captured by the Catholics and sacked, "niere 
the King of Navarre, fighting on the Catholic side, received a 
mortal wound. In the battle of Dreux, the Protestants, led 
by Coligiiy and Condfi, were worsted, but their power was not 
broken. Sliortly after, the Duke of Guise, who was endeavor- 
ing to take Orleans, was assassinated by a Huguenot nobleman. 
The act was condemned by Calvin, nor had it the sanction of 
any of the Protestant leaders, however they may have refrained 
from exerting themselves to hinder it. Coligny declared tliaL 
he had prevented the execution of similar plots before, that hfl 
had no agency in this, but that for tlie six months previous, 
from the time when he had heard that the Duke and his brother, 
the Cardinal, had formed the design to destroy him and his 
family, he had ceased to exert himself to save the Duke. A 
year after the massacre of Vassy, the edict of Amboise reestal>- 
liahed peace on terms more favorable to the high nobles on the 
Protestant side than the preceding edict, but Ies.s favorable to 
the smaller gentry and to the towns, inasmuch as they were 
allowed but a single place of worship in a district or bailliage. 
Paris was excepted : there Protestant worship was not to be 
tolerated. The capital became more and more a stronghold 
of Catholic fanaticism. The settlement was negotiated bffl 
Cond^, but Coligny refused to give his sanction to its provisions,^ 
which were most unacceptable to the body of the Protestants, 
who were confiflent that better terms might have been made. 

This pacilication could not be of long endiu-ance. TTie 
Huguenots saw from the threatening attitude of the court an' 
the hostile movements of their adversaries that there was a 
intention to observe it. They anticipated the attack by the: 
selves resorting to arms; a measure which the leaders fell 
obliged to adopt, though not without grave misgivings. TTiey 
extorted the Peace of Longjumeau (1568), which, however, 
reestabhshed substantially the Edict of Pacification. Cond£'«i 

> AKTippa d'Aub^fi, HU. UniverieOe (leiQ-lS). O. de FOice. Bill, ^"j 

Prolestani) dc France, p. 180. 


lack of judgment was hardly less conspicuous than his valor 
in the field.' Charles IX. was filled with chagrin and indigna- 
tion at being driven to make an accommodation with his sub- 
jects in arms. The bitter animosity of the Catholics through 
the country was stirred up against the Huguenots. But a 
few months before, the Duke of Alva had executed Egmont and 
Horn in the Netherlands. At Bayonne, where Alva had met 
the Queen Mother and her daughter, Elizabeth of Spain, he 
had spared no pains to induce the French court to proceed to 
extreme measures agsdnst the Huguenots. But the young 
King was then averse to the renewal of the war and to a resort 
to cruel persecution, and the Queen Mother refused to give way 
to Alva's persuasions.' Her aim was to balance the parties 
against each other, so that neither of them could be in a posi- 
tion to endanger her own power. The words of Alva, how- 
ever, made a stronger impression on Montpensier, Montluc, and 
other Catholic nobles. The last conflict, which the Huguenots 
had begun, had exasperated all who were not of their party. 
The Catholic counter-reformation was in progress, and Jesuit 
preachers inflamed the anger of the Catholic population. Philip 
and Alva renewed their efforts, which were seconded by the 
Cardinal of Lorraine in the Council. The Huguenot"?, the King 
was toll], were rebels ; if they were not subdued, he could not be 
the ruler of the land. Thus war was once more renewed, under 
Spanish influence and cooperation. The Huguenots were now 
in arms to defend their liberties against a perfidious conspiracy. 
Tlie Prince of Contlf^ and the Admiral Coligny had found safety 
in Rochelle, the town which often proved the bulwark of the 
Protestant cause, and more than once saved it from fatal dis- 
aster. The Edict of Pacification was annulled. The Hugue- 
nots were beaten at Jarnac in 1569, where Condfi fell, leaving 
his name to his eldest son Henry, a youth of seventeen; and 
the same year they were defeated again at Moncontour. Now 
Rochelle proved its value to the Protestants, who, under Co- 
ligny, suc<:e88fuliy defended the city against the victorious 

It seems strange that the court should have been inclined 

■ The Due d'AumaJp, wlio defends the Edict of Amboiae, admits Uikt in this 
l«flt trraly Cfindf mdde a false «tpp, onJ adds. "It roust be allowod that hu hettrt 
trB# L&rger than hu intellect." i- 264. 

*Tli« (uual opposite reprcHeutalian is corrected by R&nke, i. 103. 





to make peace at this time. But the war was not like 
former contests, a local one. It was a general war, in which 
foreign nations were concerned. Tlie Huguenots were aided 
by money from England and troops from Germany. When 
they had been sliut up in Rochelle, where the Queen of Na- 
varre held her court, tliey fitl«i out a small fleet which they 
used with much effect along the coast. It was a characteristic 
of Cohgny that, though often beaten in the field, he was able, 
after defeat, to keep together his forces and resume hostihties, 
He was soon strong enough to sally forth from Rochelle and to 
traverse France at the head of a body of three thousand horse, 
the most of whom were Germans, and whose progress, especially 
as it was known that the young princes, Navarre and Condfi, 
were among them, awakened enthusiasm wherever they ap- 
peared. The perseverance of the Huguenots and their con- 
tinued strength, imexhausted by defeat, constituted one of tlie 
arguments for peace. Jealousy of Spain was the other. The 
ambition of Pliilip excited alarm among the French. He had 
a scheme for effecting the liberation of Mary Queen of Scola 
and of niarrjTng her to Don John of Austria, his half-brother, 
by which he hoped to bring Scotland, and ultimately Ejiglaod, 
under Spanish control. He proposed to marry his sister to the 
young King of France. If these plans should be carried out, 
England, Scotland, France, and the Netherlands might, Hke 
Italy, be made subordinate to Spain. It was felt, moreover, 
that he was taking part in the war against the Huguenots 
mainly to promote his selfish interest, and that he rendered 
less assistance than the enemy gained from their German allies. 
The court, in 1570, agreed to the treaty of St. Germain, by i 
which the provisions of the Edict of Pacification were revived,^ 
and four fortified towns, of which Rochelle was one, were put^ 
for two years into the hands of the Huguenots, as a guarantee 
for tlieir safety and for the fulfillment of the stipulations. 

Thus the obstinate refusal to grant a moderate degree of 
religious liberty led to the neccsaty of a vastly greater conces- 
sion, through which the kingdom was divided against itself — 
another kingdom being, as it were, established within it. Yet 
it was a measure which the Huguenots, after their ejqjerience 
of the perfidy of the court, had no alternative but to demand. 

The conclusion of this peace with the Huguenots brouj 





upon the European states a political crisis of great moment. 
It seemed likely that France would take part in a coalition 
against Philip II. The state of things in the Netherlands at 
this juncture was favorable for such an alliance. Tlie union of 
Philip with Venice and with the Pope.and the victory of Lepanto, 
increased the jealousy with which France and England looked 
on his ambitious designs. It was proposed that the Duke of 
Aujou, the heir of tlie French crown, should marry Queen 
Elizabeth, and, when this negotiation was broken off, that his 
younger brother, the Duke d'Alen^on, should marry her. The 
buecn Mother was in apparent, and probably sincere, accord 
Kith tliis new policy. The sons of the Constable Montmorend 
flfere then powerful at court, and it was one of them, the Mar- 
shal FrancLs, who suggested the marriage of the youngest daugh- 
ter of Catharine, Margaret of Valois, to Henry of Navarre. The 
Queen Mother fell in with the proposal, and the Huguenots 
were not averse to it. At about the same time Cond^ was 
married to a princess of the house of Cleve, So ardent were 
the hopes of the Protestants that Coligny himself came to the 
court and was warmly received by Catharine. 
B He was a man of the purest and loftiest character. On his 
^wii estate, he punctually attended, with his family and de- 
pendents, the Calvinistic worship; and at each recurrence of 
the Lord's Supper, he was at pains to heal all quarrels ami 
differences among his people. He entered into the civil wars 
with the utmost reluctance and sorrow, in obedience to the 
imperative call of duty, and in compliance with the counsels 
of his wife, who equaled him in piety and in nobleness of soul. 
He did not allow the .spirit of a patriot to sink in that of a par- 
tisan. Notwithstanding that he stood at the head of a power- 
ful party, and, though a subject, was able to make peace or 
war, lie was broad and disinterested in all his plans. Grave in 
if" deportment, inflexible in his principles, blameless in his 
oorals, with an inuuutable trust in God, he presents a com- 
*Ung figure in the midst of the confuaon and corruption of 
lie limes. It was the hatred of Catharine de Medici to Coligny 
!iat led to the massacre of St. Bartholomew. She saw how 
deeply the King was impressed with his abilities and excellence. 
Cltsrlr^ IX., sickly in body, like the other sons of Henry 11., 
with an unhealthy, imregulated nature, — all the bad tea- 

mad wit 





ilcncies of which had been fosteretl in the base and dissoTu' 
society in which he had been reared, and by the influence of 
his mother, whose supreme purpose was to keep up her own 
ascendency over him, ^ now felt for the first time the inspir- 
ing influence of a man who could awaken in him sometiiing of 
reverence and love. The Queen saw that day by day she was 
becoming supplanted, simply by the natural impression which 
Coligny made upon her son. The best hopes were awakened 
in Coligny'a own mind by the almost filial regard with which 
the King listened to him. He urged most earnestly that war 
should be declared against Spain, and the King was inclined to 
take the step. However Catharine might be disposed to pre- 
vent Philip from acquiring a power in France that could be 
dangerous to herself, she was not of a mind to enter into a war 
ag^nst him; a war, too, that must incidentally add to the 
prosperity of the Huguenots, and confirm the Influence of 
Coligny over the King. Wliom would he follow, Catharine or 
Cohgny 1 Warm words passed between Coligny and the Queen 
Mother, in the presence of Charles. The Admiral said that the 
King might be involved in war, even ag^nst his will — - referring 
to the conflict in the Netherlands, into which Coligny was urg- 
ing him to enter. It was pretended afterwards that he had 
thrown out a threat of rebellion. Catharine determined to 
destroy him. She called in the aid of the Guises, his implacable 
enemies, who longed to avenge upon him the assas^nation of 
their relative. Her second son, the Duke of Anjou, afterwards 
Henry HI., on whom she doted and who was equally alarmed 
at the feeling which the King manifested to Coligny, engaged 
cordially in the plot. The Duchess of Nemours, the widow of 
Francis, and the mother of Henry of Guise, willingly aided in 
devising anil carrying out the diabolical scheme. Coligny was 
wounded by a shot from a window of an adherent of the Guisea, 
Tills was on the 22d of August, 1572. The wound was not 
dangerous, and the plot had miscarried. Tlie failure involved 
the more peril to the authors of it, from the sympathy with tha ■ 
Admiral which the King expressed, and from his indignation at 
the Guises, who were known to be at the bottom of it. In a 
viat to Coligny, in which the Queen Mother accompanied the 
King, the wounded veteran, who at that time thought that the 
bullets wliich had struck him might have been poisoned, called 







him to the bedside, and, in an undertone, cautioned him against 
yielding to the counsels of Calliariiie and the faction with whicli 
she had allied herself. By the most importunate urging, she 
extorted from Charles a statement of what the Admiral had said. 
Thereupon the plan of a general massacre was matured. 
Had it been thought of before ? Pains had been taken to col- 
lect the Huguenots from all quarters into the city. Catharine 
had insisted that tlie marriage should take place there. There 
is evidence that the idea of seizing on this occasion to cut off 
some of the Huguenot leaders was not new to the Queen's 
mind. It is impos.sible to trace out the sinuosities of a nature 
so made up of deceit.' She was fully capable of weaving two 
schemes simultaneously, and of availing herself of either as 
circuuistauces might dictate. At all events, the failure in the 
first attempt upon Coligny moved her and her confederates to 
undertake a general massacre. Henry HI., who was one of 
them, asserted that the King himself, when he had Iwen pre- 
vailed upon to acquiesce in the murder of Coligny, demanded 
that the Huguenots should all be struck down, so that none 
should be left to cry out against his deed. The court had been 
ahflorbetl in the festivitie-s attending the marriage of Henry of 
avarre. The fanaticism of the people of Paris was inflamed 
>y the presence of the Protestants among them, and efforts 
were necessary to prevent outbreakings of violence. It was 
only necessary to unchain the pasaons of the Catholic populace, 
and the work of death could be done. The feeble, impulsive, 
impetuous, half-distracted King was assiu-ed that a plot, with 
Coligny at its head, had been formed against him, and was 
pG«d with entreaties, arguments, threats, until his opposition 
was broken down, and he yielde<l himself as a paasive instru- 
ment into the hands of the conspirators.' In the night of the 

"CVtt«> fpnrnip #Iait lo mrnnonge mSme ct I'on bo pcrd dana I'uhlme tie u 
f>iii1li " Henri Mnrtin, ix. ZQl. MIchclct, in the [^Dume of Ms ploqueiit lur- 
lBtl*B of tile SI. BurtliDliiroi.w plot, says of CsCharinD: "Elle tftait double et 
BiMar ftvee toim. avec elJe-m^mc." Guerre^ de Rrliffion. p. 399. 

• On Ihe much I'onlrovcrle't (|UraUon, whslhcr Ilie raowaire of St. Rorlliolo- 
tovK iriLa prcmfHliruffNi, two of Cbc ablfst modem hiflforinna. Rookc and Henri 
Harlln. are BUbalanlialiy agmid. The material poiniR of their view are indj- 
eBI«d abovo. 8oe Ranke. i. 212 seq., and his piaminntjon <v. B7 wij.) of (he 
*ork of Capefigue: Mittoire de lo Rfforme, dc la LigMc el de Hmnj IV- Cape- 
Iftur b one of the writers who would make the inttMacre spring wholly from the 
InfTiriaced 4ita1e of Catholic feeling in Paris, of which the Lndi^iduaU concerned 
in it were tlic mere instruments. Mnrtiu (ix. 303) cao^dcn that in iontfi'b^ Vb».\ 




24tli of August, at a concerted signal, the murderers fell upon 
the victims, the destruction of the most eminent of whom had^ 
lx«n previously allotted to individuals, the Duke of Guise bav-l 
ing taken it in charge to dispatch Coligny, An iiitUscriminate 
slaughter of the Huguenots followed. The miserable King waa 
seen to fire upon them from his window. Couriers were sentB 
through the country, and in the other towns the same frighlful > 
scenes were enacted. Not less than two thousand were killed 
in Paris, and as many as twenty thousand in the rest of France.S 
Navarre and Cond6 were at length obliged to conform to the 
Catholic Church, to save their Uvea, The news of the great 
massacre excited a tumult of joy at Madrid and at Rome. IW 
is said that Phihp II., for the first time in his life, laughed . 
aloud. The Pope ordered a Te Deum, and by processions and 
jubilant thanksgivings the Papal court signified the satisfaction J 
with which the intelligence was received. A medal was struck " 
having on one side the image of Gregory XIII., and on the 
other, the destroying angel, with the words, Hugonotonm 
istrages (massacre of the Huguenots), The Pope ordered Vasari 
pto paint and hang up in the Vatican a picture which should 
represent the slaughter of the Huguenots, and bear the inscrip- 
tion, " Pontifex Colignii necem probat" (the Pope approves tk 
slaying of Coligny). Among the fictitious apologies which the 
French court put forth, that wliich charged upon the Hugue- 
nots a plot against the King and govermnent met with httle, 
if any, credence. Everywhere, except at Madrid and Roroe, 
in the Catholic as well as Protestant nations, the atrociou* ' 
crime was regarded with horror and with detestation of iUj 

tbe msm'sgB at Navure should be at Paris, there wu in the mind of Ihe Qu«a ' 
Mother "sinoQ un projot, au moins, une arric^rp-peTiaee ainislre." When Cslli*- 
rilie put hcrault oponty at Ihc head of the party of pesci", "la vague peosft: i|iJ 
Bviut loujoun) flnttiS dans son wiprit ei- Gxei li? fantOme du meiu-lre prend corja: 
'i-lle tient odiwhI Je ee d6fain! dp I'Amirai' (Mrm. dt Tiicamuw, p. 3861." Mm- 
tin, p. 302, Henry ITI.^s i^rraliv'o of 31. Bartholomew is consdered genuine 
by Martin (p, 30Q, n.). Its genuinenesa w doubled by Rankp. The vipn- of Ranlid 
and Martin as to the origin of the maasacre, not in a plot dufiniti^ly fnuns-d luii| 
before, but in the terror and fanalirism excited by the failure of tlip atlompt to ta- 
■asaioBte Coliitny, ia adopted by Soldan, Frankreich u. die Borthnlonigin ftnclil; 
by Henry Whilp, in his truly Iramed aa well as readable work on the Civil Wan^, 
The Massacre of St. BarOiolomcw, and by other judjcioua wrilem. Browning, ill 
hia valuable Ifinlnry of thr Huguenot) (eli. xxvii.l, errs in allributing to Charlet 
IX. the purpose (o decoy the HuRuenot leodera to Paris in order to cut Ihcm i 
Sec, alao, Cambridge Modem HUioTy, iii, 18 Boq. 



TTie Protpstants were not subdued by the terrible loss which 
they had suffered. The burning wrath wliich it excited among 
them was a new source of strength. Rocheile still held out. 
Nor did the Queen Mother desert her previous path or eliow 
herself disposed to a close alliance with Phihp. She even 
sought to keep up negotiations for the marriage of Alen?on 
with Elizabeth. 

A new turn was ^ven to affairs by the separation of the 
PoBtiques," or hberal Cathohcs, who were in favor of tolera- 
10, from their fanatical brethren. The wisdom and necessity 
the policy which L'Hospital had vainly reconunended, were 
now recognized by a strong party. In 1574 the wretched life 
of Charles IX. came to an end. His brother and successor. 
Henry III., the favorite of his mother, and most fully imbued 
with her ideas, and who had been active in contriving the mas- 
sacre of St. Bartholomew, was wholly incompetent to govern 
a country that was torn by religious factions, a country whose 
treasury was exhausted, and whose people were clamorous for 
deliverance from their heavy burdens of taxation, at the same 
liiti*' that a strong party was demanding rafiical political re- 
lornis. The King endeavored to make his way by craft and 
ilouhle dealing, but lost the confidence of both of the religious 
parties. In May, 1576, he made his peace with the united 
Huguenots and Politiques, giving to the former unrestricted 
fclipous freedom, with the exception of Paris, and an equal 
f'iigiUeness to all offices and dignities. 

With the couperation of Spain, Henry of Guise organized the 
O»tholic League, for the maintenance of the Catholic religion 
>nd for the extirpation of Protestantism. Tlie Estates at 
RIoiB in 1576 demanded that there should be but one religion 
in the kingdom. The unpopularity of Henry among the ex- 
Ireme Catholics was not only owing to his shuffling course on 
thp religious question, but also to his advancement of personal 
favorites to the highest offices, and his subjection to their influ- 
io disregard of the claims of the great nobles. The League 
wmmenced another war, the sixth in the series, for the attain- 
iieiil of their ends, and drew the irresolute and helpless King 
llong with them- The result was the securing to the Hugue- 
Dott of what had been granted them in 1576; but the seventh 
nr, that soon followed, ended in the adoption of the fixat Edict 



?r the* 


of Toleration. In 1584 the Duke of Alencon, who, aftfr 
accession of Henry to the throne, had worn the title of the^ 
Duke of Anjou, died. Thus Henry of Navarre was left the next 
heir to the throne. The League, with Spain and Rome at it 
back, resolved that he should never wear the crown. Sixtus V.,1 
shortly after his accession to the Papal chair, issued a bull, in 
which the two Princes, Navarre and Cond^, as heretics, and 
leaders and promoters of heresy, were declared to have fo^ 
feited their dignities and possessions, including all title to the 
French throne. In the war of the "three Henries," as it wa 
called, Henry of Navarre was supported by England and 
troops from Germany and Switzerland. Tlie King, on his 
ttum to Paris, found that Henry of Guise was greeted by the' 
Rnultitude as the hero of the war. The attempt of the King to 
introduce bodies of troops devoted to himself was met by tlisfl 
erection of barricades in the streets of the city, anil he was 
obliged to make a humiliating appeal to Guise to quiet the dis- 
order. The Assembly of the States General at Blois, in 1588, ■ 
brought forward projects of constitutional reform which re- 
duced the power of the King to a low point. His mortification, , 
resentment, and impatience at the restrictions laid upon him, J 
had now reached their height. He caused the Duke of Guise" 
to be assassinated by the royal bodyguards, and the Duke's 
brother, the Cardinal of LoiTaine, to be dispatched the same day. J 
Henry IH. had now brought on himself the implacable hos-™ 
tility of the League, The fanatical preachers of Paris held 
him up to the execration of the people. The doctors of the M 
Sorbonne hastened to declare that he had incurred the penalty ' 
of excommunication, and that his subjects were of right ab- 
solved from their allegiance. The actual excommunication 
from the Pope followed. It was fortunate for the King that j 
there was an army of Protestants in the field, under Princefl 
Henry of Navarre. The King joined himself to the Prince, 
The army, made strong by the union of the Huguenots and the 
Politiques — the liberal Catholics who were still loyal to thsfl 
sovereign — drew near to Paris. It was thought advisable in 
the city to set a watch upon the Catholics who were not of the 
League. At that time, when the royal cause, faithfully sup-| 
ported by Navarre, was gaining ground, a fanatical p^iest^ 
Clement bv name, made his way into the camp and slew thoj 
King (1589). 


Henry IV. waa now the sovereign of France by right of in- 
heritance; but he had been declared ineligible by the Pope, 
and he had his kingdom to win. The League were disposed 
to put France under the protection of Philip 11. The Duke of 
Mayenne, the brother of the Guises who were afwassinated by 
order of the King, was at the head of the government which 
the League provisionally established. The interests of Spain 
■were cared for by the ambassador, Mendoza, an astute di- 
plomatist, whom Elizabeth had foimd it inconsistent with her 
safety and that of her kingdom to suffer to remain in England. 
Philip IL aspired to unite the Catholic nations under hU rule, 
and the League were so lost to the feeling of patriotism as to 
wish him success. The project of the union of France and 
Spain failed as far as the League was concerned, only by the 
jealousy of the Duke of Mayenne, who refused to consent that 
his nephew, whom it was proposed to marry to Philip's daughter, 
should wear the crowTi. The gallantry of Henry of Navarre 
was conspicuously displayed. In the battle of Ivry, on the 
14th of March, 1590, he gained a brilliant victory, which was 
chiefly due to his personal valor. The strategy of Alexander of 
Parma, one of the ablest generals of the age, neutralized his 
successes until that commander died.' Besides the discord in 
the League, which has been noticed, other circumstances grad- 
ually turned to the advantage of Henry. The great obstacle 
in the way of his crushing opposition was the fact that he was 
a Protestant. When urged to become a Catholic, immediately 
after the death of Henry III., he had refused, but in such terms 
as to inspire the hope that he might ultimately accede to the 
proposal. The portion of the Catholic body that had given 
him their support would not consent to the elevation of a 
Protestant to the throne. It was not personal ambition alone, 
nor was it the desire of repose for himself, which he felt after 
so long a conflict; it was the opportunity that was given hira 
to restore peace to France that at length moved him to conform 
to the Catholic Church. It had been urged upon him that the 
constitution of the kingdom was such that he was morally boimd 
to be a member of the old Church. As King, he believed that 

' Bee the rpraarks of Due d'Aumale on Henry's military lalenls, ii. 170. The 
King «•• master of laclics, but not a Btratrgut. D'AumaJc'e icork la speciBlly 
, inatruetive in reference M the oonstitution of Ibe Krnucfi and llic military evenlii iu 
I tlie civil wan. 




he could shield the Huguenots from persecution, as well 
bring to an end the terrible calamities under which France 
groaning. As long as he remained outside of the Catholic 
Church, he could not win the cities to his cause, and he could 
not hope to reign by the aid of the nobility alone. He had no 
doubt that salvation was possible in the old Church. Sully, 
who dwells with much self-complacency on the part which he 
took in leading the King to abjure Protestantism, assured him 
that it was not a change of religion ; that the foundation of the 
two systems was the same.' But Du Perron, who had before 
returned to the Catholic Church, and whom Hem^ afterwards 
made Bishop of Evreux, had at least an equal influence in per- 
suafiing the King to follow his example. Specific articles of 
faith that were presented to hira, he refused to sign. But he went 
into the Church of St. Denis and kneeling before the ArchhishopM 
of Bourges, solenmly declared that he would live and die in the 
Catholic Church, which he promised to protect and defend. 
As be had not really altered his opinions, the step that he tooH 
was one which admits of no moral justification. Beza, who 
was then near the end of his life, wrote to liim a pathetic and 
solemn warning agauist it." We cannot conceive of a man like 
Coligny consentmg to abjure his religious profession from any 
consideration of expediency. Men of the highest type of char- 
acter do right and leave consequences to Pro\'idence. Butfl 
Henry had been reared in the camp ; he had neither the strength 
of religious convictions nor the purity of life which answered 
to the standard of the earnest Huguenots. Thus his faults 
palliate the guilt of an act which, if done by a man of a higher 
moral tone, would have been attended by an utter rum of 
character. The nation was now easily won to his cause. It 
is gratifying to find the most eminent of the recent wTiters on! 
French history dissenting from the popular view which assumeB-j 
that it was demonstrably impossible for Henry to attain to the 
throne without abandoning his faith. The same writer agrees _ 
with distinguished individuals in the Catholic Church, who^ 
even at that day preferred that the King should remain an 
honest Protestant than become a pretended Catholic' It is 



' Mfmoiret. b. v. 

^ Tor the rrmonfilranpesof other Pro tintatiU, seethe thorough work of 
Dtr VebertriU KSnig HHnriche deg Vuricn (Basel, 1862), p, MO. 
* Martin, x. 329. 




unquestionable, however, that the immediate effect was to 
open his way to the throne and to put an end to the horrors of 
civil war. He rode into Paris, wearing the white plume which 
had often waved in the thick of the fight. 

The abjuration of Henry might be approved by a Proteatant 
like Sully, in whom religion was subordinale (o politics; but 
it brought consternation and grief to the great body of his 
faithful Huguenot adherents who had stood by him in the 
darkest hours, and wlio now saw the foundations, on which they 
stood as a party, struck from under their feet. It is remarkable 
that he retained, to so great an extent, the affection of those 
who most deplored his change of religion, His captivating 
qualities gave him an almost irresistible ascendency over the 
hearts of men. The abjuration of Henry was not the only evil 
which the Huguenots were destined to experience as a conse- 
quence of being a political party. Others, especially nobles, 
sought and found personal advancement by following the ex- 
ample of their chief. The leailership of the Huguenot party 
was coveted by persons more eminent for their rank than for 
their devotion to religion. The continued persecution, of which 
the Huguenots were the victims, enabled them to rally and 
preserve their political oi^anization; and the strength which 
they still manifested indirectly aided the King in carrying into 
effect the policy of peace and toleration. He aimed to mod- 
erate the polemical ardor of the Huguenot champions, and did 
not conceal his satisfaction when his old friend, Du Plessia 
Mornay, was convicted, in a disputation with Du Perron, at 
Fontainebleau, of having unwittingly used inaccurate citations 
from the eccleaiastical WTiters.' 

The administration of Henry, though cut short by the dagger 
of Ravaillac, was of incalculable advantage to France. With 
the assistance of the astute Sully, he reorganized the industry, 
and restored the prosperity of the country. He made war upon 
Spain, and in the treaty of Vervins in 1598 he recovered the 
places which had been conquered from France, both by Philip, 
and by the Duke of Savoy. The Pope was compelled to con- 
^ dude peace, and to annul his various fulminations against 
'Henry, while the latter refused to make any declaration except 

' A favorable viaw of the King's policy in dealing with the UugusBOta in givea 
by RBDke. U. 74 acq. ; ■ less favorable view by BtkheUn, p. 63T ui\. 


that he had returned to the Catholic Church ; and he adhered 
to his promise to protect both religions. The idea of his foreign 
policy, which was that of weakening the power of Spain and of 
Hapsburg, and of extending the boundaries of France, was 
afterwards taken up by Richelieu, and fully reahzed. In the 
Edict of Nantes, in 1598, Henry secured to the Huguenots that 
measure of religious liberty, and the guarantees of it, for which 
they had contended. It left fortified cities in their hands, thus 
perpetuating the existence of an organized power within the 
State; but this was a necessity of the times. With this ex- 
ception, his domestic policy involved the concentration of power 
in the monarch; and in this respect, Richelieu followed in his 
footsteps. But if the accession of Henry IV. brought a com- 
parative security to the Calvinists of France, this was the limit 
of its advantage to them. From a religious body, animated 
with the purpose to bring the whole country to the adoption 
of their principles, they were reduced to the condition of a de- 
fensive party, confined by metes and bounds, which it could not 
overpass ; a party more and more separated from the Catholic 
population, and exposed, besides, to the evils consequent on 
keeping up a political and military organization. From this 
moment I^otestantism in France ceased to grow. 


The Netherlands formed a most valuable portion of the in- 
herited dominions of Charles V. The Dukes of Burgundy, the 
descendants of King John of France, taking advantage of the 
weakness of the French crown and of the wars between France 
and England, had built up by marriage, purchase, and con- 
quest, or by more culpable means, a rich and powerful dominion. 
The Duchy of Burgundy gradually extended its confines, until, 
in the reign of Charles V,, it comprised seventeen provinces, and 
was nearly coextensive with the territory included in the pres- 
ent kingdoms of Holland and Belgium. All of the old writers 
descrilje in glowing language the imequaled prosperity and 
thrift of the Low Countries, and the skill and intelligence of 
the people.' Agriculture, manufactures, and commerce were 
equally flourishing and lucrative. There were three hundred 
and fifty cities, some of them the largest and busiest in Europe. 
Antwerp, with a population of one hundred thousand inhabit- 
ants, at a time wheo London had only one hundred and fifty 
thousand, was the resort of merchants from every quarter, and 
had a trade surpassing that of any other European city. The 
people of the Netherlands were noted not less for their ingenuity, 
shown in the invention of machines and implements, and for 
their proficiency in science and letters, than for their opulence 
and enterprise. It was their boast, that common laborers, even 
the fishermen who dwelt in the huts of Friosland, could read and 
write, and discuss the interpretation of Scripture. Local self- 
government existed to a remarkable txtent throughout the 

' St.rsJa. Dr BrBn-BtlgiO), lom. i. For a dpscriplioo ot (lie (i)a(c of the Low 
roiintriPB, we HSuMcr, Cic/i. d. Zriliilt. d. Rrf., p, 32S spq. Priwcolt, Hi'l. of lite 
Reirp> !•! Philip II., b. ii. ch. 1 ; Mollpy, Rur of the Dutch Rrpublir. i. 81 »m). Th. 
JusIp, Hint, dt la Revol. da Pmjt-Baii, torn. i. t. v. Holiwarth, Der Abfatt d. 
Sitderiandtr (3 vols., 1S00-T2). The [acts are drawn from Guipeinrdini. Belgiem 
Deneriplio (16fi2), StraHa. Bxniage. Annaln da Provinon-UvM ^V\V%^, «c& c/Cont 





seventeen provinces. Each had i»s own chartered rights, 
privileges, and mimunlties, and its immemorial customs, which 
the sovereign was bound to keep inviolate. The people loved 
their freedom. Charles V., with all the advantages derived 
from his vast power, could not amalgamate tlie prownces, or 
fuse them under a common system, and was obliged to satisfy 
liimself with being the head of a confederacy of little repubiire. 
But at the Diet of Augsburg, in 1548, he succeeded in legalizing 
the separation of the Netherlands into a distinct, united portion 
of the Empire, paying its own tax, in a gross amount, into the 
treasury; having certain special rights in the Diet; entitipi! 
to protection, but exempt from the jurisdiction of the imperial 
judiciary, to wliich other parts of the Empire were subject. 

In such a population, among the countrymen of Erasmus, 
where, too, in previous ages, various foniis of innovation and 
dissent had arisen, the doctrines of Luther must inevitably find 
an entrance. They were brought in by foreign merchants, 
"together with whose commodities," writes the old Jesuit hi.*- 
torian, Strada, "this plague often sails." They were introrfuccd 
with the German and Swiss soldiers, whom Charles V. had o^ 
casioD to bring into the country. Protestantism was tm» 
planted from England by numerous exiles who fled from tliP 
persecution of Mary. The contiguity of the country to German)' 
and France provided abundant avenues for the incoming of 
the new opinions. "Nor did the Rhine from Germany, or tlie 
Meuse from France," to quote the regretful language of Strada, 
"send more water into the Low Countries, than by the one tht 
contagion of Luther, by the other of Calvin, was imported inW 
the same Belgic provinces."' The spirit and occupations ot^ 
the people, the whole atmosphere of the country, were 
larly propitious for the spread of the Protestant movement 
The cities of Flanders and Brabant, especially Antwerp, vei; 
early furnished professors of the new faith. Charles V. LssucdJ 
in 1521, from Worms, an edict, the first of a series of barbarou 
enactments or "placards," for the extinguishing of heresy inj 
the Netherlands; and it did not remain a dead letter.' 

■pread of Pmtpstanlism in the Low Countries, see Th. Jiwle, i. 318, 320, 
i* ■ niodsraW Catbolir, and wril«s with itaportiaHtv- 

' The main parta of the 6rHt "Plarard" are given by Bmidt, HmIsT 
Xt/ormalion in Ihc Low Cauntrits, i. -12, 



1523, two Augustinian monks were bumcd at the stake in Brus- 
sels. Mter the fire was kindled, they repeated the Apostles' 
Creed, and sang the Te Deum Laudanms.' Tliis execution drew 
from Luther an inspiriting letter to the persecuted Christians 
of Holland and Brabant, and moved him to write the stirring 
hymn, — beginning, " Ein neues Lied wir heben an," — of which 
the following is one of the stanzas : — 

"Quiet their aahea will not lie : 
But BcatTenxi far and near, 
StreajD, dungpdn. bolt. &nil grave defy. 
Their Foenuui'A Bhame and fe&r- 
Thoae wlmm ulivp llie lyrstit's wrooga 
To silence could subdue, 
Be mUfit, when defid, let fling the Bongfl 
Which in all laiigua^ps anU tangueg. 
Reeound the wide world tliraugh.'*' 

The edicts against heresy were imperfectly executed. The 
Regent, Margaret of Savoy, was lukewarm in the business of 
persecution; and her successor, Maria, the Emperor's sister, 
the widowed Queen of Hungary, was still more leniently dis- 
posed. The Protestants rapidly increased in number. Cal- 
vinism, from the influence of France, and of Geneva where young 
men were sent to be educated, came to prevail among them. 
Analmptists and other fanatical or licentious sectaries, such as 
appeared elsewhere in the wake of the Reformation, were 
numerous; and their excesses afforded a plausible pretext for 
violent measures of repression against all who departed from 
the old faith.' In 1550 Charles V. issued a new Placard, in 
which the former persecuting edicts were confirmed, and in 
which a reference was made to Inquifdtors of the faith, as well 
as to the ordinary judges of the bishops. This excited great 

> Ibid., p. 4S. 

* "Die Aschen will nirht Inssm ab, 
Sic eliiubl in oiler Landcn, 

Hie hilft kcin Kach. Loch, Cirub noch Ornb; 

Bie nuieht den Feitiil lu SchonJcn 
Die er im Lcbcn durcli den Mord 

Zu arhweigeu hat gedrungea, 
Die musa cr lodt an allcm Ort 

Mit allcr Stimm', und Zungen 
Gar Friihlich lassen stnfcen." Gicseler. iv, i. 2, $ 24. 

* The Anabaptist ofTeiiHeH aRninnt ilecr'ncy and order are naturally dwelt upon 
by writera diaposed lo apologiie tor the persecutions in the NeUierlanda; as Leo, 
I'fiivrfivit Gfrhichte, iii. 327 seq, ; and in his earlier work. Zwotf Bitchgr Nieitfr- 
latuliirJif Gtichichte. But the CacU and circunutances are also (aithFully detailed 
by Bratidt and other writers whoae sjrinpBtUies are oD the olhei ude. 



alarm, ance the Intiuisition was an object of extreme averaon 
and dread. The foreign merchants prepared to leave Antwerp, 
prices fell, trade was to a great extent suspended ; and such 
was the disaffection cxcit«d, that the Regent Maria interceded 
for some modification of the obnoxious decree. Verbal changes 
were made, but the fears of the people were not quieted ; and 
it was pubhshed at Antwerp in connection with a protest of 
the magistrates in behalf of the Uberties which were put in peril 
by a tribunal of the character threatened. "And," says the 
learned Arminian historian, "as this affair of the Inquiation 
and the oppresaon from Spain prevailed more and more, all 
men began to be convinced that they were destined to perpetual 
slavery." Although there was much persecution in the Nether- 
lands during the long reign of Charles, yet the number of mar- 
tyrs could not have been so great as fifty thousand, the number 
mentioned by one writer, much less one hundred thousand, 
the number given by Grotius.' 

In 1555 Charles V., enfeebled by his lifelong enemy, the 
gout, which was aggravated by reverses of fortune, — mindful 
too, it is said, of a former saying of one of his commanders, , 
that "between the business of life, and the day of death, a space fl 
ought to be interposed," — resigned his throne, and devolved ^ 
upon his son, Phihp II., the government of the Netherlands, 
together with the rest of his wide dominions in Spain, Italy, 
and the New World. Political and rehgious absolutism was the 
main article of Philip's creed. His ideas were few in number, 
but he clung to them with the more unyielding tenacity. TTie 
liberties of Spain had been destroyed at the beginning of 
Charles's reign ; and the absolute system that was establirfied 
there, Philip considered the only true or tolerable form of govern- 
ment. To rule, as far as posable, according to this method, ^ 
wherever he had authority, was an est-ablishetl purpose in hi^| 
mind. At the same time, he was resolved to stand forth as the 
champion of the Roman Catholic Church, and the unrelenting 
foe of heresy, wherever he could reach it. The Spanish mon- 
archy had worn a religious character from the days of Ferdinand 
and Isabella. Its discoveries and conquests in the New World 
had been pushed in the spirit of religious propagandism. Hie 

^ " Nam post camificata hominum non minus centum miUiA, " etc. . — Annoir* 
et Hist, dt Rtbut Bclg., I. i. p. 12. 



crusade agunst the Moors had whetted the fanatical zeal agaonst 
heresy, Iii •Spain the Inquisition was an essential instrument 
of the civil adminiet ration. By nature, and by the influence of 
the circumstances in which he was placed, Phihp was the im- 
placable enemy of religious dissent. Moreover, he knew that 
if he granted liberty of conscience In one part of hia dominions, 
he might have to meet a similar demand in another — in Spain 
itself. The counsels of his father, in whom, as he advanced in 
years, superstition acquired an increasing sway, confirmed 
Philip in his intolerant bigotry.* There had been a mutual 
love between Charles and the people of the Netherlands. They 
were proud of him as a countryman, and his affable manners 
in intercourse with them kept up his popularity. His persecu- 
tion of the Protestants and his cruelty after the suppression 
of the insurrection at Ghent, did not suffice to alienate the 
loyal and affectionate regard of his subjects. But Philip was 
k Spaniard, and showed it in all his demeanor towards them, 
"Be spoke seldom, and then all Spanish." Hia mingled shy- 
DefB and arrogance repelled and disgusted them. In the room 
u[ cordially meeting their expressions of enthusiasm, he seemed 
dearous of escaping from them.* 

Among this wealthy, spirited, cultivated people, Philip 
Raned inclined to introduce his despotic system. The great 
nobles of the country, of whom WilUam, Prince of Orange, and 
^ Counts Egmont and Horn were the chief, might naturally 
ttpect to be intrusted with the principal management of the 

' The bigotry of tho Emperor, u well ns other traits which he iD&nitested after 
^lUli^tion, &re sot fortb in thp highly inlerealing work oF Stirling. The Cloialer 
^^ChatUt V. The other writcra on thp stibjitt are Gaehard, Rttmilr tl Mart 
'' ^^iarin Qitint: iSigaet, CharUn Quint, ton Abdiaiiuyn, ton S^ottr et ta Mort 
"MwMitWT dt Yuilt. Thmc Buthora are reviewed by PrfseotI, Hittory oj Fhiiip 
"■ (<»l ol b. i.) ; and in liis nlition of Robortaon'a Hialory of rhnrliM V,, iii, 327 
^. \n ronne^tion with Pre^cott'H own hiatorirul essay on the aame theme- OF 
"»"* ibc Emperor never made the remark often attributed to bim, that he had 
'fn (mlL-h in trying to produce uuiformily of opinion between secta, when ho 
""uiil n,)i make two clooka or watche:> acrord. Macaulay (raCM the saying to a 
"fcrUoo o( Sbada. who oboervea that Clinrlra govcmtt! ilie wheels of clocks 
•■« than fortune, nebot traces it to Van Male, Charliw'* Lalin Secretary, by 
*t(n an observation of Seneca, ivipecling the disputes of pliilosophcr?, is bor- 
"Wd and applied to the oontrovrreics of doctors. Plcliol, Chroniipie de ChorUi 
9*Kt (ISM), vol. i. p. 444. The Emperor's expression of regret that he had not 
ItoaJ Luther at Worms shows his real mind. Juste, i. 98. Prescolt's Robcrt- 
»>, U. 492. From Yuslc he oddreaseJ to the Spanish Inquisitors and to Philip 
nhonation* to eruelty. Ibid,, pp. 463, 464, Hi« fauBticiam and intoleranoe ap- 
[■H IB his rodieil. in his iniunotions to Philip. 
> JtMt. L 124. 



governnient under the King. William, though bom of Lutheran 
parents, had been brought up from his boyhood in the court of 
Charles V., and was a Catholic by profession, but opposed lo 
per^cution. His extraordinary abilities had made him a favor- 
ite of the Emperor, who gave him responsible employments and 
signified his particular regard by leaning upon his shoulder, at 
the ceremony of the abdication, and by selecting him to convey 
the imperial crown to his brother Ferdinand. Egmont, nitli 
far less depth of sagacity and steadiness of character than Orange, 
was a nobleman of brilliant courage and attractive manners, 
and had won high fame in connection with the victories of Grave- 
lines and St. Quentin. The nobles, both these and others of 
inferior rank, were luxurious in their style of living, and their 
lavish expenditures had brought on many of them heavy burdens 
of debt. 

Pliilip did not select his Regent from the aristocracy of the 
country, nor did he appoint any other whom the nobles would 
have preferred; but he appointed to this office Margaret offl 
Parma, the illegitimate daughter of Charles V., a person of un- 
common talents and energy, and utterly devoted to the will of 
her brother. She was accomplished in the art of dissimulatioDH 
and double-dealing, which formed an essential part of Philip's 
method of governing. She nourished the King's jealousy of 
Orange and Egmont. In the first act of selecting a R^nt,fl 
Phihp showed a caution that partook of suspicion. At her side 
he placed, as her principal adviser, Granvelle, the Bishop of 
Arras. His father was of humble birth, but had raised hima^ 
to an important station under the Emperor, by whom the talen' 
of the son were also discerned. Granvelle, the younger, was aa< 
able and accomplished man and well acquainted with the coun^ 
try, but servilely devoted to the King. The three nobles we: 
placed in the Council, but the secret directions of Philip to 
Regent were such that the conduct of affairs was really in thi 
hands of Granvelle (1559). 

In tiie midst of the murniurB and fears which the organiza- 
tion of the government excited, the attempt was made to retain 
in the Netherlands several regiments of Spanish soldiers. This 
measure was undertaken when there was no sign of an insurrec- 
tion. It was in violation of the ancient rights of the Provinces, 
and imposed a burden which was the more onerous, since, in 




the previous year, there had been universal suffering from the 
scarcity of provisions. Philip had pledged his word, on leaving 
the Netherlands, tliat the troops shouKI be withdrawn nithin 
four months; but that pledge was thsregarded. The disaffec- 
tion increased to such a ilegree, that the Regent at length availed 
hereeJf of a convenient pretext for sending them away. Phihp 
reluctantly acquiesced in what she pronounced an absolute 

Inecesaty if the country was to be saved from insurrection. 
The second of these irritating measures was the creation of a 
large number of new bishoprics. Whatever plauable reasons 
might be urged in favor of this measure, from the great size of 
the existing dioceses, and their inconvenient relations to the 
eontiguous German bishoprics, the real design of it was not niis- 
undi-rstood.' It was a part of the maclunery to be employed 
tor lightening the cords of Church discipline, and for the exter- 
mination of heresy. The new bishops were to be clothed with 
iuqui^torial powers. The creation of so many important per- 
sonages, devoted, of course, to the sovereign, was counted a 
ili^lvantage to the old herechtary aristocracy of the country. 

riie two measures of the retention of the troops, and the 
impoation of the bishops — measures having an ominous rela- 
tion to one another — revealed unmistakably the policy of Philip. 
'Rip apologists of the King charge the troubles that ensued upon 
tiie ambition of the nobles, especially of William, who, it is said, 
wanted to govern the country themselves, and did all they could 
^ fixdte disaffection. It may be granted that they were not 
ffw from the influence of personal motives, and chafed under the 
wangements which deprived them of their natural and legiti- 
iMIe place in the control of public affairs. The charge that 
"tiler of them aimed at a revolution is destitute of proof. In 
"IP midst of all that is subject to controversy, two things cannot 
''lUoiiably be disputed. One is that foreign domination, that 
"■i Ihe rule of Spanish officers, and the presence of Spanish sol- 
ifiiTy, were as hateful to the Netherlanders as they were to the 
ficrmans. It was what contributed most to the reaction against 
Charles V., after the Smalcaldic war, and to the triumph of 
Uturice. The other fact is, that persecution, the forcible re- 
I preaion of- heresy, after the manner of Spanish Catholicism, 
was repugnant to the general feeling of the people — of the 

> Ju»le, ii. 160, ZT9. 





Catholic population — of the Low Countrips. There was an 
atmosphere of freedom, and a state of public opinion, to which 
the poUcy of Pliilip was thoroughly opposed. William after- 
wards declared that, while hunting in company with Henry II. 
of France, that monarch had incautiously revealed to him the 
secret designs of himself and Philip for the extirpation of heresy 
in their dominions. In Pliilip's scheme for the increase of 
bishops, and in his detention of the troops, William saw the i 
bc^nning of the execution of the plot ; and he determined, he ■ 
says, that he would do what he could to rid the land of "the 
Spanish vermin." That William looked about for a high mat- 
rimonial connection, does not indicate any deep-laid plan of ■ 
unlawful personal advancement nor in his marriage with Anna, 
of Saxony, was there any serious attempt to mislead Phihp as 
to the religion to be adopted by his bride.' William was chargfii 
with cherishing MacchiavelUan principles; but the age was 
Macchiavellian, and he does not appear to have often trans- 
gressed the bounds of morality in the use of that profound 
sagacity by which he coped with unscrupulous adversaries. 

Philip renewed the persecuting edicts of Charles V. It was 
forbidden to print, copy, keep, bide, buy, or sell any writing of 
Luther, Zwingli, (Ecolampadius, Bucer, Calvin, or of any other 
heretic ; to break or to injure any image of the Virgin, or of the 
Saints; to hold or to attend any heretical conventicle. Lay 
men were prohibited from reading the Scriptures, or taking part- 
in conferences upon disputwi points of doctrine. Transgressors, 
in case they should recant, were, if they were men, to be be- 
headed; if women, to be buried alive. If obstinate, they werff 
to be burnt alive, and, in either case, their property was to be 
confiscated. To omit to inform against suapicious persons, to 
entertain, lodge, feed, or clothe them, was to be guilty of heresy. 
Persons who, for the reason that they were suspected, were con- 
ilemncd to abjure heresy, were, in case they rendered themselvcafl 
again suspicious, to be dealt with as heretics. Every accuser, B 
in case of conviction, was to receive a large share of the confis- 
cated goods. Judges were absolutely forbidden to diminish 
ill any way the prescribed penalties. Severe penalties were 
threatened against any who should intercede for heretics or pre- 

' Compare Pr«wt,lt, i. 4SS, with Motley, i. 300 seq. Williun's wife *»« '" 
"live calliolically. ■' 






Stmt a petition in behalf of them. To carry out these rnart- 
mcnls, Charles bad established an Inquisition, wliich was not 
only independent of the clergy of the country, but to which they 
were all, from the highest to the lowest, answerable. Tliis was 
not the Spanish Inquisition, but it was sufficiently rigorous to 
lead Philip to pronounce it more pitiless than that of Spain.' 
But, terrible as the Inquisition in the Netherlands was, it wanted 

iBome of the barbarous features that belonged to the Holy Office 
in Spain. It was said by Philip, and has been urged by his 
defenders since, that the persecuting edicts were the work of 
Charles, and that his successor simply continued them in opera- 
tion. This statement overlooks the circumstances that they put 
the authority of Charles, popular though he was, to a severe 
lest; that they were not systematically enforced; that the cruel- 
ties inflicted under them had more and more awakened the hos- 
tility of the people to such measures; and that in the interval 
between the promulgation of them by Charles and the renewal 
of them by Philip, the new opinions had gained a wider accept- 

As the Inquidtion proceeded with its bloody work, the indig- 
nition of the people found utterance through Orange and 
Egrnont, who remonstrated against the cruelties which were 
inflicted, and complained to the King of Granvelle, on whom 
^ey [aid the responsibiUty of everything that was done, 

Granvelle is exculpated by Philip from all responability for 
tlip introduction of the new bishops ; and he did not originate 
fine other obnoxious measures which were laid to his credit.' 
nis impulses were not cruel. But the lords were not out of the 

' "Cp qu'on di<bib! sur llntpntion du Roi ilVtablir nux P&yn Bub Hnquiri- 
■W li'Eipagiif. rat (^iHlcmpiil [niDi ; jamais U- earilimJ iie lui a rait ci-ltc propiifli- 
J"*. ni lui-uifiiw n'y n pcrmf, D'uilleu™ 1 1nquisilJDii Ups Pnys-Biu c«t plus 
"PHoyble que oclle d 'EspBEtie. " — Qsohard, Comapondence da Pttilippe II., i. 


'Or»n^ sclfl forUi ^ome of these altered rlrcumatHDccA in n letter to the Re- 
P°t (Juiury 34, 1565). Hr speaks of tlie Placards as ''qudquffuui limits et 
^HMuivia h la rigpur, m^ame pn Icmp^ qiip la niiat>re uni^'crselle n't>fltoit Hi or^pr^ 
OSiBa iBwntmaiit ot notre pfuple, pur imilalion el praclicqu™ de nos voisina, 
*• taut epclen a novellilc," Pte, He depicts plainly tUe fatal coQficquEncqfl 
^vill nault from prnipveniiirp in the severe poliey of the King. Qroeti VaD 
" *M CTr. Arthife* dt la Maitm d'Orangr-Naitau. tome ii. p. 19. 

*The points oD which Granvelle wpji erroneoualy accused are prrscnt^ by 
'•tard, CotTfpandmet. etc., I, clxx. scq. .(Preliimnar)- Rapport.) Clop of the 
*^n thin^ that Granvelle did was to rcponinipnd the ki^lnapptng of William'a 
^ who waa iBhcQ from Louvain, whprp he «-ns Btiidying. and CBmi;d to Spain. 
'■*>■ be was kept, and Iraini-d up in the Catbolio religion. 




way in finding in him the embodiment of the foreign domioa- 
tion which was striking at the liberties of Ihe country. WTiat- 
pver opinion he might privately hold as to the wisdom of some 
of the mcftsurej^ of Philip, he never faltered in his obedience. 
He knew no higher law than the will of his master. The new 
arrangement of dioceses abridgeil his own episcopal power, and 
would naturally be unwelcome; but when he was made -Arch- 
bishop of Mechlin, and then, at the intercession of the Regent, , 
received from Rome the cardinal's hat, the personal dishke of fl 
the lords to him as an upstart, and their patriotic oppoation ™ 
to the policy of which he was the chief executor, reached their 
climax. The effect of the complaints of the nobles against the 
Cardinal was to kindle in PhiUp's mind an inextinguishable 
hostility to them.' At length the Regent, impatient of her 
dependent position with reference to Granvelle, and willing that 
he should bear all the oiiium, took sides against him. Tlie ex- 
citement became so formidable that Philip found a pretext for 
removing him from the country, as if at his own request; but 
the Inquisition went forward with even greater energy in tite ^ 
work of burning and burying alive its victims. It even put toH 
death those who were merely suspected of harboring heretical 
opinions. The great lords, who on the departure of the Cardi- 
nal liad returned to the Council, from which they bad pre^nouelyl 
withrlrawn. felt that they were deemed to be in part answerable' 
for the incessant murders perpetrated in the name of justice ; 
religion ; and when Philip determined to promulgate the deer 
of Trent, the Prince of Orange broke through his reserve and' 
startled the Council by a bold and powerful speech upon the 
unrighteous and dangerous policy which the government waafl 
pursiiing. Tlie general sense of the country recoiled from that 
strict ecclesiastical discipline, which the reactionary Catholic 
party in Europe were seeking to establish. It was determined 
to dispatch Egmont to Madrid to open the eyes of the King lam 
the real situation. The cordiality with which he was received, | 
and the honors that were rendered him in the Spanish court, 
made him satisfied with the smooth but vague and unmeaning 
assurances of Philip. Egmont was the more incensed, when, 

' In IhG letter in which h(r dctued (he truth of Fdtiiiiii Hll^attons ogunsl 
Granvelte, he aeaGrffl that this miniHter h&d never advi^efl him to pacify the coun- 
try by cutting off a, hnlf doipn heads; but Philip adiJs lo the denial "Qnoique i 
aerait peut-filre paa mol de recourir i oe moyen." Gaohard, i. 207- 

t and J 




after hia return, he found that he had been duped, and that the 
old edicts were to be sharply enforced without a jot of conces- 
sion.' The announcement that the persecution was to go on 
without the least mitigation filled the land with consternation. 
The foreign merchants fled, as from a pestilence, and Antwerp, 
the principal mart, was silent. The irritation of the people 
found a vent in a nmltitude of angry or satirical pubhcations, 
which no vigilance of the Inquisition could prevent from seeing 
the light.' 

About five hundred nobles, to whom biughere were aftei^ 
wards added, united in an agreement called the Compromise, by 
which they pledged themselves to withstand the Spanish tyranny, 
the Inquisition that wa.s crushing the country, and every violent 
act which should be undertaken against any one of their number. 
In this league were Count Louis of Nassau, a man of high courage, 
but more excitable . and radical than his brother; the accom- 
plished St. Aldegonde, and Brcderode, whose character was less 
entitled to respect, but who was full of spirit and daring. They 
contemplated at the outset only legal means of resistance. But 
in their ranks were found some who hoped to mend their for- 
tunes by political coimnotion. Tlie great nobles stood aloof 
from the association. William especially was wise enough to per- 
ceive that itwouldaccomplish nothing effectual, but rather imperil 
the cause which all had at heart. The members resolved on a 
great public demonstration, and waited on the Regent in a body 
wilh a petition that, until a repeal of the edicts could be pro- 
cured, she would suspend the execution of them. She bridled 
her indignation, but Barlaymont, one of the Council, was known 
to have styled them "a band of beggars." They accepted the 
title and adopted the beggar's sack and bowl for their symbols. 
Multitudes of people began now to assemble all over the open 
country, for the purpose of listening to the Calvinist preachers 

' Tbe eriid ordpra of Philip are given in his famous dispatch Trom Uie roreat of 
Sifjovla (Oclobor IT. \5tia). Gachurd. i, exxix. 

• Gronvptlc's corrwipondence bean rotiBtaiit witniss to thr general antipaUiy 
towards the Spjiniarda — " La mauvoise voTont^ qm* I 'on t^moigno ici univer- 
eHlemrnl a loiiB li-s Kspopiole," as he atylea it. in one place (Fapirrt d'Elal du 
Cnrdinai de GranvrUe. lome vii. p. .W). This snliiiatliy he attributes to the in- 
dustry of liie lords in propagating calumnies in regard Tu the intention of UiB 
King to bring in the Spaninli Inc|iiiBilion, to nde there as lie ruled in It^y, etc. 
Granvrlle recommenclg the bestowal nf officefl and dintinrlionH such aa placea of 
trust in Ilaly, upon NetherlacderB, in order to crealp a Spatilsh foeliog among the 
friends of person* thus honored, and among aspirants for like tavon. 



and of worshiping according to their own preference. From 
ten to twenty thousand persons would gather, the women aod 
chUrlren being placed for safety in the center, and the whole 
assembly being encircled by armed men, with watchmen sta- 
tioned to give warning of approaching tkinger, Tliey liaicned 
to a sermon, sang Psalms, and used the opportunity to perform 
the rite of baptism, or the marriage service where it was desircti. 
Orange obtamed from the Regent the allowance that the preach- 
ing m the country, outside of the cities, sliould not be disturbed. 
The popular movement was so powerful that she found herself 
helpless (1566). 

Philip had stubbornly refused to comply with the urgent 
requests of the R^ent that the edicts might be softoned. Two 
nobles, Berghen and Montigny, were sent to represent to hiiii 
the condition of the country, and the extent of the popular 
indignation. Tlie King at length recognized the perils of the 
tutuation, and wrote to the Regent that the Inquisition might 
CMSP, provided the new bishops were suffered to exercise their 
(UDetions freely ; that he was disposed to moderate the Pln- 
anlft, but that time would be required to mature the measure; 
•Ihl that the Regent might give, not only the Confederates, 
but othfTS also, an assurance of pardon. At the same time, on 
^N'Mh of August, 1566, in the pr^encc of a notary-, and liefore 
llw IVikr of Al\-a itnd other witnesses, he signed a secret declara- 
iHa Ihatf Dotwithstanding the assurance gi\'en to the Duchess 
«t ttvMk, nnw he had not acted in this matter freely and spon- 
tiamrlT he ifei not consider himself boimd by that promise, 
^ tVfVffVfd to htmself the right to punish the guilty parties, 
ifMUly tbr authors and fomenters of the sedition.* He 
aiftf to th«r Nuncio of the Pope, with an injunction of 
WK f^msswo of his purpose to maintain tlie Inqui^i- 
fllli Mwl the t^liets IH all their rigor.' Philip has thus left be- 
WHi Wtai ih* (hMMBtelT proof of his perfidy, or his deliberate 
^M)n %» Wwi i hif ««rd to a nation. 
^Ml^ til* HJWallJ v»s thus: a^tatetl, in the summer of 1 56G, 

of koooclasm that swept over the 


TW Nunekt. the Archbisliop of Soi>- 

A|t Io look aSler ihe rpfnrttiatinn 

^■H dkwKs, in retercDce Io Uip luqui- 

land, destroying the paintings, images, and other symbols and 
instrunicnts of Catholic worship, from those which adorned the 
great cathedral of Antwerp, to such as decorated the humblest 
chapels and convents. In Flanders alone more than four hun- 
dred churches were sacked. The work of destruction was 
accomplished by mobs hastily gathered, and was one fruit of 
the excitement and exasperation provoked by the terrible per- 
secution. Magistrates and burghers, whether Catholic or Prot- 
estant, looked on, offering no resistance to the progress of the 
tempest. However it may be condemned, it was not exactly 
like the invasion of the temples of one religious denomination 
by another. These edifices were felt to belong to the people in 
oonimon; all had some right in thom, Calvinists at that period 
IialHtually looked upon the use of images in worship, and upon 
the laasB, as forms of idolatry, of a sin explicitly forbidden in 
the decalogue. Similar uprisings of the populace took place in 
France and in Scotland, and from the same causes. Tlie Prot- 
estant ministers and the Prince of Orange, with other chiefs of 
the liberal party, generally denounced the image breaking.' The 
cflrct of it. was disa.'<trous, Wliat the iconoclasts considered the 
destruction of the implements of an impious idolatry, the Catho- 
lics abhorred as .sacrilege. The patriotic party was divided, and 
besides this advantage gained by the government, a plausible 
pretext was afforded for the most sanguinary retaliation. Tlie 
^B^nt was obliged, however, to make a truce with the Con- 
Bfftleracy of nobles, in which it was agreed that the Inquisition 
Bihould be given up and liberty allowed to the new doctrine, 
W *^'^^ the confederates in return, as long as the promises to them 
•"fiould be kept, were to abandon their association. Orange 
uniiprtook to quell the disturbances in Antwerp, and Egmcmt 

»in Flanders; the latter manifesting his loyalty to Catholicism 
Wd his anger at the iconoclasts by brutal severities. The 
'^ent exhibited the utmost energy in repressing disorder and 
11 punishing the offenders. Valenciennes, which endeavored to 
"iMd a siege, was taken and heavily punished. Order was 
everywhere restored. Orange foresaw what course Philip would 

' Motley, i. G70. Whether Uie popular leaders eneoumged the irangc brenk- 
"t If oot. is OOP of Ihe diaputed poiots. Thn) Ihry <iiJ is nuiiuliiitipd hy Koeh, 
^^'fmadtitnffm iibrr die EmfwtvTig v. den Abfall d- Sifdfriafuit Twn .Spnni'm flBfil), 
^ lis Hq. Jualefii. IS4'I hold.' Ihecantran,' o|)inuin. Kiirli wriliii ilia |Hili-lll>vi>l. 
•■"•■ii •piril. but Borapof hiacrnicisroiiupon MiUley are worthy of stieutiou. Soo, 
**, Cmtbridgt .Vodtm Hitlory, iii. 208. d 




pursue. He would not take the oath of unlimited obedience to 
what the King might choose to command, and separating re- 
gretfully from Egmont and Horn, who had more confidence in 
Philip, he retired to Dillenburg, m Nassau, the ancient seal of 
his family. From the moment when Philip heard the news 
of the iconoclastic disturbances, he had no thought but lliat. 
of anned coercion and vengeance. While he was preparing a 
military force so strong that he expected to cut ofi" all hope of 
resistance, he veiled his designs by assurances to tJie Regent 
and to the Council that his policy was to be one of mildnes, 
clemency, and grace, with the avoidance of all harshness.' I 
was fortunate that there was one man whom he could m 

What the Regent most deprecated was the sending of thi 
Duke of Alva to the Netherlands, to whom she had a strong 
personal antipathy, and whose coming, as she knew, would undo 
at once the work of pacification, which she considered herself, 
through her resolute proceedings, to have nearly accomplisheti, 
But in accordance with Alva's advice, Philip had resolved on a 



scheme of savage repression and punishment, and Alva was tlic 
person selected to carry it out. His reputation was very high 
as a military man, although his talents seem not to have fitlft! 
him for the management of large aniiies; he had a contracted, 
but clear and crafty intellect, immeasurable arrogance, inflex- 
ible obstinacy, and a heart of atone. Conciliation and mercj 
were terms not found in his vocabulary. His theory, like that i 
of Philip, was that the great lords were at the bottom of thefl 
disaffection of the inferior nobility, and that these in tirni were H 
the movers of sedition among the people. Neither the King nor 
his General could comprehend a spontaneous, common senti- 
ment pervading a nation. Alva conceived that the great mis- 
take of Charles V. had been in sparing the captive leaders in ili6 
Smalcaldic war. From the Emperor's experience he derived 8 
conclusive argument against every policy but that of unrelent-, 
ing severity in dealing nith rebels and heretics. Such was thi 
man who was chosen to settle the disturbances in the Nether- 
lands. He conducted a body of ten thousand Spanish troops 
from Italy to that country. As his course lay near to Geneva, 
Pope Pius V. desired him to turn aside and exterminate this 

■ Gacbard, i. xl%-iiL. 487, 4S8. 



"nest of devils and apostates." But he declined to deviate 
from his chosen route, raaintained perfect discipline among his 
soldiers during the long and perilous march, and even gave a sort 
of organization to the hundreds of courtesans who followed his 
array. On his arrival, he endeavored to disarm suspicion, and 
gradually made known the extent of the authority committed 
to him, which was equivalent to that of a dictator. The Regent 
found herself wholly divested of real power. Egmont and Horn 
were decoyed to Brussels by gracious and flattering words, and 
then treacherously arrested and cast into prison. TTie terrible 
tribimal was erected, which was appropriately named by the 
people, "the Council of Blood," and the work of death began. 
Soon the prisons were crowded with inmates, not a few of whom 
were dragged from their beds at midnight. The executioners 
were busy from morning till even'mg. Among the victims, 
the rich were specially numerous, since one end which Alva kept 
in view was the providing of a revenue for his master. Every 
one who had taken part in the petitions against the new bishop- 
rics or the Inquisition, or in favor of softening the edicts of per- 
secution, was declared guilty of high trea.'son. Every nobleman 
who had been concerned in presenting the petitions, or had ap- 
proved of them; all nobles and officers who, under the plea of 
a pressure of circumstances, had permitted the sermons; every 
one who had taken part, in any way, in the heretical mass meet- 
ings, and had not hindered the destruction of the images; all 
who had expressed the opinion that the King had no right to 
take from the provinces their liberty, or that the present tri- 
bunal was restricted by any laws or privileges, were likewise 
made guilty of treason. Death and loss of property were the 
invariable penalty. In three months eighteen hundred men 
were sent to the scaffold. Persons were condemned for singing 
the songs of the Gtieui, or for attending a Calvinistie burial 
years before ; one for saying that in Spain, also, the new doctrine 
would spread: and another for saying that one must obey God 
rather than man. Finally, on the ifith of February, 1568, all 
the inhabitants of the Netherlands, with a few exceptions that 
were named, were actually condemned to death as heretics ! 

Orange was active in devising means of deliverance. His 
brother, Louis of Nassau, entered Friesland, in April, 1568, at 
the head of an army, and gained a victory over the iottts, toxa.- 


manded by Count Aremberg. In order to strike terror andto 
secure himself in the rear, Alva hurried through the proc«3 
against Egmont and Horn, and they were beheaded in the great 
square at Brussels. Alva then marched against the army of 
Louis, which he defeated and dispersed. He succeeded, alsoj 
by avoiding a combat, in baffling William, whose army wifl 
composed of materials that could not be long kept together. 
The rule of .\Jva was the more firmly established by the unsuc-^ 
oeeaful attempts to overthrow it, and he pursued for seveiM 
years longer his murderous work. The entire number of judi- 
cial homicides under his administration he himself reckoned al 
eighteen thousand. Multitudes emigrated from the couDtry, 
manufactories were deserted, and business was paralyzed. 
1569 he determined to put in operation a system of taxati' 
that should fill the coffers of the King. He ordained that an 
extraordinary tax should be levied of one per cent on property 
of all kinds ; and that a permanent tax of five per cent should 
be paid on every sale of real estate, and ten per cent on every 
sale of merchandise. This scheme, as ill calculated for its end 
as it was barbarous in its oppressiveness, raised such a stomi of 
opposition, that Alva himself was moved to make a compro^ 
mise, which consisted in postponing the execution of it for tffOi 
years. His enemies, Granvelle and others, were continually , 
laboring to imdermine the King's confidence in him, and itofl 
wholly without success. In 1570 an Act of amnesty was sol^ 
emnly proclaimed at Antwerp, which, however, left the old 
edicts in full force, and only ordained that those against whom 
nothingwas to be charged should go unpimished, provided within 
a definite time they should penitently sue for grace and obtain 
absolution from the Church ! The spirit of re-sistance had bwn 
slowly awakening, and it gathered strength from these senselfsa 
proceedings. When, on the 31st of July, 1571, Alva commanded 
that the taxes should be levied according to his scheme, the 
shops were closed, and the people of all the prov-inces assurafil 
BO menacing an attitude that he deemed it best to except foiBl 
articles — com, wine, flesh, and beer — from the operation "^ 
his decree. But this did not produce the desired effect: labor 
and traffic were suspended. Alva was deeply incensed and ready 
to set the hangman at work again, when he heard of the c&plnrf 
of Briel by the "sea-beggars," as they were called; the hardy 

inhabitants of the coasts of Holland and Zealand, who had 
organized themselves into predatory bands under their aiimiral, 
William ule la Mark. Tlie Prince of Orange was imreinitting in 
his exertions to raise forces capable of effecting the deliverance 
of his country. Holland and Zealand threw off the yoke of Alva, 
and, in accordance with William's suggestions, adopted a free 
constitution. By the estates of Holland, William was recog- 
nized as the King's Stadtholder, the show of a connection with 
Spain being not yet abandoned. He was at the head of an army 
with everj' hope of success, when the news of the slaughter of 
St. Bartholomew and of the death of Coligny, which cut off the 
expectation of aid from France, disappointed this hope. Mens, 
where his brother was, had to be given up, and the army melted 
away. But Alva was weary of his office and began to be sen- 
sible of his failure to effect the result which he had been so con- 
fident of his ability to secure. The boundless hatred of the 
people against him was daily manifest. He read it in the looks 
of aJl whom he met. Philip, though slow to learn, began to see 
that his hopes had not been fulfilled. Alva sought and obtained 
a recall, and, at the end of the year 1573, left the Netherlands, 
never to return. 

From the capture of Briel may be dated the commencement 
of the long and arduous struggle which resulted in the building 
up of the Dutch Republic, and the ultimate prostration of the 
power of Spain, The most powerful Empire in the world was kept 
at bay, and eventually defeated by a few small stateswhicb were 
goaded to resistance by unparalleled cruelty, and inspired with 
an unexampletl degree of patriotic self-sacrifice. The hero of 
this memorable stru^le was William of Orange. Requesens, 
the successor of Alva, equated his predecessor in military skill, 
and was even more dangerous, in consequence of his conciliatory 
tamper, which might divide and deceive his antagonists. A 
delusive amnesty was more to be dreaded than open and fierce 
hostility. In the field the Spaniards were victorious. In 
1574 Louis of Nassau was defeated and slain. But they ex- 
perienced a reverse in the unsuccessful siege of Leyden, whose 
lieroic defense is one of the most notable events of the long war. 
A new Protestant state wa.'^ growing up in the North, under the 
guidance of Orange ; and all negotiations looking to peace were 
fruitless, since Spain refused to grant toleration. This was tisa 


one thing which Philip would not yield. He could not consent 
to rule over heretics. In the South, where Catholicism pre- 
vailed, Requesens was more successful. But the death of tJiis 
commander, in 1576, was followed by a frightfid revolt of ik 
solthers in the various cities where they were stationed; and 
the scenes of murder and pillage that attended it, which were 
most appalling in populous and wea.lthy Antwerp, taught Hip 
southern provinces what they had to di-ead from Spanish tlorai- 
nation. The nobles of Flanders and Brabant, instead of seeking 
help from Philip, applied to Orange and the northern provinces; 
antl in the pacification of Ghent, for the first time, the Nether- 
lands were united in an agreement to expel the Spaniards ami 
to maintain rehgious toleration. Don John, of Austria, the 
successor of Requesens, was brouglit to the point of issuing an 
edict which conceded the points contained in the Ghent pacifi- 
cation. The rejection of these terms by William of Orange 
has been considered, by his adversaries, proof positive thflt^ 
ambition, not patriotism, was his ruling motive. But the coofl 
cessions of Don John involved the exclusion of tlie public 
profession of Protestantism from all places where it wajj uot 
established at the date of the pacification; and, consequenlly, 
the banishment from their homes of thousands of peaceful 
families, as well as the insecurity of the provinces where Prot- 
estantism was allowed to continue. More than all, T\^!!iain 
distrusted the sincerity of Spain, and his suspicions, which haJ 
their ground in former experiences of false dealing, were strength- 
ened by information acquired from intercepted letters.' It was 
too late for a reconciliation with Philip. But the Flemish and 
Brabant nobles were jealous of the eminence conceded to the 
Prince of Orange. The Union was weakened, and the war 
broke out again, in which the troops of Don John gained (lie 
victory. But the same year, on the 1st of October, lo7S, tlieir 
leader died, wearied with the difficulties of liis office, and dis- 
heartened by the treatment which he had received at the lisnds 
of Phihp. 

Alexander of Pai'ma, perhaps the ablest general of the tiiw, 
was next intrusted with the reins of government. Experienef 
had shown the patriotic party that the nobility of the southern 
provinces were not to be relied on, and, in January, 1579, the« 

■ Motley, iii. 106. 


was formed, in Ihe North, the Utrecht Union, in which were 

ftnbined Holland, Zealand, and five other provinces. It was 
confederacy for common defense, and was the gcrra of the 
Ihitch Republic. It was foniied "in the name of the King"; 
but two ycaj^ afterwai-ds this fiction was dropped, and indepen- 
d^ice declared. In March, 1580, Philip proclaimed William 
an outlaw, and set a price on his head. Philip taxed him with 
ingratitude for the favors which had been bestowed on him by 
Charles V*., charged him with having fomented all heresy and 
sedition, with having actively comitenanced the pluntiering of 
llie churches and cloisters; in fine, with being responsible for 
ftll the miseries of the country. The document further charged 
. with cherishing jealousy and mistrust, Uke Cain and Judas, 
from the same cause, an evil conscience. Any one who 
ould deliver him, dead or ahve, was to receive twenty-five 
jtiiousand crowns, to have pardon for all offenses, and, in case 
U-ionged to the burgher class, to be elevated to the rank 
Ftnobloinan. In response to these accusations, William pub- 
liis "Apology," or defense. He counted this outlawry 
nd accumulation of charges against him, as the greatest honor, 
* they showed that he had done all in his power to establish 
[till- freedom of a noble nation, and to deliver it from a godless 
|ljTfi[uiy. He respected Charles V., but the favors which he 
Ml received from the Emperor had been returned in full meas- 
1 by the public services which William had rendered at great 
To the unfounded aspersions of a personal nature which 
liilip had interwoven with liis indictment, WilUam retorted 
|*illi accusations equally grave against the private life of the 
:: Philip had stigmatized him as a foreigner, because he hap- 
nnl to have first seen the light in Germany ; but his ancestors 
» of higher rank than those of Pliilip, and had held power 
Uic Netherlands for seven generations: Philip had set out 
'trample under foot the rights and institutions of the country: 
talked only of unconditional obedience, as if the people of 
be Netherlands were Neapohtans, or Milanese, or savage In- 
the Emperor Charles had predicted the evils that would 
^•*»ull from the Spanish pride and insolence of his son; but 
ilher the admonition of so great a father, nor justice, nor hia 
"■ih, could change his nature, or curb Ids t>Tannical will : he 
J*d beaten the French by means of William's cQuntryuifeu, asA 



owpd the treaty of peace, in good part, to WilUara himself; 
but so far was Philip from feeling any emotion of gratitude, that 
William, to his amazement, had heard from the lips of Henry 
II., of Alva's secret conferences with him upon the extermina- 
tion of all Protestants, iii both countries : William, since his 
boyhooil, hail given little attention to matters of faith, and of 
the Church ; but, he says, from his compassion for the victims 
of the Inquiation, and his indignation at the tyranny practjwd 
against his country, he had resolved to exert all Ms powers to 
remove the Spaniards out of it, and to suppress the bloody 
tribunals: he had never approved of the iconoclasm, anJ 
^nilar outbreakings of violence: that he had sufficient reason 
for flying from the coimtry, was fully evinced by the execution 
of Egniont and Horn, the carrying of his innocent son, who was 
a student at Louvain, to Spain, by Philip's order, the confisca- 
tion of his property, and the sentence of death pronounced 
against him. Everywhere, said William, Philip has troiiden 
under foot our rights and broken his oath ; we must, therefore, 
rise in self-defense against hini and repel this unparalloliii 
tyranny ; as for mistrust, Demosthenes inculcated that as itif 
strongest bulwark against tyranny; and yet the MacedoniM 
Philip was a feeble novice in tyranny compared with the Span- 
ish Philip. 

There is no reason to question the sincerity of Williani'i 
patriotism.' His intlifference respecting the controverted qu»- 
tions of reli^on was broken up by the sight of the atrociou* 
cruelties inflicted by the Inquisition upon his countrymen. B 
examined the questions at issue, and practically, as well 
theoretically, embraced the Protestant faith. It is no reproiicl 
to him that he early penetrated the character of the gloomy anil 
perfidious ruler who was bent on enslaving the Netherlands 
to himself and to the Pope; and that lie had less and less hopS" 
of the practicableness of procuring any amelioration of hi* 
policy. But William, in the incipient stages of the confliHr 
was wisely resolved to keep within the limits of the law, and K» 
avoid extreme and violent measures, so long as this modcralJo* 
should be possible." If, at the outset of his career, he was not> 

' Wrilora who would make ambition the moving spring o( his cham^lO' ^ 
fiill juslicp )o >iifl high inlrllimlmil powers. See. for cxemple. Benlivoglio.O^'* 
Ouerra di Fiandra, i, 47, iii. 132. 

' Some CBudid biatoiiuu, u iuHtv aud Freacott, find & diwgreeftble iS^ii*^ 




free from ambition, his character waa more and more pwified 
by danger and suffering. He must be allowed a place among 
patriots like Epaminondas and Washington, and he deserves 
to be called the father of a nation. At length, after six ineffec- 
tual attempts of the sort, a fanatical Catholic succeeded, on 
the ISth of July, 1584, in asfiassinating William. It was char- 
acteristic of Philip to pay grudgingly to the heirs of the murderer 
the promised reward. 

Upon the formation of the Utrecht Union, the greater part 
of the Catholic provinces in the South entered into an arrange- 
ment with Parma. Parma granted Uberal terms to the cities 
which, one after another, fell into his hands. Antwerp was 
promised that its citadel should not be repaired ; that a Spanish 
garrison should not be quartered on the inhabitants. On this 
one condition the King insisted that the Catholic worship sliould 
be restored, and Protestantism be abolished. The utmost that he 
could be persuaded to grant was that two years should be allowed 
the inhabitants of every place either to become Catholic or to quit 
the country. Brabant and Flanders were recovered to Spain, 

The archives of Simancas have disclosed the fact, which was 
not known to Parma liimself, in consequence of his death before 
the execution of the de«gn, that Philip was on the point of 
removing him from his command. Instigated, perhaps, by 
jealousy, on the alleged ground that Parma had given too Httle 
authority to Spaniards, anil for other reasons of even less weight, 
Philip had actually determined to displace the general who 
had reconquered for him the southern provinces of the Nether- 
lands, and twice carried his victorious arms into France, forcing 
Henry IV. to raise the siege of Paris and of Rouen, The King 
did not shrink from the ingratitude involved in such an act, 
and from the indignant condemnation which the public opinion 
of Europe would have pronoimced upon it.' It was character- 

Iistic of Philip to seek the accomplishment of his ends by in- 
direction and falsehood. 

vetlikD dement in the shrewilncm and reaerve of William. To olhera, this quality 
does not pus ttic bounds of a sralmmanlikG naKacity and a juslifjablc pnidpnce. 
Ooethe, in bia play of " I^gmont," makes tbp Rpgcnl aay of liini : " OranicD mnat 
nicbta Guten, floino Gpdanken rpichcn in die Fernc, or iat hpinilich," etc. ; and 
Orangr oayn to Elgmonl i " Irh tragp viele .lahre her alle Vprli&llnlnie Am Herien. 
Ich alphe immer wie iiher cinem Scbarhnpiple und halle keinen Zufc dta Gegnera 
t(lr UDbcdeutend." RcKi^rding hia life and fliaractpr see, also. Ruth Pulaam, 
Waiiam the SiUrU (1S95); uid Cleor^ Edmundson. Camhtidge Mudrm Hittory, 
iU. 190-268. ' Gacbard, a. luxxl. 






The death of William ditl not destroy tbe Republic which 
he had called into being. In Maurice, his second son — for 
his eldest son was detained in Spain and brought up to serve ■ 
the Spanish govr-rnnient — the party nf liberty found a head 
who was possessed of dislinguisiied niihtary ability. The new 
commonwealth grew in power. The Dutch sailors captured 
the vessels of Spain on every sea where they apjjeared, and 
attacked her remotest colonies, Tlie magnificent schemes of 
Philip were doomed to an ignominious failure. His despotic 
system had full sway in Spain, but it brought ruin upon tie 
country. Ills eolossal armada, which was slowly prepared at 
enormous cost, for the conquest of England, was shattered in 
pieces. He had planned to turn France into a Spanish prov- 
ince, but he was forced to conclude the peace of Ver\Tns with 
Henry IV., and thereby to concede the superiority of the FreDch 
power. Under Philip III., his imbecile successor, Spain waa 
driven to conclude a truce of twelve years with the revolted 
Netherlands; and finally, in the Peace of Westphalia, was 
obhged to acknowledge their independence. 

The absorbing interest of the great struggle with Spain leavM 
in the background the distinctively religious and theological 
side of the Reformation in the Netherlantls. Anabaptists were 
numerous, but their wild and disorganizing theories received 
a check through the influence of Menno, who, after the year 
1536, exerted a wholesome influence among them, organinng 
churches which he taught and regulated for many years. The 
Mennonites were free from the licentious and revolutionarj' 
principles which had covered the name of Anabaptist with n-'- 
proach.' Apart from their peculiarity respecting baptism, their 
rejection of oaths, and their refusal to serve in war and in ci^'il 
offices, together with the ascetic disciphne which they adopted 
— a point on which they became divided among themselves — 
they were not distinguished from ordinary Protestants. Yd 
they continued to be confounded with the fanaticjil Anabaptists, 
and were objects of a ferocious persecution, which they endured 
with heroic patience. The Calvinists gra<lually obtained a 
decided preponderance over the Lutherans. In 1561 Guido de 
Bres and a few other ministers composed the "Confessio Bel- 

■ Sec the artielfw on Menno and the Mpanonitos, by Cramer, in H&udc. Rtel- 

eneykiopiidit, xii. £04 seq. 


gica," which was revised and adopted by a Synod at Antwerp 
in 1566. This creed differs from the "Confcssio Gallica" cliicfly 
in its more full exposition of Baptism, with special reference to 
the Anabaptist opinions. The Anabaptists are expressly con- 
demned in another Article. Tlie CaKinists sent a copy of their 
Symbol, with a Letter to the King of .Spain, in the vain hope to 
soften his animosity against them. Tlicy say in their Letter 
that "they were never foimd in arms or plotting against their 
sovereign; that the excommimications, imprisonments, banish- 
ments, racks, and tortures, and other numberless oppresdons 
which they had undergone, plainly demonstrate that their 
deares and opinions are not carnal;" "but that having the 
fear of God before their eyes, and being terrified by the threaten- 
ing of Christ, who had declared in the Gospel that he would 
deny them before God the Father, in case they denied him be- 
fore men, they therefore offered their backs to stripes, their 
tongues to knives, their mouths to ga^, and their whole bodies 
to the fire." ' 

Yet the Calvinists of the Netherlands, notwithstanding their 
own dreadful sufferings, did not themselves relinquish the dogma 
that heresy may be suppressed by the magistrate. Their differ- 
ence from their opponents was not on the question whether 
heresy is to be punished, but how heresy is to be defined. This 
dogma they introduce into the Belgic Confession,* and into 
their Letter to the King. They were dispraed, where they had 
the power, to inflict disabiUties and penalties on the Anabap- 
tists, even when they were peaceful subjecta. It must not be 
forgotten that at the very time when Phihp's agents were doing 
their terrible work in the Netherlands, Queen Elizabeth 
was likewise striving to enforce uniformity in Protestant 
England. With one hand she helped the Calvinistic subjects 
of Philip: with the other she thrust her own Puritan subjects 
into loathsome dungeons. Not that Protestants on either ade 
of the sea were capable of the atrocities for which Philip was 
responsible. And a difference of degree in the exercise of the 
inhumanity, which was the fruit of a false principle, is a cir- 
cumstance of the highest importance. But the principle was 
at the roof the same. Hence the doctrine of religious toleration, 
which was avowed and practiced by WilUam of Orange and a 

■ Bnuidl, i. 16S. * Art. ixxvi.. "De Magistrstu." 



part of his supporters, is the more honorable 
Iraet with the prevalent intolerance of the a 
1566, in his speech before the Regent and the Coimcil, Witliam 
denounced pc-rsecution as futile, and confirmed his assertion by 
an appeal to experience, to historical examples, ancient and 
recent. "Force," he said, "can make no impression on the 
conscience," He compared inqui^tors to phyacians who, in- 
stead of using mild and gentle medicines, are "for immedialfly 
burning or cutting off the infected part." "This is the nature 
of heresy," he added, "if it rests, it rusta; but he that rubs it, 
whets it." ' At a later time, he had to withstand the importuni- 
ties of his friends, who wished to use force against the Ana- 
baptists. St. Aldegonde reports that to his arguments in behilf 
of such a measure, his illustrious chief "replied pretty sharply" 
that the afhrmation of the adherents of that sect might take 
the place of an oath, and that "we ought not to press this nisl- 
ter further, unless we would own at the same time that thf 
Papists were in the right m forcing us to a religion that ww 
incompatible with our consciences." "And upon this occasion," 
adtls St, Aldegonde, " he commended the saying of a monk that 
was here not long since, who, upon several objections brought 
against his religion, answered : ' that our pot had not been so 
long upon the fire as theirs, whom we so much blamed; but 
that he plainly foresaw that in the course of a pair of hundrwi 
years, ecclesiastical dominion would be upon an equal foot in 
both churches.' " St. Aldegonde himself states that a na^" 
titude of nobles and of common people kept away from lli^ 
Calviriistic assemblies from the fear "of a new tyranny and ypt^ 
of spiritual dominion." The Germans, especially, be ay^* 
join the heterodox "because they dread our insufferable ripi" 
nt'ss." ' In 1578 the National Synod of all the reformed churches 
sent up to the Council a petition for religious toleration, whict" 
they desired for themselves and pledged to Roman CathohfS- 
"The experience of past years," says the Synod, "had taught 
them that by reason of their sina they could not all be reduoe*i 
to one and the same reh^on ; " and that without mutual tolei*' 
tion, they could not throw off the Spanish tyranny.' Th^y 
refer to the rivers of blood that had been shed in France to a*' 
purpose, in the effort to procure unanimity in religion. 

' Brandt, i. 164. ■ Ibid., i. 333.^^^Hr Ibid., i. 340. 



There was another qupBtion wliich gave rise to division among 
the reformed, — the question of the relation of the Church to the 
civil authority. The Calvinists insisted on their principle of 
the autonomy of the Church, and lejected ecclesiastieal control 
OD the part of the State. As in Geneva and in Scotland, they 
demanded that tlie Church should be not separate, but distinct. 
On the contrary, a great part of the magistrates, and with theni 
an influential portion of the laJty, especially such as cared little 
Iw the peculiarities of Calvinism as distinguished from Luther- 
pDsm, resisted this demand. These claimed that the civil 
authority should have power in the appointment of ministers 
in the administration of Cliurch government. In 1576, 
ier the auspices of William of Orange, a programme of forty 
istica! laws was drawn up, in conformity with this prin- 
The second Synod of Dort, in 1578, endeavored to 
reaiije the idea of ecclesiastical autonomy, through a system of 
esbyteries and of provincial and national synods. But the 
Eult of the strife was that the Church was limited to a provin- 
organization, the provinces being subdivided into classes 
Bd each congregation being governed according to the Presby- 
order. The germs of the Armiman controversy are 
lis in the last quarter of the sixteenth century. The party 
Sch called for full tfileration, and were impatient of strict 
cret'ila and a rigid tiiscipUne, contended, also, for the union of 
Clmrf.b and Stat*. The Spanish persecution confirmed the 
iJlKTub in the fear that the Church would subject the State to 
ui ei'desiastical tyranny; it confirmed the Calvinists in the 
fear that the State would subject the Church to a political 

> ibid., 1. 318. 



There is reason to believe that the Lollards, as the disciples 
of WickJjffe were called, were still numerous among the rustic 
population of England at the be^ning of the axteenth century.B 
We have records of the recantation of some and the burning 
of other adherents of this sect in the early part of the reign 
of Henry VIII.' When John Knox preached in the north offl 
England and the south of Scotland, he found a cordial reception 
for his doctrine in districts where the Lollards lived. The 
revival of learning had also prepared a very different class 
in English society for ecclesiastical reform. Lingiustic aaJ 
patristic studies had begun to flourish under the influence of 
Thomas More, Colet, Dean of St. Paul's, Warham, Archbishop 
of Canterbury, and other friends of Erasmus, and under the 
personal influence of Erasmus himself.* Wolsey, whatever 
may have been his faults, was a liberal patron of learning. He 
obtained leave to suppress not less than twenty smaller loona*- 
teriea, and to use their property for the establishment of a noble 
college, Christ Church, at Oxford, and of another college as & 
nursery for it, at Ipswich. His fall from power prevented the 
full accomplishment of the vast educational plans which form 
his best title to esteem. Wolsey was dianclined to persecution, 
and preferred to burn heretical books, rather than heretics 
themselves.' Most of the friends of "the new learning" were 
disposed to remedy ecclesiastical abuses.' The writing oi 
Luther early found approving readers, especially among the 

' Bumet, HUlory of Iht Rclormalvm in thf Chvrch of England fed. 1823, • 
vols.), i. 37. Hnllam, Contt. llUlnry of England, ch. ii. 

' (3- Webor, Qcachichte d. Kirchcnreforjttation in GroashriJlanirn, i. HO. 

* Blunt. IIMory of Ihr flr/nrTwcrfi"!! in England (from 1.5H to 1547), givMiiO 
intoTMtiug account, and prEacnts & tiBltpring c^liiuate of the services of Wall'.' 

'8™ the sketch of Cold's scmion before the Conrocntioo of Cantptl'U'y 
tl672) In Becbohin, Tho Oxford Heformirn of U9S: dim in Blunt, p. 10. Milm"^ 
AnnaU of SI. Paul't, ch. vi., ^vea on intercatiog akotch at Calel'a life, 





young men at Oxford and Cambridge, The younger generation 

I of Humanists did not stop at the point reached by Colet and 
More. TVndale and Frith, both of whom perished as mar- 
tjTS, and their associates, read the German books with avidity.' 
Tyatlale's version of the New Testament was circulated in spite 
of the efforts of the government to suppress it.' It was im- 
possible that the ferment that existed on the Continent should 
M to extend itself across the channel. Yet at first the signs 
were not auspicious for the new doctrine. King Henry VIII. 
appeared in the lists as an antagonist of Luther, and recei\'ed 
irom Leo X., in retmii for his polemical book upon the Sacra- 
mmts, the title of " Defender of the Faith." ' Little did either 
of them imagine that the same monarch woidd shortly strike 
ooe of the heaviest blows at the Papal dominion. 

The pecuharity of the English Reformation lies, not in the 
separation of a pobtical community — in this case a powerful 
nation — from the papal see ; for the same tiling took place 
gpaerally where the Reformation prevailed; but it lies in the 
fact that it involved immediately so little departure from the dog- 
Halic sj'stem of the mediaeval Church. At the outset, the creed, 
Mil, to a great extent, the polity and ritual, of the Church in 
England remained intact. Thus in the growth of the English 
Rpformation, tiiere were two factors, the one, in a sense, po- 
'itiral; the other, doctrinal or religious. These two agencies 
"light coalesce or might clash with one another. They could 
lot fail to act upon one another with great effect. They moved 
upon tlifferent lines; yet there were certain principal ends, 
"nich, from the be^nning, they had in common. 

Owing to this pecuharity, the leaders of English Reform on 

^ spiritual side did not play the prominent part which was 

Wten by the Reformers in Scotland and on the Continent. 

I Other coimtries the political adherents of Protestantism were 

rather than principals. The foreground was occu- 

' FriUi WI19 bunied at SmiUiHelil in 1533. Tvod&te was atmnglHl and bumpd 
■^t Bnias^ in 1536. 

' Enwmua. in a kltcr to Luther, speaks of the narm ren-ptioD of bU writing* 
*fi^>iid. Brami Opera, iii. 445. Wsrham. in ■ Ipripr lo Wol»vy. under date o( 
''Mb 8. 1S21, rvporta to what extent Lutheran book* had found readora at Ox- 
"W. auol. p. 74. 

'Ttiu LiUe tru intended for himself penionally, but van ictained aftrr hi* 
"■(h mMt Koine, and Lraoamitled lo hif bupcpbso™. Lingard. IHslory of Eng- 

kfe - 



pied- by men like Luther, Calvin, and Knox. In England 
there were individuals of marked learning, energj-, and courage; 
but to a considerable extent they were cast into the shade by 
the controlling position which was assumed by rulers and states- 
men. The English Reformation, instead of pursuing its course 
as a religious and intellectual movement, was subject, in an 
important degree, to the disturbing force of governmental 
authority, of worldly policy." 
■^ Henry VIII. had been married, in his twelfth jcar, toCallui- 
rine of Aragon, the widow of his deceased brother Arthur, and 
the aunt of the Emperor Charles V, A dispensation had been 
obtained soon after from Pope Julius II., marriage ivith a de- 
ceased brother's wife being contrary to the canon law. Scruple* 
had been entertained early by some in regard to the validity of 
the fhspensation, and, consequently, of the marriage. WhctinT 
Henry himself shared these scruples prior to his acqumntance 
with Anne Boleyn, it may not be easy to determine. Nor am 
we say how far his disappointment in not having a male heir to 
his throne may have prompted him to seek for a divorce. It 
is not improbable that the death of his children awoke in his 
mind a superstitious feeling respecting the lawfulness of his 
connection with Catharine. Yet, accorfUng to her solemn 
testimony, made in his presence, the marriage with Arthur bad 
not been consummated; and if so, the main ground of (ipse 
alleged misgivings and of the application for the annulling pf 
the marriage had no reality. His application to Clement ^11. 
for the annulling of the marriage, was founded on two grouods; 
first, that it is not competent for the Pope to grant a dispell.*- 
tion in such a case; and secondly, that it was granted on the 
basis of erroneous representations. Henry's passion foj' .\nne 
Boleyn made the delay and vacillation of Clement in regard to 
the divorce the more unbearable. The Pope might naturally 
shrink from annulling the act of his predecessor by a decrea 
which would involve, at the same time, a restriction of the 
prerogative. But the real and obvious motive of his procras- 
tinating and evasive conduct was his reluctance to offenii 
Charles V. This temporizing course in one whose exalted ofEcft 
implied a proportionate moral independence was not adapted 
to increase the loyalty of the King or of liis people to the Papacy. 

' Macaulky, Revitw ol Hallam (Euayi, i. 146). 



By the advice of Cranmer, Henry laid the question of the 
validity of the dlspensatjon before the universitifs of Europe, 
resorting, however, to the use of bribery abroad, and of 
menaces at home. Meantime he proceeded to the adoption 
of measures for reducing the power of the Pope and of the clergy 
in England, Jealousy in regard to the wealth and the usurpa- 
tions of the hierarchical body, which had long been a growing 
feeling, enhsted the nation in these bold measures. One 
sign of this feoling was the satisfaction which hail been felt at 
the restraints laid upon the privilege of clerical exemption 
from responsibility to the civil tribunals. In the preceding 
reign, a bishop had said that such was the bias of a London 
jury agidnst the clergy, that it would convict Ai)el of the 
murder of Cain. The fall of Wolsey, who was ruined by ihe 
failure of the negotiations with Rome for the divorce, and by 
the enmity of Anne Boleyn, intimidated the whole clerical 
body, and made them an easy prey to the King's rapacity. 
"Tlie authority of this Cardinal," says Hall, the old chronicler, 
"set the clergie in such a pride that they disdained all men, 
wherefore when he was fallen they followed after." ' Early 
in 1531 Henry reviveti an old statute of Richard II., and ac- 
cused the clergy of having incurred the penalties of pra-munire 
— forfeiture of all movable goods and imprisonment at di.s- 
cretion — for submitting to Wolsey in hia character of papal 
legate. Assembled in convocation, they were obliged to implore 
his pardon, and obtained it only by handing over a large sum 
of money. In their petition, he was styled "the Protector and 
Supreme Head of the Church and Clergy of England," to which 
was added, after long debate, the qualifying phrase, " as far 
as is permitted by the law of Christ." Acts of Parhament took 
away the first fruits from the Pope, prohibited appeals from 
ecclesiastical courts to Rome, and, after the consecration of 
Cranmer, as Archbishop of Canterbury, ordained that hence- 
forward the consecration of all bishops and archbishops should 
be consummated without application to the Pope. Henry was 
married to Anne Boleyn on the 25th of March, 1533. On the 
14th of the preceding July, at Windsor, for the last time, he saw 
Catharine who had been his faithful wife for twenty-three years. 
Eleven weeks after the marriage, the king authorized Cranmex 




to decide the question of the divorce without fear or favor! 
Of course the divorce was decreed. In 1534 the King was 
required by the Pope to take back Catharine, on penalty of ex- 
communication. On the 9th of June of that year, a royal etlict, 
in turn, abolished the Pope's authority in England. Parlia- 
ment passed the act of supremacy, "That tlie King, our sov- 
ereign lord, hLs heirs and successors, kings of this reahn, shall 
be taken, accepted, and reputed the only supreme head in eartli 
of the Church of England, called the Anglicana Eccleaa." TTiis 
was followed by another great measure for the further humbling 
of eccleaaatical power — the abolishing of the cloisters and 
the confiscation of their property — in 1536, This fell, to a 
great extent, into the hands of the nobles and gentry, and had 
a powerful effect in linking them to the poUcy of the king. 
Subsequently, the larger monasteries, which had been spared st 
first, shared the fate of the inferior establishments; and, by 
the expulsion of the mitered abbots from the upper House, the 
preponderance of power was left with the secular lords. 

Thus the kingdom of England was severed from the Papacy. 
and the Church of England brought into subjection to the riW! 
authority. The old English feeling of dislike of foreign ecelfsi- 
aatical control had at last ripened into a verification of (be 
words which Shakespeare puts into the mouth of King John, 
as a message to Pope Innocent III, : — 

"Tell him Ihia talc; and Trom the mouth of Englaiid. 
Add this much more, — tliBt no IlaUan priest, 
Shall tithe or toll in our domimoDs: 
But as we under Hettven are Buprcaie head. 
So undtr him, that great aupr^iuacy. 
Where we do roign, we will alonr uphold, 
Without the aAsisUuice of a mortal hand. 
So tell the Pope: all reverence set apart, 
To him and bis usurped authority."^ 

There had been no renunciation of Catholic doctrines. The 
hierarchy still existed as of old, but mth the King in the room 
of the Pope, as its earthly head. There were two parties side 
by side in the episcopal offices and in the Council ; one of them 
disposed to move forward to other changes in the direction of 
Protestantism; the other bent on upholding the ancient crped 
in its integrity. The Act of Supremacy, as far as it had the 
sympathy of the people, could not fail to shake their reverence 

* Eiag John, act iii., ec. i. 




for the entire syet^in of which the Papacy had been deemed 
an essential part, and to incline many to Rubstitute the author- 
ity of the Bible for that of the Church; for to the Bible the ap- 
peal had been made in the matter of the King's divorce, and 
the Bible and the constitution of the primitive Church had fur- 
nished the grounds for the overthrow of papal supremacy. At 
the head of the party disposed to reform, among the bishops, 
was Cranmer, who had spent some time in Germany, and had 
married for his second wife a niece of a Lutheran theologian, 
Oaander. Cranmer is well characterized by Hanke aa "one 
of those natures which must have the support of the supreme 
authority, in order to carry out their own opinions to their 
consequences; as then they appear enterprising and spirited, 
so do they become pliant and yielding, when this favor is with- 
drawn from thein; they do not shine by reason of any moral 
greatness, but they are well adapted to save a cause in ilifficult 
circiunstances for a more favorable time." ' Latimer, who 
became Bishop of Worcester, was ma<le of sterner stuff. Among 
the other bishops of Protestant tendencies was Edward Fox, 
who, at Smalcald, had declared the Pope to be Antichrist. Tlie 
leader of the Protestant party was Thomas Cromwell, who waa 
made the King's Vicegerent in ecclesiastical affairs, who had 
conducted the visitation of the monasteries wiiich preceded the 
destruction of them, and was an ailherent of tlie reformed 
doctrine. On the other side was Gardiner, Bishop of Win- 
chester, who upheld the King's Supremacy, but was an unbend- 
ing advocate of the CathoUc theology; together with Timstal 
of Durham, and other bishops. 

The King showed himself, at first, favorable to the Protes- 
tant party. The English Bible, which was issued under hia 
authority, and a copy of which was to be placed in every church, 
had upon the title-page the inscription, issuing from his mouth; 
"Thy word is a lantern unto my feet."* In 1536 ten articles 
were laid before Convocation, adopted by that body, and 

■ En^itcht Gfchithie, i. 204. A aevBre, not to say harah, eatim&te a! Crui- 
tner ia ^ven by Mai^aulay, Hitl. of England. \. 48; RevieiD □/ HaUam {Eiaayt, 
i. 448). " If," any* Hallam. '"we weigli the cUameler at thiH prplalp \a an equal 
balaDfY, he wili a]^ far indeed removed from the turpttudi? imputed Xa btin by 
hia cuemica; yet not entitled lu any extraordinary vciitrration. " Coma. Hitt., 
ch. ii. A good recent portrait is that of A. F, Pollard, Thomat Cranrntr (1904). 

■ On the English veiviona of the Bible, boo AndsrsoD, Antvdt of Ike Engl. 
Biblt (2 vola. 184&). 


sent, by the King's order, to all pastors as a guide for ihar 
teaching. The Bible and the three ancient creeds were made 
the standard of doctrine. Salvation is by faith and witbout 
human merits. The sacrament of the altar is defined in terms 
to which Luther would not have objected. The use of images 
and various other ceremonies, auricular confession, and the 
invocation of saiota, are approved, but cautions are given against 
abuses connected with these things. The ailmis^on that ther? 
is a Purgatory is coupled with the dejiial of any power in the 
Pope to deliver souls from it, and with the rejection of other 
superstitions connected with the old doctrine. These articlfs, 
unsatisfactory as they were, in many respects, lo the Prtilcs- 
tants, were still regarded by them as a long step in the right 
direction. The Catholic party were offended. A majority of 
the nation still clung to the ancient religion. The suppression 
and spoliation of the monasteries, which were prized as dis- 
pensers of hospitahty and souree-s of pecuniary advantage to 
the rustic population, had excited much discontent, esppciatly 
in the North and West, where the Catholics were most numerous. 
The disaffection which was heightened by the leaning of the 
government towards Protestant doctrine, broke out in the rebel- 
lion of 1536, which, although it was put down without conces- 
sions to the promoters of it, was succeeded by a change in the 
King's ecclesiastical policy. The Catholic faction gained Ih* 
ascendency, and, nothwithstanding the opposition of Crannier 
and his friends, the Six Articles for "abolishing diveraty rf 
opinions" in reli^on, were framed into a law. These decreel 
transuhstantiation, the needlessness of communinn in both 
kinds, the celibacy of the priesthood, the obligation of vow 
of chastity, the necessity and value of private masses and o( 
auricular confession. Whoever denied transuhstantiation was lo 
be burned at the stake as a heretic. Whoever should publicly 
attack either of the other articles was to suffer death as a felon, 
without benefit of clergy. Imprisonment, confiscation of goods, 
and death were threatened to expressions of dissent from th* 
last five of the articles, according to its form and degree. TTif 
execution of Anne Boleyn and the marriage of the King to Jam 
Seymour (1536) ; and still more the fall of Cromwell (15401, 
the great support of the Protestant interest, which followed 
upon the marriage of Henry to a Protestant princess, Anne of 


fCleves, and his immediate divorce, increased the strengtli of the 
persecuting faction. Those who denieil tlie Iviug's supremacy 
and those who denied transubstantiation were dragged on the 
same hurdle to the place of execution.' Earnest bishops, as 
Latimer and Shaxton, were imprisoned in the Tower. Cranmer 
was protecteil by his own prudence and the King's favor.' 

The death of Henry put an end to this persecution. He had 
attempted to establish an Anglican Church which should be 
neither Protestant nor Roman Catholic, but which should differ 
from the Roman Catholic system only in the article of the Royal 
Supremacy. Hia success was remarkable, and has been ascribed 
correctly to the extraordinary force of his character, the advan- 
tageous position of England with reference to foreign powers, 
the enormous wealth which the conGscation of the religious 
houses, placed at hia disposal and the support of the neutral, 
undecided class who embraced neither opinion,' With the 
death of Henry, the two parties, as if released from a strong 
hand, assumed their natural antagonism. The government 
could maintain its independence of the Papacy only by obtain- 
ing the support of the Protestants. Henry, with the assent of 
Parliament, had determined the order of the succession, giving 

' The amount of ppnecution under (he Sbc Article ia diaouased hy Maitland, 
Ettayt on tht RejnrmatUm (London, 1846), 

• Thi« ia not the place (o Uiseuaa at length the peraooal ehareeler ot Henry 
VIU. Sir JamM Mackintosh, after n^counling thp executions of More and 
Anne, aaya; "In tliew two direful dfeii« Hi'nry spproaclied, perliapa. as neorly 
to the ideal standard of perft-ct wickedncaa oa the infirmities of human naluro 
will allow." HiMonj nf England, ii. cli. \v\. Macautny pronounces him "a 
kinj; whose character may hb beel described by sa^'ing that he waa deapoliam 
itself pemoniGed." {Rrvitw of Hallom.) Burnet gives a milder judgment: "1 
do not deny that he is to be numbered araong the ill princes, yet 1 cannot rank 
tiim with the worat." Hitt. ol the Re/., i. p. i. b. iii. Lord Herbert, after sfwak- 
ing of hia willfulness and jealousy says: "These conditions, again bring arnied 
with power, produced sueh terrible effects as atyled him. abroad and at home, 
by the name of mW; which also hardly can be avoided," Lilt nnH Heign nf 
Mtnry VllI,, p. 572. Mr. Froude, in his Itialnry of England /ram Ifir Fall of Woltey 
to 1/tw Dfiff^ o/ tht Spanish Armadtt, has pretiented a brilliani apology for Henry 
Vllt. But he (ails to offer any adefjuate defense of the execution of More and 
of Fisher, an act of cruelty that at the time was reprobated everywhere: and 
still leas for the destruction of Cromwell, whom Froude, whether jiisUy or not, 
pisiaea up to the very foot of the BcalTold. Even if Anne Roleyn be auppoacd 
to be guilty of the charg™ brought against her, there waa a brutality in the cJ!^ 
cumatances of her impri^ionment and execution, and in the marriage with Jane 
Seynuiur the very nest day, which it is impossible to eieuae. The contempora- 
ries of Henr^' were right in dialing uiahing the earlier from the laUer portluu of 
his reign. After the fall of Wolaey, he became more and more willful, suspicious, 
ftnd cruel. 

* Hacmulay, Bittary of England, i. 46. 


precedence to Edward, his son by Jane SejTnour, over the two 
princesses, Mary, the daughter of Catharine, and Elizabeth, 
the daughter of .\nne Boleyn. Edward VI. was less than ten 
years old at his accession in 1547 ; but as an example of iDtcl- 
lectual precocity he has seldom, if ever, been surpassed. He 
was firmly attached to the Protestant faith, A Regency was 
established, in which Somerset, the King's uncle, was chief, 
and at the head of a Protestant majority. The Six Arliclea 
were repealed. It was the period of the Smalcaldic war and of 
tlie Interim in Germany, and the hands of Cranraer and Ridley 
were strengthened by theologians from the Continent. Peter 
Martyr and Ochino were made professors at Oxford in 1547 
and Martin Bucer and Paul Fagius were called to Cambridgr! 
in 154!). Tlie "Book of Homilies" appeared in 1547 — expotd- 
tions of CImstian doctrine which were to be read by the clergy 
in their churches every Sunday. Communion had been or- 
dered to be administered in both kinds. Transubstautiation 
was now formally abandoned ; the second principal step, after 
the declaration of the Royal Supremacy, in the progress of the 
English Reformation. These changes gave rise to a new '"Order 
of Coimnunion"; but the latter was superseded, in 1548, bj 
the "First Book of Common Prayer." This was commeneei! 
by Cranmer five years before, with the consent of Henry, ani! 
with the aitl of other divines was completed. This hturgy diil 
not exclude the mass without ambiguity; from a wish to avoid 
too marked traces of change in doctrine. This was revisetl. in 
1552, in Edward's second Book of Common Prayer, prepared 
by Cranmer, with the assistance of RitUey, when all traces of 
the mass were effaced, and the use of consecrated oil, prayers 
for the dead, and auricular confession were abolished. -*■ 
second Act of Uniformity made this Book the one legal form of 
worship. In 1552 the Articles were framed, at first forty-lw*:* 
in number. Tlius the Anglican Church obtained a definite 
constitution and a ritual. Able and zealous preachers, among 
whom were Matthew Parker, Latimer, and John Knox, made 
many converts to the Protestant doctrine. Tlie progress of 
innovation, however, was somewhat too rapid for the genera" 
sense of the nation. The spoliation of Church property for the 
profit of individuals, in which Somerset was conspicuous, gave 
just offense. Anxio\i8 lo carry out the plan of Henry VIII., for 


tfip mama 



Sp marriage of the young Queen Mary of Scotland to Edward, 

^ud desirous of uniting the two countries in one gieat Protestant 

wwer, Somerset invaded Scotland ; but, though his arms were 

THrimnflil. the antipathy of the Scots to the domination of the 

"pngKah was too strong to be overcome; and Mary was taken 

to France, there to be married to the Dauphin. A Catholic 

rebellion in Cornwall and Devonshire was suppressed, but the 

opposition to Somerset on various grounds, which was led by 

the Duke of Northumberland, finally brought the Protector 

to the scaffold ; and Northumberland, who was now at the head 

of affairs, concluded a peace with France, in which the project 

of a marriage of Edward with Mary was virtually renounced. 

Under Crannier's superintendence a revisal of the eccleaastical 

statutes, including those for the punishment of heresy, was 

undertaken ; but the work was not finished when the King died, 

^ the age of sixteen (1553). 

I The reactionary movement that attended the accession of 

Mary to the throne was heightened by the abortive attempt 

of Northumberland to deprive her of it by persuading the dying 

King to bequeath the crown to Lady Jane Grey, a descendant 

of Henry's sist-er, and a Protestant, whom Northumberland 

^lad married to his son. The party which thus sought to over- 

Jftirow the order of succession that had been fixed by act of 

I'Mliamcnt, found that it was feebly supported, soon became 

ili\-iiled, and effected nothing. The insurrection under Wyat 

til' punished by the death of its leaders, and led to the execution 

of Lady Jane Grey, Mary was narrow, with the obstinate will 

of liiT father, and superstiliously attached to the religion of 

tiw mother. She proceeded as expeditiously as her more pru- 

'Ir-nt advisers — of whom Philip of Spain was the cliief — would 

["■rriiit, to restore the Catholic system. She soon disloilged 

^ married clergy from their places. The Prayer Book was 

•bolished. Disdaining the suggestion that she should marry 

■ M Englishman, she gave hor hand to Philip with a tlevotion 

Wp' vhicb zeal for the Catholic faith was indistinguisliably mingled 

Wmth p«-rsonal regard. The point on which Parliament showed 

• Dinst hefiitation was the matter of the Supremacy. The oppo- 

"tioa to papal control was more general and better established 

Ihin the antagonism to Roman CathoUc doctrine. Parliament 

Uneted that the guarantee of the abbey lands to their new pos- 


HESOTB should be incorporatod in the very act which reestablished 
^^)al authority. Reginald Pole, who was made legate of lie 
Pope in 1554, aud succeeded Craniaer in the archbishopric, wm 
the Queen's spiritual counselor. TTie fourth of the great meas- 
ures for the destruction of Protestantism was the enforcement 
of the laws against heresy. Gardiner lost no time in abandon- 
ing the doctrine of the King's supremacy, which it is difficult 
to believe that he ever sincerely held. He and Bonner, the new 
Bishop of London, were active in persecution. The foreign 
theolo^ans were ilriven out of the kingdom, and the foreign 
congregations dispersed. Not less than eight himdred Eng- 
lishmen, whose lives were in danger at home, found an as}lum 
among their brethren in Germany and Switzerland. TTie nolle 
fortitude with which Hooper, Latimer, Ridley, and numerous 
other martyrs endured the fire, did much to strengthen the 
Protestant cause and to break down the popularity of Mary. 
Cranmer, from the day when he saw from his prison tower 
the burning of his companions, Ridley and Latimer, seems lo 
have lost his spirit. He was persuaded to make an abject re- 
cantation; but, notwithstanding this act, it was determined 
that he should die. What course he would have pursued hail 
he been permitted to live, it is impos^ble to tell; but, in tiie 
prospect of certain death, his courage revived, and he exhibited 
at the end a dignity and constancy which have gone far in the 
estimation of posterity to atone for his previous infirmities. 
Tlie fault of Cranmer was a time-serving spirit ; an undue sub- 
servience to power; a timidity, which is not compatible with 
the highest type of manly honesty. An example of this is swa 
in the course he adopted on taking the oaths of canonical obedi- 
ence to the Pope, at his consecration as Archbishop ; when be 
satisfied his conscience by a protest to the effect that he did not 
consider him,self bound to abstain from measures for the refor- 
mation of the Church,' and (on April 19) renounced all grantfl 
from the Pope that might be prejudicial to the King. His 
participation in the condemnation of John Frith, who was 
burned at Smithfield in 1533 for denying tlie corporal preseoee 
of Christ in the Sacrament ; and still more, his part in the exe- 
cution of Jean Boucher, or Joan of Kent, who was called an 

' This prolmlntion wiu not GommunicBted to Ihp Pope. See HbIIbid^ itnud> 
opou it, Coiut. HM., uh, ii, (Harpcni' Am. ed., pp. 6fi, 6Q and d.). 


Anabaptist, and was burned, in the reign of Edward, for an 
heretical opinion respecting the Incarnation — not to speak of 
other examples of a like intolerance — are a blot upon his 
memory. In the last days of Edward, Cranmer and his asso- 
ciates were engaged in shaping laws for the punishment of be- 
lievers in doctrines which he had himself held not long before, 
and for disbeheving in which he had assisted in bringing Frith 
and others to the stake. The Protestant bishops, says Lin- 
gard, the Catholic historian, "perished in flames which they 
had prepared for their adversaries." ' Yet Cranmer, as Burnet 
has justly said, was instigated by no cruelty of temper. He 
was under the sway of the idea that there must be uniformity, 
and that the magistrate must be responsible for securing it. 
This idea it was, in connection with the pliant disposition which 
belonged to him by nature, that moved him, in the last years of 
Henry VIII., to an unjustifiable concealment or compromise 
of his opinions. It must be set down to his credit that he raised 
his voice against the adoption of the Six Articles, and inter- 
cptled, when intercession, in however cautious a form, was 
hazardous, for the lives of Anne Boleyn and Cromwell. But 
the burning of a man of his venerable age, who had filled so large 
a space in the public eye, whose hanil had been pressed by 
Henry VHI. when he was dying, and whose own death took 
place under circumstances so affecting, could not fail to react 
to the disadvantage of the Queen and of her creed. Various 
other causes conspired to render her unpopular. In 1555 
Paul IV., a violent bigot, and withal hostile to the Spanish- 
Austrian House, became Pope. He insisteil on a restoration 
of the Church property in England. He would have the ruined 
monasteries once more tenanted by the monks. That is to 
say, he was resolved to annul the condition on which alone Par- 
liament had consented to restore the papal supremacy. More- 
over, England was brought, through Philip, to take part in the 
war of Spain against France, which gave the victory of St. 
Quentin to the Spanish king, but made the English smart under 
the loss of Calais. The Queen, whose whole soul was bound 
up with the cause of the Catholic Church and who looked upon 
Philip as its champion, was forced to witness the hostility of 

I Thia u aomen-hsl too Hvere, u the lemporal pens1ti« of h^my wrre to be 
fixed by PaflianiHit. Sec Hallttm, Contl. Hitt. of England (Islot pd\WKni!^. eV. \v. 


the Pope to her husbaod, and to see Pole, who beloDged to that 
sectioD of the Catholics whicli was inclined to Protestant 
views of justification, and for this reason was disliked by Paul 
IV.. deprived of the legalinc office. To add to the perils of the 
situatioQ, France was in alliance with Scotland. Mary died 
on the 17th of November, 1558. The next night, Cardinal 
Pole died. It is reroarkable that within a short time before 
or after the Queen's death, not less than tliirteen of her bishops 
died also. 

TTie nation welcomed Elizabeth to the throne. Her bias, 
which resulted from her education and her native habit of feel- 
ing, was towards a highly conservative Protestantism. Tbe 
point to which she was irrevocably attaclied was that of the 
sovereign's supremacy. Her own legitimacy and title to tie 
throne depended on it, and her natural love of power confiniied 
her attachment to it. She did not reject the Protestant doc- 
trinea respecting gratuitous salvation and the supreme authority 
of the Scriptures, but she was disposed to retain as much as 
possible of the ancient ritual. She had a decided repugnaune 
to the marriage of the clergy, and was with difficulty dissuaded 
from absolutely forbidding it. She kept on the altar of hw 
own pri\-ate chapel a crucifix and a burning candle. On her 
accesaon, she is said to have notified Paul IV. of the fact; but 
this fanatical prelate haughtily replied that she must submit 
her claims to his decision. At a later day, when Pius IV, offered 
to make important concesaons, such as the granting of the 
cup to the laity and the use of the English Liturgy, the proposal 
was refused. In the revision of the Liturgy, the passage in the 
Litany relative to the " tyranny of the Bishop of Rome and iHM 
his detestable enormities" was omitted, as well as the exp!ana-~ 
tion of the rubric that by kneehng in the Sacrament no adora- 
tion is intended for any corporal presence of Christ. The 
Forty-two Articles were reduceii to Thirty-nine, in the reviaon 
by Convocation in 1563; and its act was confirmed by Parlia- 
ment in 1571. Tlie Act of Supremacy placed ecclesiastical power 
in the hands of the Queen, and the Act of Uniformity made 
dissent in pubhc teaching and in the ceremonies of worship 
unlawful. A Couj't nf High Commission was established and 
furnished with ample powers for enforcing uniformity, and.j 
suppressing and punishing heresy and dissent. 



The two classes of subjects against whom these powers were 
to be exerted were the Catholics and the party which was 
growing up under the name of Puritane. That the persecution 
to which Cathohcs were subject during this reign was palliated, 
and that the severe proceedings against them were in some 
cases justified, by the political hostility which was often in- 
separably mingled with their religious faith, is true. When the 
Protestantism of the Queen was made the ground of attack upon 
her on the part of foreign powers, and of conspiracies against her 
life; when at length she was deposed by a bull of Pius V., and 
her subjects released from their allegiance, it was natural that 
severity should be used towards that portion of her subjects 
who were looked upon as the natural allies of her enemies. Yet 
it is likewise true that repressive measures were adopted against 
the Catholics in many cases where justice as well as sound policy 
would have dictated a (Ufferent course. 

A consideration of the general character of the Anglican 
Church, as that was determined after the accession of Elizabeth, 
will qualify us to understand the Puritan controversy. The 
feature that distinguished the English Church from the reformed 
churches on the Continent was the retention in its polity and 
worship of so much that had belonged to the Catholic system. 
The first step in the English Reformation was the assertion of 
the Royal Supremacy. At the beginning this meant a declara- 
tion of the nation's independence of Rome. But the positive 
character of this supremacy was not clearly defined. In the 
tirae of Henry VIII., and in the beginning of Edward's reign, 
Cranmer and the bishops, like civil officers, held their commis- 
sions at the King's iileasure. On the death of Henry, Cran- 
mer considered the archbishopric of Canterbury vacant until 
u ho should be supplied with a new appointment. As the head 
Wof the Chiu'ch, the King could make and deprive bishops, as he 
could appoint and degrade all other officers in the kingdom. 
The episcopal polity was retained, partly because the bishops 
generally fell in with the proceedings of Henry VIII. and 

* Edward for the reform of the Church, and on account of the 
compact organization of the monarchy, in consequence of which 
the nation acted as one body. But in the first age of the Refer- 

Itnation, and until the rise of Puritflnisin as a distinct party, 
there was little controversy among Protestants in relation to 







episcopacy. Not onlj- was Melancthon Billing to allow biahopa 
willi u jure kumano auUiority, but Luther and Calvin wexe also 
of the saiue tulnd. The episcopal coOEtilutioii of tlie F-nglish 
Church for a long period put no barrier in the way of the 
most free and fraternal relations between that body and the 
Protestant churches on the Continent. As we have seen, 
Crannier placed foreign divines in very responsible places in 
the English Church. Ministers who had received Presbyterian 
onlination were admitted to take charge of English parishes 
without a question as to the validity of their orders. We 
find Cranmer, Melancthon, and Calviu more than once in cqt- 
respondcnce with one another, in regard to the calling of & 
general Protestant Coundl, to counteract the influence of 
Trent. The great English divines were in constant correspon- 
dence with the Helvetic reformers, to whom they looked foil 
counsel and sympathy, and whom they addressed in a deferen- ™ 
tial anil affectionate style. The pastors of Zurich, Bullinger 
the successor, and Gualter, the son-in-law of Zwingli, were 
their intimate and trusted advisers. It was a common opinion 
that there is a parity between bishops and presbyters; that 
the difference is one of office and not of order. This had been 
a prevailing view among the schoolmen in the Middle Ages. 
Thougli it belongeti to bishops to ordain and (in the Latin 
Church) to confirm; yet the priest, not less than the bishop, 
performed the miracle of the Eucharist, the highest clerical 
act, Cranmer distinctly asserted the parity of the two classes 
of clergy. The same thing is found in the "Bishops' Book," 
or Iwitiiution of a Christian Man, which was put forth by 
authority in 1537,' But Cranmer has left on record an explicit 
assertion of his opinion,' Jewel, one of the great lights of the 


' Burnet, i. 408 {Addendnl. Bumel Bays tlittl it was "Ihe common stvlf "f 
that ago" — ' derived from the flchoolmen — "to reckon bishops and prints" 
Iho same office." After the Triilentinc Council, the doctrine of the inililidia 
divina of bishops prevailed io (he Catholic Cliurch. Sec Gicwler. i. i. 2. { 30, n. i- 

' See Bumet. i. (li.) Collcrlion of Records, ixi. The RraolulionM of ww"' 
Bisht'px and Divinrs, tif some Qmatictna conetming the Sncrnrrimts, etc. "Qu'*' 
tion 10. Whellier biehopa or pripBts were fimtT and if the priests first, then tb» 
priests made the binhop." Cranmer answers; "The bishops and prieetd were il 
one lime, and were no two thiiign, but both oiip office in the beginning of Chriil'l 
religion." "Question 12. W^le^her in the New Testament be required »ny cat- 
■eoratiun of bishop or priests, or only appointing to the office be sufBcicnt?" 
Cranmer anawf rs ; "In the New Tealament, he that is appoiiileil to be a bishop 
or priest uepdelh no •onsifralion by the Scripture, for election or appoinlinj 
therelo is Butfioiont." In answer to queEtion 14, Craiimer soya that "it is art 





English Church in the early part of the reign of Elizabetii, 
appears to hold this view. Bancroft, the successor of Whit- 
^t as Archbishop of Canterbury, is thought to have been the 
first to maintain the necessity of bishops, or the jure divino doc- 
trine.' There is no trace of such a doctrine in the "Apology 
for the Church of England," and in the " Defense of the Apology," 
by Jewel, which have been regarded by AngUcans with just 
pride as an able refutation of Roman Catholic accusations 
agunst their system. At a much later time, Lord fiacon, in 
his " Advertisement concerning Controversies of the Church of 
England," speaks of the stiff defenders of all the orders of the 
ch, as beginning to condemn their opponents as "a sect." 
ea, and some indiscreet persons have been bold in open 
preaching to use dishonorable and derogatory speech and cen- 
sure of the churches abroad; and that so far, as some of our 
tncD, as I have heard, ordained in foreign parts, have been pro- 
nounced to be no lawful ministers. Thus we see the brgin- 
UDgs were modest, but the extremes were violent." ' Near 
the end of EUzabeth's reign, Hooker, in his celebrated work 
in defense of the Church of England, fully concedes the validity 
of Presbyterian ordination ; with tacit reference, as Keble, hia 
modern editor, concedes, to the continental Churches. Laud 
wiB reproved in 1604 for maintaining in his exercise for Bachelor 
of Divinity at Oxford that there could be no true church with- 
out Iiisbops; "which was thought to cast a bone of contention 
between the Church of England and the Reformed on the Con- 
tinent." Even as late as 1618, ia the reign of James I., an 
biglish bishop and several AngHcan clergymen sat in the Synoii 
of Dort, with a presbyter for its moderator. 

The Anglican Church agreed with the Protestant churches 

'vbiiUni br God's lair," il all thcr bishops and pripiita in a regian wrrc Head, that 
"ttw King of that region ahould moke biahopn and prieala to supply the nannf-" 
^ iIk) • Didaralion agaed by Cramner aiid otht^r biahops. Kith Cramwrll. 
^Umct, Ibid. Addenda V. Afl^r df^^ribing in fulJ the funcliona of thi^ ctt^r^y, 
" ■ nid : "This offiec. this power and niitlioritT, traa commitlvd and given by 
J^iiB and his Apoellcs unio certain ppreoos only, that is to say. unlo prieslB of 
"■Adpa, nrbom Uiry did eleet, call, and admit thereunto by their prayers and 
''■Porition of handa." "The truth is that in the New Tpftamtnt there is do men- 
1^ nUidc of anv degrr^s or distinctioniB in urdera, but only of deaeons or itiiitiatcra, 
"•i at prieata or luahopE." Thirteen bishops, with a great number of other ee- 
''■iiibm. «iibecHbcd to this proposition. 

' Kanaiii thinks that not even Elaucrott taught this view, where it ia sup- 
^■d by loaDy to be found, in his aennon at St. Paul's Crow (Iri89}. Consl. 
*«,. p. 236 (Harpe a" Am. ed ). ' WoTks (Montagu's ed.), vii. *8, 



on the Continent on the subject of predestination. On this 
Hubject, for a long ppriod, the Protestjints generally woje uniled 
in opinion. Tliey adopted the Augustinian tenet. TTie im- 
potency of tlie will is affirmed by Luther as strongly as hy Cal- 
vin. Melancthon's gradual modification of the doctrine, wliich 
allowed to the Avill a cooperative agency in conversion, onl; 
affected a portion of the Lutheran Church. The leaders of the 
Enghsh Reformation, from the time when the death of Henry 
VIIL placed them firmly upon Protestant ground, profess the. 
doctrine of absolute, as distinguished from conditional, pre- 
destination, which is the essential feature of both the Augus- 
tinian and Calvinistic systems. It is true that CraDiner, 
Ridley, and Latimer have not left so definite expressions on this 
subject in their writing as is the case with the Elizabethan 
bishops. But the seventeenth of the Articles cannot fairly be 
interpreted in any other sense than that of unconditional elrc- 
tion; and the cautions which are appended, instead of being 
opposed to this interpretation, demonstrate the correctness of 
it; for who was ever "thrust into desperation, or into wretch- 
leasness of most unclean li'ving," by the oppoate doctrine?' 
Bradford when in prison in London disputed on this subject 
with certain "free willers," of whom he wrote to his felloiv- 
martyrs then at Oxford. Ridley's letter in reply cert^nly im- 
plies sympathy with his friend in this opinion,* Strype says 
that Ridley and Bradford wrote on predestination, and that 
Bradford's treatise waa approved by Cranmer, Ridley, and ■ 
Latimer. The relations of Cranmer to Bucer and Peter MartjT 
throw light on his opinion relative to this question. Bucer, 
before he was called to England, had dedicated his expoatioo 
of the Romans, in which he sets forth the doctrine of absolute 
predestination, to Cranmer. Peter Martyr elaborately defended 

' It is important to obnerve, that in the inquiry whether the Artiolo uB 
"Colvinl.itiR" or nut, tliie term ia ased in controdiEtinction to Arminian. Among 
tlip writers in defeniie of tlicir non-CnK-inistic ciiBrHPtcr is Archbiahop L«wiwic«» 
Bamyliny Lecture) (1S04), On tlic sanie aide, n'lth Home hesitAlxoii, ia Biibop 
Harald Brawne, wlio reviewB the controvprsy. An ExpotH. of tfir Tzxir. Artiri" 
(1858). Bishop Burnet, himself a LalJIiidiuariBn. in hin dispoasionale disoUHan" 
of the Hubjecl. asya: "It ia not to be denied thst the Articie |ivii.] seems lobo 
franiBd oroording to St. Austin's doctrine." " It is very probable tJiat Iboar wbrr 
penned it mcHiit that the decree is ubsolute," EzpoBilion o/ the xnii. ilrni^' 
(Art. xvii.). 

' The modcrsition of Ridley is indicstcd in the remark ttiat he daras not mil' 
olherwisa on thia subject "IhaJi the very text doth, as it were, lead me " 
band." Works (ParlLer Soc.), p. 368. 



this t^net at Oxford, and replied to the antJ-Calvinistic treatises 
of Smith, his predecessor, and of Pighiiis, the opponent of Cal- 
vin. It was during the residence of Martyr at Oxford that the 
.■Vrticlcs were framed.' On the accession of Mary, Cranmer 
offered to defend, in conjunction with his friend MartjT, in a 
public dLsputation, the doctrines which had been estabhshed in 
the previous reign. It is impossible to believe that they mate- 
rially differed on this prominent point of theological belief.* 
There Is more ground for the assertion that the formularies of 
the Church of England are Augustinian, in cUstinction from 
Calvinistic* Yet it is admitted by candid scholars that at the 

' "Tn das, von dpr Londoaer Synodo im Jalir 16.1S, aufgpfnsato Olaubens- 
bckraotiiisB der Englischcn Kirche, wurden die Lclirc von der Erbaiinde, dcr 
PivedcstiiutioEi, und der Rcchlfertigung, AUfgeTiomiiien, so wie Martyr, und mit 
Don Bile gleichieitigpn prolfsIantL'when Thetilogpn in England Hie Biifgwilcllt 
b*lt«i." Dr. C. Schmidt, Peter Maiiifr Vmnigli: Lrbcn «. amtgewa/iUc Schriflen, 
p 117. 

' Upon t'le of Crsnmpr, Ridley, and Lalimcr, BPe Hunt, Rritgintu 
thoughi in England, i. 33. Hunt refers to Crannipr's notes ou l!ie Great Bible 
1» Hitting the point that he was a *' moderate Cotviniat." 

* Ttif p»rticulani in wiiieh Calvin varied from Augustine arc theec. Aupis- 

tinr tonde the fall of Adam, the first sn, the objeet of a pcrmiruive decree. CkI- 

Mn uris not aatiafii-d with a bare, passive pcrnii?sioQ on llie part of Qad. and 

DiakH statementa whieh tend to the aupmlapf^nrian idea. (S^ supm, p. 177.) 

■Riii vifw waa developed by Bcza and a nection of the CalviniBla. But infralap- 

■rian or Augustinian Calvinism hits had tlie nuffroeps of a niujority. It ie found 

^_ b the Westminater Confession, and even the creed of the Syiiorl of Dort does not 

^Bp beyond it. Augustine held to the pm-terrlion, instead of the reprobation of 

^V^° tricked ; or rather to their reprobation, not to sin, hut to the punishment of 

*'- (For llie poBBBg'w see Muiisrher, lioffmrngrKhirrhlr, i. J02.) High Cah-inists 

hrld lo A positive decree of reprobation, analogous to that of clertion ; yet denied 

<)" l^od is the author of sin. Calvin dilTcred from Augustine in holding to the 

(""venuie* of all believers; that is. that none but the eleel ever exerctsK saving 

I (bib. Augustine Bttribute<d to the sacraments a greater effect on the non-elect. 

^U he held that all baptiied infants arc eaved. Thi» NicraRinntal tenet is oftca 

^^ ^"^Ur*!! to be a feature of (he Anglican s^-stem, as opposed to that of Calvin. 

B CW, • n , Ulunt, Did. of Doctr. and Hist. Theol., p. 103.) But Caiiin teachce. 

^P *^ iiulcvd tliat a saving measure of grace la given lo all baptised children ; but 

I *titl rlut nil fuch are "engrafled into the body of the church," "accepted as Hia 

r''>»l'>{ rhildren by the solemn symbol of adoption," and that "God lia* hia 

^H dUTffrrnt dcf(r(V* of n^cneniting thoHe whom He has adopted-" /nat,. tv. ivi. 

^■r. 11] He teaches rhnt grace ie imparted, to sotne extent, to non-eleel adults, 

^B *^ arr thus rendered more ine.vcusable. The ej apert opcroto Iheorv of the sae- 

^K taiaLi, the theory of their intrinsic ellicicncy, independently of the feeling oF the 

^f ^'■ipiwit, in denied — - In the siif. Articles, expressly— and "the wholesome eflect 

•spiTation" of them is confined "to such only ns worthily receive the aaine." 

^•Wt «vii. affirms tliat "we rouat receive God's promisea in such wise as tliey 

"(•netally net forth to us in Holy Scripture." TliU is winiMimi-s naid lo be 

'(^t^Calvinistic- But Calvin rtavn that " the I'oice of (he gospel addrosxei all men 

P'"ni\y," and that " the promises are offered equally to the faitliful and the iro- 

'^■^u " /ruf-. III- xxn. Ill, and ii- V- 10, Tlic .\rtie1e implies the Calvinistic or 

'ufwtinian di'tinction between the " secret will," or purpose, Bad " that will of 

'"'i " which is exprrasly declared. 



beginning of Elizabeth's reign "Calvinistic t^-aching generally 
prevailed."' But through the whole reign of Edward, also, 
Calvin's personal influence was great in England. His con- 
troversy with Pighius, and the expulsion of Bolsec from Geneva, 
in 1551, excited general attention. It was about this time that 
election and kindred topics began to be agitated in England 
Under date of September 10, 1552, Bartholomew Traheron 
wrote to Bullinger: "I am exceedingly desirous to know what 
you and the other very learned men, who Uve at Zurich, think 
respecting the predestination and Providence of God." "lite 
greater number among us, of whom I own myself to be one, 
embrace the opinion of John Calvin as being perspicuous, and 
most agreeable to Holy Scripture. And we truly thank Go.1 
Uiat that excellent treatise of the very learned and excelleul 
John Calvin against Pighius and one Georgius Siculus should 
have come forth at the very time when the question began to In- 
agitated among u3. For we confess that he has thrown murl 
light upon the subject, or rather so handled it as that we have 
never before seen anything more learned or more plain.'" At 
this time, as Bullinger indicates by his reply, even he was 
not satisfied with the supralapsarian tenet, the modification 
of Augustinism, which Calvin had broached; the theory lliiit 
the first sin is the object of an efficient decree.* After the accea- 
sion of Elizabeth, the Institutes of Calvin "were generally in 
the hands of the clergy, and might be considered their text-book 
of theology." ' 

But while it is true that the Anglican divines of the sixteectli 
century may be said to be Calvinistic in their opinion respiMrting 
the divine decrees, it is also true that they were, as a rule, not 
rigid in the profession and maintenance of tins dogma. On 

' Blunl, Diet, n! Doelr. and Hutorical Ttual., and "Cdvinion," p. 105. 

' Original Lcttvrs, p. 325. 

■ After Peter Martyr took up his rpsidence at Zuricli (in 1566), Bullingir «?"' 
further thnn before in his assertion of prpdeatiniitioii. See Hpriog. Real-Eniyi • 
»rt. " Bullioger." 

* Blmit, ui rupra. We find explicit proofa that Jewd, Nowetl, Sandys, Co'. 
profcMcd U) concur with the Reformers of Zurich and Geneva in every poinl o' 
dootrino. Hailam. Cimsl, HiM., ch. vii. Archhishop Griiidn] (then Bishop "' 
Lon'Jonl, writiiiE .Tune B, 1.502, (laj-s, in reference lo lorlain Liitlieraos at Brnnr"' 
"It 13 iLitonialiirig iliat they are raiftiin^ such rommoTioiiP al>out predcflinali'^''' 
They ahoulil at least eorwult llipir own Luther on the "bondage of the will." F'"' 
what elao do Bucer, Calvin, and Marlyr teach, that Luther has not mainlaiDpil in 
that treatiaoT" (Zurich Lrttrrs. 2d ed.. p. 1*2.) It wn» eonaidwed that Ui«* 
leading Reformors were aubatantially united on thia (ubjecl 






this topic, they shared in the prev^ng belief of the Protestants 
of that age. But they corabined in their theology other ele- 
ments wijch stood out in more distinct relief. And the ten- 
dency to go back to antiquity, to seek for moderate, and to 
avoid obnoxious, conceptions of doctrine; in a word, the peculiar 
spirit fostered by the whole Anglican system, tended more and 
more to blunt the sharpness of iloetrinal statements on this 
subject. The contrast is marked, in this particular, between 
Whitgift, a strenuous Calvinist, and Hooker, who approved, 
in general, of the Calvinistic system, but represents in his whole 
tone the school of distinctively Anglican theologians which was 
acquiring an increasing strength." As late as 1395, the Lam- 
beth Articles, containing the strongest assertion of unconditional 
election, and of reprobation also, were subscribed by Whitgift, 
then Archbishop of Canterbury, by the bishops of Lomlon and 
Bangor, and vfilh slight verbal amendments, by the Archbishop 
of York, and transmitted by Wliitgift to the University of Cam- 
bridge; these Articles being, he said, an exphcation of the doc- 
trine of the Church of England.' At this time dissent from 
Calvinism had begun distinctly to manifest itself; and gradually 
the Arminian doctrine spread in England until, during the next 
reign, it became prevalent in the established Church. 

The great and almost the only topic of doctrinal controversy 
among Protestants in the early stages of the Reformation was 
the Lord's Supper. On tliis subject, the Church of England 
allied itself to the Reformed or Calvinistic branch of the Protes- 
tant family. It must be remembered that Bucer and Calvin 
had struck out a middle path between the Lutheran idea of the 

' HootcDT. in the eopioua Pretscp in his Treatise, Uud» Ciil\in, whom he pro- 
nouncea "incomparftbly tlxe wiaeat man that ever the Frcncli Church did pdjcty. 
sinpo the hour it enjoyed him." lip praists Calvin's " Inslitute*" an'l Commen- 
ttf-riefi, and h&s no cont^T with liiji doptrinol Hyslcm. At the same time, llookcr'a 
work is linfied throughout witli tlie chararteristjca of Ihc Anglican school. Prin- 
cipal TuUoch has intorealinn rpmarks on wliat he terms "the comprehrnsiv*- 
end genial width of view" of the Anglican CalviniaCs, such as Jewel and 

ker. Engltfh Purilanitm and lEi Letulrr), pp. 6. 7, 41. 

* Thn Lambeth Articles may be foimd in Xeal, Hinlory of Hit: Pvritani. i. 
209, and in Cardwell, Hittori, of Iht ArlicUi (App. V-1. p 343. Cardwell prints Ihe 
ArUcles, both as written by Wiiitalcer and as subscribed. If Art V- sswrts per- 
•*T«t»noe In the exercising of true and junlifying faith of the eli^ct only. Art. vr. 
affinns that all *ho art po^^r^OA^ed of this faith have a full a^eiumnco and certainty 

I of their everlasting salvation. The Articles of the Epiaropal Church adopted 
in tntlaod in 1616 were decidedly Caliiiniatla. .\rcbbiHliop Usher, who bccsma 
Primate of the Irish Church in IBM, was a most learned advoeile tA ftviaV.'j^ A 



local presence of the body of Christ in the Eucharist, and the 
iiloa of a mere commemoration, which was the orj^nal view of 
Zwingli. This middle doctrine denied the Lutlieran hypothesis 
of the ubiquity of Christ's body, asserted that it is now coafinedfl 
to heaven, but at the same time affirmed a real, though myste- 
rious and purely spiritual reception of Christ by believers alone, 
by virtue of which a vitalizuig power is communicated to thefl 
recipient, even from His body. With tlus hypothesis of a real, 
but spiritual presence and reception of Christ, the Zivinglians 
were satisfied. Even Zwingli and CEcolampadius were not dis- 
posed to contend against it ; and it formed the baas of union 
between Calvin and his followers, and the Zwinglian Churches. 
At the outset, after giving up transubstantiation, Cranuier 
adopted the Lutheran doctrine of " consubstantiation " ; but 
Ridley erabrace<i the Swiss doctrine, in iti! later form, and Cran- 
mer declared himself of the same mind. On the 31st of Decem- 
ber, 1548, Bartholomew Traheron writes to Bullinger of tie 
Disputation which hat! just been held in London, on the Eucha- 
rist, "in the presence of almost all the nobility of EnglanJ." 
He says: "the Archbishop of Canterbury, contrary to general 
expectation, most openly, firndy, and learnedly maintainwi 
your opinion upon this subject. His arguments were as follows; 
The body of Christ was taken up from us into heaven. Christ 
ha.9 left the world. 'Ye have the poor always with you, but me 
ye have not always.' etc. Next followed the Bishop of Roches- 
ter " [Ridley], "The truth never obtained a more brilliant 
victory among us" — that is, in conflict with the Papists. "I 
perceive that it is all over with Lutheranism, now that thase 
who were considered its principal and almost oidy supporters, 
have altogether come over to our ade." ' TTie exiles who fled 




' Cronmpr himiuilf sa>-s. referring M liis traiulatinn. in the first yenx oF Ed'] 
wnrd, of Uio Lutharan Cnlecliiam u( Justus Jonas, in which il is affirmed ili»t 
the body and blood of thp Siiviour arc received by the mouth ; "Not long before 
I wrote the said Caterhism, I was in that error of tlic real prfS'-nce, aa I waa in»ny 
yearH paat, in diver? other errors, aa transubatantiatioa" — here he enunicrmtc* 
other papal doctrines which he hod once held, Cranmer, Trralisei on Oie Lanl'l 
Supprr (Parker Soc), p. 374. In the discuflsionB rfispeeting the Saeramnit^B 
prior to llie preparation of llje XLii. .\rticle9 of 165.1, Bucer thouglit MartjT loQ^f 
Zwinglinn, See C. Sclimidt, Pi^trr .Ifnrti/r rmniVrfi; L^bm u. aiitgmpoliltf Srhrih 
Im, p. 111.1 wc|, ; Baiim, CnjiUii a, Bacrr. t^hi^, etc.. p. B55; nnrdwick, Ili/lnry 
oj the Arliclea of Rtligiati, p. 9Q. But this led lo no fleriouR disagreement. Eucer 
and Mnrtyr were both aHbBtantJally Calvinistic. The idea lliat Cranmer «U 
disinclined to the "Swiss doetrine " is eonlradiclad by his own wordn: " Bucft 
diaetateih in aothing from (EcolKmpuUun and Zwinglius, " TK< Lord's Svpfur 1 




[from England on the death of Edward were inhospitably re- 
Iceived in Germany on account of their Calvinism. In 1562, 
[after the readoption of the Articles under Elizabeth, Jewel 
wrol« to Peter Martyr; "As for matters of doctrine, we have 
I pared everything away to the quick, and do not differ from your 
doctrine by a nail's breadth ; for as to the ubiquitarian theory" 
I — the Lutheran view — "there is no danger in this country. 
I Oinnions of that kind can only gain admittance where the stones 
have sense." ' But there is no need of bringing forward fur- 
ther evidence on this point, since the Articles explicitly assert 
the Calvinistic view. In epealdng of the English Reformers 
ae Calrinistic, it is not implied that they derived their opinions 
from Calvin exclusively, or received them on his authority. 
They were able and learna:! men, and explored the Scriptures 
and the patristic writers for themselves. Yet no name was 
held in higher honor among them than that of the Genevan 

A controversy of greater moment for the fliibsequent eccle- 
Blstical as well as pohtical history of England was that between 
Ihe Anghcans and Puritans. From the beginrung, there were 
mme in England who wished to introduce more radical changes 
Md to conform the English Reformation to the type which it 
Iml reachei-i among the Reformed or Calvinistic Churches on 
the Continent. This disposition gained force through the resi- 
ilmce of the foreign divines in England in the time of Edward, 
Wii atil! more by the return of the exiles after the accession of 
Riiabeth. Tlie great obstacles in the way of obtaining the 
ffiiuiges which they desired were the strength of the Catholic 
F*rt_v and the conserv-atism of Queen Elizabeth. The con- 
'wverey first had respect to the use of the vestments, especially 
the cap and surplice, and extended to other peculiarities of the 
ntual. The ground of the PucitAU objection was that these 
tHogs were identified in the popular mind with the papal notaon 

'^riicr 9oc-), p. 225. The ch«ng«i in Ihp Order of Cfiromunion, in tht Revision of 
'U3, »» Zwinglian in their lone. See CKrdwell, Uintory of Cnn/ermcrs and OOmr 
"9tudit^M r^nrtectrd ycUh thf Revirion of th^ Book o/ Common Prftyrr, pp. 4, h. 
^^iBdwftrd'F' (^aleehiim foi all prhoulnia.sler9 to tCAcb ia deSnilely anT)-l.iUtlierftn. 
■weMnmrmorBtivr side of the Eucharist ia emphnsiipd. Faith is described >• 
^ noutb of the spirit for receiving Christ. Bee Lilitrgiti of King Edu'ard 
'Nrfaf 8oc). pp- S16, SIT. Bishop Coverdale. the friend of Crknmer, tTUulsted 
' •"ting of Cftlvin on tlie Socrsmont. 

' February 7, 1662. Zurich Letters (Sd tenm}, p. 124. 


of a particular priesthood. They were badges of popery, and 
for this reason should be discarded. When it was replied that 
the surplice, the cross in baptism, kneeling at the SacrameDt, 
are things indifferent in their nature, the rejoinder was made 
that ance they are misleading in their influence, they are not 
indifferent, in the moral sense, but that if they are indifferecl, 
the magistrate has no right to impose them upon ChrisUan 
people ; it is an infringement of Christian liberty. In tliis last 
affirmation was involved an idea with regard to the Supremacy 
which must lead to a difference of a more radical characlrr. 
Hooper, who is often styled the father of the Puritans, liati 
spent some time at Zurich while the Adiaphoristic controversy, 
which related to the same subject of ceremonies, was ra^ng 
in Germany. Being chasen under Edward, in 1550, to the 
bishopric of Gloucester, he refused to wear the vestments at 
his consecration. Finally, after he had been imprisoned, l!ic 
difficulty was settled by a compromise. They were, in faol, 
very much laid aside during this reign. At the banning of 
Elizabeth's reign there was a general feeling among her iievfly 
appointed bishops, most of whom had been abroad during Ihe 
persecutions under Mary, in favor of the disuse of the vestnirn 
and of the offensive ceremonies. This was the wish of Jewel, 
of Nowell, uf Sandys, afterwards Archbishop of York, of Grin- 
dal, who succeeded Parker in the archbishopric of Canterbury. 
Only Cox, the Bishop of Ely, who, in the church of the exil« 
at Frankfort, had led the party which clung to the EngM 
Liturgy, and Parker, who had remained in England during 
the late reign, were on the other side; although Parker appears, 
at the outset, to have looked with doubt or disfavor upon I 
vestments.' Burkigh, Walsingham, Leicester, were in tavof 
of giving them up, or of not making their use compulsory, Eng- 
lish prelates, in their correspondence, speak of them in the same 
terms of derision and contempt as the Puritan leaders aflpr- 
wards employed. For example. Jewel says in one of his leltfR 
to Peter Martyr: "Now that the full light of the Gospel ha." 
shone forth, the very vestiges of error must, as far as possiWi'. 
be removed, together with the rubbish, and, as the sajing i'. 
with the very dust. And I wish we could effect this in respoft 
to that 'inen surplice." The statements of Macaulay are stis- 

' Short, Butory of Iht Church a/ Eiigland. p. 350. 

he , 



tftined by the correspondence of the English with the Swiss 
Reformers, and by other evidence: "The English Reformers 
were eager to go as far as their brethren on the Continent. They 
unanimously eondenmed as anti-Christian numerous dogmas 
and practices to which Henry had stubbornly adhered and 
which Ehzabeth reluctantly abandoned. Many felt a strong 
repugnance even to things indifferent which had formed part 
of the poUty or ritual of the 'mystical Babylon.' Thus Bishop 
Hooper, who died manfully at Gloucester for his rohgion, long 
refused to wear the episcopal vestments. Bishop Ridley, a 
martjT of still greater renown, pulled down the ancient altars 
of Ills diocese, and ordered the Eucharist to be administered 
in the middle of churches, at tables which the Papists irrever- 
ently termed oyster boards. Bishop Jewel pronounced the 
clerical garb to be a stage dress, a fool's coat, a relic of the Amor- 
ites, and promised that he would spare no labor to extirpate 
such degrading absurdities. Archbishop Grindal long hesitated 
about accepting a miter, from dislike of wiiat he regarded as 
the mummery of consecration. Bishop Parkhurst uttered a 
fervent prayer that the Church of England would propose to 
herself the Church of Zurich as the absolute pattern of a Chris- 
tian community." ' But the Queen, to whom the Royal 
Supremacy was the most valuable part of Protestantism, was 
inflexibly opposed to the proposed changes. Not without diffi- 
culty did the new bishops succeed in procuring the removal of 
images from the churches. The great fear of the Protestant 
leaders was that the Queen would be driven over to the Catholic 
Church, in case they imdertook to withstand her wishes. Most 
of the eminent foreign divines on the Continent, whom they 

' HaUny 0/ England, i. 47. Strj'pe says that when Grindnl was appointed 
Bishop of London, he "remained under some ecriiplps of conscicnoe about some 
thioga; edpecially the habits and certain ceremonies required to be u»ed of such 
as were biahope. For the Reformed in these timce generally went upon the ground, 
that, in order to the complete freeing of the Church of Christ from the prrors and 
comiplionB of Rome, every usa^e and custom, practiced by that apostate and 
idolatrous Church should be alioliBhed. and that the service of God sliould be 
most simple, stripl of all liiat show, pomp, and appearance, that has been cu»- 
tomaHly used before, esteeming all that to be no bettor than superstitious and 
anti-Christian." Life nf Grindal, p. 28. Iti the reign of Edward. Martin Bucer, 
writing under Cranmer's roof at Lambeth, under date of April 28, 1640, speuks 
of the retention of the vestmenla, chrism, etc.. in the Anglican ritual, and says, 
"They aOinn tliat llicre is no superstition in these things, and that they are only 
to be retained for a time, lest tlie people, not having yet learned Christ, should fa« 
deterred bv too rxtetuive innovatiooa from embracing HU religion," dc. Ori^ 
not Lttten. ii. GSS. 




B <Th 

consulted, counseled them to remain in the Church, and 
desert their offices, but to labor patiently to effect the refori 
to which the Queen would not then consent. But many of the 
clergy did not conform to the obnoxious parts of the ritual. 
This occasioned much disorder in worship, and, as the Puritans 
were not at all disposed to follow their own ways in alence, it 
gave rise also to much contention. The Queen resolved to eji- 
force uniformity, and required her bishops, especially Parker, 
to prosecute the delinquents. At length, the Puritans began 
to organize in separate conventicles, as their meetings were 
styled by their adversaries, in order to worship according to ili 
method which they approved. They mere numerous; th' 
clergy were learned and effective preachers, and both cIpi 
and people were willing to suffer for the sake of conscience. 
The cruel, but ineffectual, persecution of them, darkens die 
reign of Elizabeth, especially the latter part of it. Among the 
other ends for wiiich the Puritans were always zealous, wen" 
stricter discipline in the Church, and an educated, earnest 
ministry, to take the place of the thousands of notoriously 
incompetent clergymen.' 

If Hooper was the parent of Puritanism in its incipient form, 
a like relation to Puritanism, as a ripe and developed sj'sIcdi, 
belongs to Thomas CartnTight, Lady Margaret's Professor of 
Divinity at Cambridge. About the year 1570, he began lo 
set forth the principles respecting the polity of tlie Church anil 
the proper relation of the Church to the State, wliich foiciol 
the creed of the body of the Puritan party afterwards. The 
first point in his system is that the Scriptures are not only the 
rule of faith, but also the rule for the government and ilisciplinp 
of the Church. They present a scheme of poUty from which 
the Church is not at liberty to depart. The second point i^ 
that the management of Church affairs belongs to tlie Churdi 
itself and its officers, and not to civil magistrates. Cartwriglit 
held to the old view of tlie distinction between ecclesiastical 
and civil society. While the magistrate may not dictate lo 
the Church in matters pertaining to doctrine and discipliner 
still he ia bound to protect and defend the Church, and sec that 
its decrees are executed. Cartwright was no advocate ol 





The objectiaiiB of the PuritKiu to the Anglican Ritu&l are stated 
by Nenl, Hiat'iry ol On FvTitana, 1. ct v, 

ed antln- J 



Ftoleration. Id his system, Cliurch and State are indtssolubly 
linked, and there must be uniformity in religion. But what 
that system of religion and worship shall be, which it belongs to 
the magistrate to maintain, it is for the Church in ite own assem- 
blies, and not for him to decide. Moreover, CarlnTight con- 
tended that the system of polity which the Scriptures ordain 
is the Presbyterian, and that prelacy, therefore, is unlawful. 

This was, of course, a blow at the Queen's Supremacy, &a 
it hail been understood and exercised. It is true that Elizabeth 
disclaimed the title of Head of the Church and called herself 
its Governor. The thirty-seventh Article, which was framed 
under Khzabeth, expressly denies to the civil magistrate the 
right to administer the Word or the sacraments. But her visi- 
tatorial power had no defined limits. She did not hesitate to 
prescribe what should be preached and what should not be, 
and what rites should be practiced and what omitted, in a style 
which reminds one of the Byzantine emperors in the age of 
Justinian. She was not satisfied with disposing of ecclesias- 
tical possessions at her will. Sir Christopher Hatton, one of 
the Queen's favorites, built his house in the garden of Cox, the 
Bishop of Ely; and when he attempted to prevent the spoUa- 
tion, she wrote him a laconic note, in which she threatened with 
an oath to "unfrock" him if he did not instantly comply with 
lier l)ehest. She forbade, in the most peremptory manner, 
the meetings of clergymen for discussion and mutual improve- 
ment, called "prophesyings." When Archbishop Grindal ob- 
jected to her order and reminded her that the regulation of such 
matters belongs to the Church itself and to its bishops, she 
kept him suspended from his office for a number of years. The 
doctrine of Cartwright annihilated such pretensions. But the 
controversy which it opened upon the proper constitution of 
the Church, especially upon the questions relating to episcopacy, 
was destined to shake the English Church to its foundations. 
He found a vigorous opponent in Whitgif t ; and there were not 
wanting many other learned and eager disputants on each side. 
Before the end of EHzabeth's reign a division appeared among 
the Puritans, through the rise of the Independents.' They 

' Hanbury, Hist, Afrmoriali relotive to Ike IndependmU (3 vols. London, 
I8S0). Waddinj^on, CongrtgalioiuU ChvnA Bittory Irom Uu fiefonnjDtMm M 
1002 (Laadon, IS&i.). 




took the ground that national cliurches have no rightful 
ence. They differed from the other Puritans in being Separat- 
ists. According to their system, as it is explained later by 
John Robinson, their principal leader, the local Church is in- 
dependent ; autonomic in its polity ; its members being bound 
together by a covenant; its tt'acbers being elected and its dis- 
cipline managed by popular vote. The Independents did not 
recognize the Church of England, in its national form, as a true 
Church ; but the separate parish churches organized under it 
might be true churches of Christ. Their prime fault was the 
neglect of discipline, in consequence of which some otber 
proof of Christian character must be required, besides iDem- 
bership in them. During the reign of Ehzabeth, the Inde- 
pendents had acquired no considerable power, although they 
were the victims of cruel persecution. 

About the end of the sixteenth century, a new turn kss 
given to the Puritan controversy by the great work of Hooker, 
the treatise on Ecclesiastical Polity. The elevated tone of 
this work, combined with its vigorous reasoning and its elo- 
quence, seemed to take up the controversy into a higher atmos- 
phere.' Hooker endeavors to go to the bottom of the subject 
by investigating the nature of laws and the origin of authority. 
One of his fundamental propositions is that the Church is 
endued with a legislative authority by its Founder, within the 
limits act by Him. It may vary its organization and methods 
of worship, and it is shut down to no prescribed system. He 
holds that Kpiscopacy is an apostolical institution, and is the 
best form of government; but he appears to think tliflt the 
general Church, "as tlic highest subject of power," is not abso- 
lutely bound to ailhere to tliis system. Since the Church is 
thus an authorized lawgiver, it is factious to disobey the reguli- 
tiona which the Church establishes, where they do not contra-J 
vcne the laws of its Founder. Hooker identifies Church ami 
State, considering the two as different aspects of functions nf 
one and the same society. Tlie supremacy of the king over (lie 
Church is the logical corollary. It is remarkable that he an- 
swers the complaint that Christian people are deprived of a voiw 

' The temper of Hooker may be judged from the following nobte neDMnW* 
"There will come a limo when thrpc wordB, ullerod with chuily and tofkn'"- 
shall rcceiVB a far mora blessed reward Ihan three thousand volumes wnl"" 
Witlj disdainful BliarvnCHa ot wit." EtcUeiasl. Fulily: Fn/aee. 




in the choice of their officers, by brining forward the theory 
of the social compact, the same theory as that which Locke 
afterwards presented. In truth, this theory is one of the car- 
dinal principles of Hooker. It is a government of laws, and 
not a despotism, which he advocates both for the State and for 
the Church. His conception of a hmited monarchy was one not 
agreeable to the theory or practice of the Tudors. But he 
curiously apphes this theory to justify such customs as the con- 
trol exercised by patrons in the appointment of the clergy. 

Afl we look back to the begi nnin gs of the Puritan contro- 
versy in the reign of Edward and at the accession of Elizabeth, 
it seems plain that the questions were those on which good and 
wise men among the Protestants might di£fer. Half of the nation 
was Cathohc. T!\e clergy were of such a character that out of 
ten thousand not more than a few hundred chose to leave their 
places rather than conform to the Protestant system of Edward. 
A great part of them were extremely ignorant, and an equal 
number preferred the Roman Catholic system to any other. How 
can the people ever be won from popery, the Puritans demanded, 
if no very perceptible change is made in the modes of worship 
and in the apparel of the ministry ? If the distinctive emblems 
and badges of popery are left, how shall the people be brought 
out of that system, and be led to give up the whole theory of 
priestly mediation ? But the state of things that moved one 
party to adopt this conclusion had an opposite effect upon the 
judgment of their opponents. Protestantism may fail alto- 
gether, they argued, if it breaks too abruptly with the traditional 
customs to which a great part of the nation are attached. 
Better to retain whatever is anywise compatible with the 
essentials of Protestantism, and wean the people from their 
old superstitions by a gentler process. Hold on to the apparel 
and the ceremonies, but carefully instruct the people as to their 
real agnificance. Thus the true doctrine will be saved ; and, 
moreover, the religious life of the nation will preserve, in a 
degree, its continuity and connection with the past. The 
tract of Lord Bacon on the "Pacification of the Church," which 
was written in the reign of the successor of Elizabeth, is a 
and moderate review of the Puritan controversy, in which 
parties come in for about an equal share of censure.' He 

> Bacon's Worki (Hontagu'a ed.), v^. &\ Mc\, 



cahn ^M 

both ■ 

com- ^M 



plwDs of the FuritaDS, among other things, for masting that 
there is one prescribed form of discipline for all churches and 
for all tirne. He asserts that there are "the general rules of 
govermuent: but for rites and ceremonies, and for the pai>^ 
ticular hierarchies, policies, and disciplines of chiu'ches, they™ 
be left at large," He complains of "the partial affectation aitij 
imitation," ' by the Puritans, "of the foreign churches." But 
in respect to many of the evils against which the Puritans pro- 
tested, such as non-residence, pluralities, and the ignorance of 
the clergy, he is in sympathy with them. He thinks tliat 
liberty ^ould have been granted in various things which were 
allowed by the ruling party to be indifferent. He would gire 
up the required use of the ring in marriage ; would give liberty 
in respect to the surplice; and he would not exact subscriptions J 
for rites and ceremonies, as for articles of doctrine. At thefl 
time when Bacon wrote, the opponents of the Puritans were 
begi nnin g to look with favor on a theory which had not beeo 
held by them before that the episcopal polity is necessary to 
the existence of a church. Tiius the Episcopalians, as well ss 
the Presbyterians, contended alike for the exclusive lawfubess 
of their respective systems. 

The controversy of Churchman and Puritan is not extinct ; 
but however opinions may differ in regard to the Enghah Refor- 
mation and the merits of the principal actors in it, every one 
at (he present day must rejoice that no tempest of iconoclasm 
ever swept over England. Wlioever looks on those 

— "Swelling hills and apacioua pluns. 
Besprent from abors to Bfaoro with Bteeple-tawers, " 

can partake of a brilliant French ^Titer's admiration for "that 
practical good sense which has effected revolutions without 
committing ravages; which, while reforming in all directions, 
has destroyed nothing ; which has preserved both its trees ai"l 
its constitution, which has lopped off the dead branches wth- 
out leveling the trunk ; which alone, in our days, among al' 
nations, is in the enjoyment not only of the present but the 

' "I, for my part, do eoofesa, that, in revolving tha Seriptures. I eouU "W* 
find ony aunh thing; but that God hud left the like liberty to the Church »o'- 
Bminent na he hud done to tha civil govcrnoienl." etc. — Baaoa's Worki. vii. »■ 

' Taine, Hidorji of Etiffiuh LUeralure, u. 517. 




The history of the Scottish Reformation la closely inter- 
woven with tliat of Elizabeth's reign. Her security depended 
on the divisions of her enemies, on the mutual jealousies of 
the Catholic powers. To prevent tlicm from maliing common 
cause against her was one of the principal elements of her policy. 
It was, also, essential that neither of them should acquire such 
strength and liberty of action as would endanger her safety. 
Scotland, the oid enemy of England, and the old ally of France, 
was the point from which, as she feared and her enemies hoped, 
the most dangerous assault might be made upon her and upon 
English Protestantism. The peril was much augmented by 
the position of Mary, Queen of Scots, in relation to the Catholic 
governments, and by the schemes and aspirations that grew 
out of her claims to the English throne. 

In Scotland the spirit of feudalism was not reduced, as it 
was in England: the feeling of clanship was strong, and the 
nobles felt none of that deference to the sovereign which was 
manifested in the neighbor country and in France. The Scot- 
tish King waa without a standing army or even a bodyguard, 
and must depend for his personal protection, as well as for his 
support in war, on the feuilai miUtia of the country, who took 
the field under their own lords. The natural roughness of the 
aristocracy of Scotland was little softened, except in a few 
instances, by their intercourse with the poUte nobihty of France. 
On the contrary, "their dress was that of the camp or stable; 
they were dirty m person and abrupt and disrespectful in 
manner, carrj^ng on their disputes, and even fighting out their 
fierce quarrels, in the presence of royalty, which had by no 
means accomplished the serene, imperial isolation which the 
sovereigns of France had achieved since the days of Francis I. 
With the exception of one or two castles, which had been built 
in the French style, the best families were crowded into narrow 
square towers, in which all available means had been exhausted 
in strength, leaving nothing for comfort or beauty." ' The 
royal residences, with the exception of the new palace. Holy- 
rood, were httle better. The common people, poor but proud, 
self-willed and boisterous in their manners, could not, as in 
France, be kept at a distance from royalty. In the reign of 
James V., and generally during the regency of his Queen, the 

> Burtaii, llitloru uf Seolland, W. 112. 


clergy and the sovereign were allied by a common deare to curb 
the power of the nobility. The clergy profited by the forfei- 
turea and penalties inflicted on the aristocracy. This was odp 
reason why the nobles were inclined to favor Protestantism. 
The lay gentry had their eyes fixed on the vast estates of their 
clerical rivals.' The Protestant tendency, however, was opposed 
by the fixed, hereditary feeling of hostihty to England and to 
the predominance of English influence. 

Perhaps there was no country where the Church stood iii 
greater need of reformation than Scotland. The clcrgj- were 
generally illitejate. In the fifteenth centmy, three imivw- 
aties had been founded in Scotland, — St. Andrews, Gla^ow, 
and Aberdeen ; but they appear to have accomplished Utile 
in elevating the character of the clergy, although they arose in 
time to serve effectually the cause of the Reformation. Id 
Scotland the Reformation was not preceded, but followed, by 
the revival of letters. Not only was the law of celibacy prac- 
tically abolished, but the priestly order was extremely disaolutt. 
Half of the property of the kingdom was in their hands. The 
covetousness of the lay lords and a prevalent just indignation 
at the profligacy of the clerical body were the moving forcw 
of the Reformation. It should be mentioned that praisewortliy, 
but ineffectual, attempts were made by the old Church to abolish 
the most crying abuses.' After the Protestant spirit began W 
manifest itself, when the clergy met the rebukes that were ad- 
dressed to them with cruel persecution, the popular indignation 
acquired a double intensity. We find, throughout the Scol^B 
tish Reformation, a tone of unrelenting hostility to the papa*^ 
system of religion; a temper identical with that of the prophets 
of the Old Testament in reference to formalism and idolatry 
the Jewish Church, 

There were martyrs to the Reformation in the reign 
James V., the most noted of whom was Patrick Hamilton, who 
had been a student at Marburg, and whose death made a pro- 
found impression. Under the regency of the widow of Janit'^- 
after the a5Ras.sination of Cardinal Beaton, the principal insti- 
gator of persecution, there was, for a long time, a mild policy 
in the treatment of heresy. The Earl of Arran, the Lord 




' Burton, iv. 25. 

' Jbid., iv, 40. Loe, Lectum on Iht Hutory of tht Church uj Scotland, i. 72 seq. 


tector, at first favored the Protestant side. During the reign 
of Marj- of Eiiglaml, the hostility of France to Pliilip of Spain 
am! to his English Queen, operated to secure a lenient treatment 
in Scotland for Protestant refugees from across the border. The 
Conspiracy of Aniboise had not then taken place, and the Guises, 
the brothers of the Regent, had not fairly entercil on their grand 
crusade against the Huguenots and the House of Bourbon. But 
Mary of England died in November, 155S, and was succeeded by 
Elizabeth. Events were hastening toward a religious war in 
France; the Conspiracy of Amboise was formed in 1560. At 
the instigation of her brothers, as it is supposed, the Regent 
cimnged her course, and undertook to carry out repressive meas- 
ures. It was in 1559 that John Knox returned to Scotland from 
the Continent, and the crisis of the Scottish Reformation soon 
ensued. ^ 

Little is known of the parentage of Knox. At the Univer- 
sity of Glasgow, he was a contemporary of the celebrated scholar 
and historian, George Buchanan ; and he had among his teachers 
John Mair, or Major, who had been in the University of Paris, 
and had brouglit home with him the Gallican theory of church 
government, together with radical opinions upon the right of 
revolution, and the derivation of kingly authority from popular 
consent. Major had also imbibed the opinion of the ancients 
that tyrannicide is a virtue. He was not an able man ; yet he 
may have contributed somewhat to the development of kindred 
opinions in the mind of Knox.' Kjiox read diligently Augustine 
and Jerome, and heartily embraced the Reformed faith. Beaton 
was assassinated in 1546 by conspirators, some of whom were 
moved by resentment for private injuries, and some by a desire 
to deliver the country from his cruelties. Knox hunself pro- 
fesses to acquiesce in this event, so far as it was providential, or 
the act of God; though it is evident, likewise, that he has little, 
if any. repugnance towards it, considered as the act of man. 
The enemies of Beaton took refuge in the Castle of St, Andrews, 
Knox joined them, with private pupils, whom he was then in- 
structing. There he was called to preach, and reluctantly com- 
plied with the imperative summons of his brethren. But the 
castle was taken by the French ; he was carried as a captive to 

■ UcCrie, Li}e ef Knox (6th ed., 1S3B), p. 30. M&ir ia ridiculed by Bueli&iAx^ 
Lee, i. 33, 34. 


THE reformatio;; 


France, and experiwiced hard usage there. After his release,' 
ho was actively empioyed in preaching, principally in the north 
of England, and produced a great effect by his honesty, earnest- 
nesa, and blunt eloquence. Not fully satisfieil with the eccle- 
siastical system established by Craiinier, he dpclitied a bishopric 
in the Enghsh Church. During the roign of Mary, lie was for 
a while at Frankfort, and there led the party in the Church of 
the exiles, who were opposed to the use of the English Prayer- 
book, without certain alterations which they demanded. The 
most of this period he spent at Geneva, in the society of Cahin 
and the other Genevan preachers, and in active labor as pastor 
of a church composed of English and Scotch residents. It was 
at Geneva that he put forth his unlucky publication, entitled 
the "First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regi- 
men of Women"; a work which was specially aimed, as he 
afterwards explained to Mary of Scotland and to Elizabeth, at 
"the bloody Jezebel" who was then reigning in England, but 
wliich denied the right of women to rule nations, as a general 
proposition in ethics. Notwithstanding the inconvenience which 
this doctrine occasioned him afterwards, he had the manUness 
to refase to retract it. His clumsy attempts at apology, for he 
was even more awkward in framing apologies than Luther, did 
not conciliate the good will of Elizabeth. 

During the reign of Mary of England, while there was war 
between France and Spain, the Scottish exiles were able to come 
back to their country. Knox returned in 1555, and in the fol- 
lowing year the Scottish Protestant lords united in a solemn 
Covenant to defend their religion against persecution. The gov-, 
ernment once more renewed its repressive measures, and Knox, 
who had held his meetings in various places with much effect, 
was again forced to leave. The Scottish "Lords of the Congre- 
gation" now resolved at every hazard to put an end to the 
persecution. The jealous feehng which was awakened respect- 
ing the designs of France upon Scotland, and which was aug- 
mented by the marriage of Mary to the Dauphin, combined a 
powerful party against the Regent. The lords and the Prot- 
estant preachers stood in opposition to the Queen and the Catho- 
lic clergy. Knox returned and thundered in the pulpit against 
the idolatry of the Romish worship. In Perth a sermon in 
denunciation of the worship of images was followed by a ri^g 




of what Knox calls "the rascal multitude," which demolished 
them, and pulled dowii the monasteries. The same thing was 
done elsewhere ; and this iconoclaam is one of the characteristic 
features of the Scottish Reform. In the armed contest that 
ensued, the Regent gained such advantages that Elizabeth was 
reluctantly obliged to furnish open assistance to the Protestant 
party, to save Scotland from falling into the hands of the French. 
Her position was an embarrassing one to herself. She detested 
Knox and his principles. She abhorred, especially, the political 
theory which the Scottish Protestants avowed and put in prac- 
tice, that subjects may take up arms against their sovereign. 
Yet the poUtical situation was such that she was obliged, as a 
choice of evils, to render them aid. This she bad done before 
clandestinely. But now the peril was so inmiinent that she 
was forced to come out in tlie face of day and send her troops to 
the assistance of the lords. Even the King of Spain, the cham- 
pion of Catholicism, was so unwilling to see the French masters 
of Scotland that he rejoiced in the success of Elizabeth's inter- 
ference. The Treaty of Edinburgh, by which the French were 
to evacuate Leith and leave the country hmited essentially the 
prerogatives of the Scottish sovereign : war and peace could not 
be made without the consent of the Estates. The Queen-regent 
died on the 10th of June, 1560. The Estates convened in August. 
The Calvinistic Confession of Faith was approved, the Roman 
Catholic religion was aboli.?hed, and the administering of the 
mass, or attendance upon it, was forbiddea — the penalty for 
the third offense being death, "On the morning of the 25th 
of .August, 1560, the Romish hierarchy was supreme; in the 
evening of the same day, Calvinistic Protestantism was estab- 
lisheti in its stead." ' But whether the Acts of Parliament would 
abide and be effectual or not "depended on events yet to come," 
Knox and his fellow-ministers found themselves at variance 
with their lay supporters on the question of the adoption of the 
" First Book of Discipline, " the restraints of which were not at 
ell acceptable to the lords and lairds who had received the Cal- 
vinistic doctrines with alacrity. There was involved in this 
dispute another question which came up .'ipparately — that of 
the disposition to be made of ecclesiastical property. Knox 
and the preachers were bent upon devoting it to the new Church, 

' BurtoD, iv. 89. 



for the sustenance of miniBters, schools, and universities, 
this measure the lords of the congregation, among whom the 
desire for the lands and possessions which they were able to 
appropriate at the overthrow of the old religion was quite as 
potent as reli^ous zeal, would not consent. The new Church 
was obhged to content itself with a portion of the property that 
had belonged to the old, Knox, who was skillful in penetratJDg 
the poUttcal schemes of his adversaries, gave his lay friends credit . 
for more sincerity and disinterestedness than they really had, f 
It was a weakness that sprang out of his own siraple-heartcii 
honesty and zeal. But in this matter of the '"Book of Disci- 
pline" and the Church property, he saw their motives, and gavu 
free utterance to his wrath. 

Francis II., the young husband of Queen Mary, died on the 
5th of December, 1560. By this event, Catharine de Medici, 
who hatetl Mary, acquired power, and set about tlie work of 
mediating between the two contending parties that di\'iclcd 
France that she might control them both. Scotland was re- 
lieved from danger arising out of the ambitious plans of tbe 
Guises. Mary returned to her native kingdom to assume her 
crown. We need not give credence to the extravagant praises 
of such admirers as Brantome, who accompanied her on lier 
voyage to Scotland; but that she was beautiful in person, ol , 
graceful and winning manners, quick-witted, accomphshed, with ■ 
a boundless fund of energy, there is no doubt. She had grown 
up in the atmosphere of deceit and corruption which surrounded 
the French court, in the society, if not imder the influence, of ■ 
Catharine de Medici. Brantome himself, the hcentious chron- 
icier, and Chfitelar, the ill-starred poet, another of her Frendi 
attendants, who was afterwards beheaded for hiding himaelf 
under her bed, suggest in paxt the character of the associations 
in which she had been placed. She came to reign over a king- 
dom where the strictest form of Calvinism had been made ihe 
law of the land. No contrast can be more striking than that 
presented by this youthful Queen, fresli from the gayeties of 
her "dear France" and from the homage of the courtiers thai 
thronged her steps, and the homely and austere surroundings 
of her new abode. Brantome records that she wept for liours 
together on the voyage ; and when she saw the horses that lisii 
been sent to convey her from Leith to Holyrood, she again bur*' 


into tears. The situation was such that any active opposition 
to the newly established religion would have been futile and 
disastrous to herself. The Guises were absorbed in the civil 
contest in France, and could not undo the work which the Prot- 
estants in Scotland had effected. Whatever hopes Mary had 
of either succeeding or supplanting Elizabeth would have been 
destroyed by a premature exhibition of an anti-Protestant policy, 
Mary contented herself with celebrating mass in her own chapel 
and in other places where she sojoiyned. The principal direc- 
tion of affairs was left in the hands of her half-brother, the Earl 
of Murray, the leader of the Protestant nobles. She even united 
with Murray in crushing the Earl of Huntley, the richest and 
most powerful of the Cathohc lords, who, however, had not 
shown himself a steady or lUainterested friend of the old rehgion. 
The enthusiastic admirers and apologists of Marj- maintain 
that she was sincerely in favor of toleration. They would 
make her a kind of apoatle of religious liberty. It is an unrea- 
sonable stretch of charity, however, to suppose that she would 
not from the be^nning have rejoiced in the restoration, and, 
had it been feasible, the forcible restoration of the old religion. 
It is one of her good points that she never forsook her own faith 
from motives of self-interest, and never swerved from her fidelity 
to it, save in one instance and for a brief interval, when she was 
carried away by her passion for Bothwell. That she should 
"serve the time and atill commode herself discreetly and gently 
with her own subjects." and "in effect to repose most on them 
of the reformed religion," was the policy which had been 
sketched for her in France, as we learn from her faithful friend, 
Sir .lames Melville.' Her letters to Pope Pius IV., and to her 
uncle, the Cardinal of Lorraine, in 1563, plainly declare her 
inclination to bring back the old religious sy-item to its former 
supremacy. She steadfastly withheld her assent from the acts 
of Parliament which changed the religion of the country; and 
it was an unsettled constitutional question whether acts of this 
nature were vahd without the sovereign's approval. It was 
natural, as it was evident, that Mary "had no idea of risking 
her position in Scotland by any premature display of zeal" in 
behalf of her religion and in hostility to that legally sanctioned. 
" It seems to have been her hope that she would gather round 

■ Mamoin, p. SB. 





her in timp a party strong enough to effect a change of religioD 
by constitutional meai^." A different policy was not coni- 
mendeii to her by her counselors abroad or by the Pope him- 
eelf,' She was careful to prevent any overt movement against 
the old religion, wliile guarding the means, should an opportunity™ 
occur, to secure the restoration of it. Murray conducted tbc^ 
government with a view to keep in check both of the rehgious 
parties, to maintain the Protestant establishment, but at Ibe 
same time to protect Mary in the personal enjoyment of her 
own worship. 

The resolution of the Queen to have mass in her chapel, sdJ 
the secret design, which Knox more and more believed her lo 
cherish, to reestablish popery, found in that reformer an immov- 
able antagonist. His "History of the Reformation of Relipon 
in Scotland," that quaint and ori^nal work, in which he describe 
hia own career, narrates the rise and progress of the great con- 
flict, in which the Queen, with her rare powers of fascinalitm 
and influence, stood on one side, and he on the other. When 
the preparations for the first mass were perceived (on the 24tli 
of August, 1561), " the heart* of all the godly," he says, "began 
to be bolden; and men began openly to speak, 'shall that idol 
be suffered again to take place within this realm? It shall 
not,"" It was proposed that the "idolater priest should die 
the death according to God's law." But Murray guarded the 
chapel door " that none should have entrance to trouble the 
priest," Murray's excuse was, however, "that he would stop all 
Scotsmen to enter the mass." After a little while, the Protestanl 
lords, out of respect to the Queen's declaration that her con- 
science bound her to adhere to the obnoxious rite, were disposed 
to permit her to do so. They were bewitched, as Knox thought, 
by the enchantress; and he inveighed in hia pulpit against 
idolatry, declaring that one mass was "more fearful unio him 
than if ten thousand armed enemies were landed in any part of 
the realm, of purpose to suppress the holy reUgjon." The 
Queen resolved to try the effect of a personal interview, and of 
her skill in reasoning, upon this most intractable and powerful 
of all the professors of the new faith. None were present, within 
hearing, but Murray. It was the first of the memorable coo- 



' Cambridge Modem Hiilory. vol. in., p. 367. 
' Knox, Hulonj, elr. (Glimgo'*-, 1832), p. 247. 



ferencea or debates which Knox had with the Queen. We fol- 
low his own narrative. "Tlie Queen," he says, "accused him, 
that he had raised a part of her subjects against her mother 
and against herself; that he had written a book against her 
just authority — she meant the Treatise against the Regimen 
of Women — which she had and should cause the most learned 
in Europe to write against; that he was the cause of great se- 
dition and great slaughter in England; and that it was said to 
her that all that he did was by necromancy. To whicli the said 
John answered, 'Madam, it may please your Majesty patiently 
to hear my simple answers. And first,' said he, 'if to teach the 
truth of God in sincerity, if to rebuke idolatry, and to will a 
people to worship God according to His Word, be to raise sub- 
jects against their princes, then cannot I be excused; for it has 
pleased God of His mercy to make me one, among many, to dis- 
close unto this realm the vanity of the papistical religion, and 
the deceit, pride, and tyranny of that Roman Antichrist.'" He 
began with this perspicuous statement of his position. He went 
on to say that the true knowledge of God promotes obedience 
to rulers, and that Mary had received as unfeigned obedience 
from "such as profess Christ Jesus," as ever her ancestors had 
received from their bishops. As to his book, he was ready to 
retract if he could be confuted, but he felt able to sustain its 
doctrines against any ten who might attempt to impugn them. 
Knox had an unbounded confidence in his cause, and no distrust 
of his own prowess in the defense of it. "You think," said 
Mary, "that I have no just authority?" To this direct inquiry, 
he replied by referring to Plato's "Republic," in which the phi- 
losopher "damned many things that then were maintained in 
the world"; yet this did not prevent him from living quietly 
under the systems of government which he found existing. "I 
have communicated," he added, "my judgment to the world; 
if the realm finds no inconveniency in the regimen of a woman, 
that which they approve I shall not further disallow, than within 
my own heart, but shall be as well content to live under your 
grace, as Paul was to live under Nero. And my hope is that as 
long as that ye tlefile not your hands with the blood of the saints 
of God, that neither I nor that book shall either hurt you or 
your authority; for, in very deed, Madam, that book was writ- 
ten most especially against that wicked Jezebel of Ea^'MiA." 



"But," said the Queen, "ye speak of women in general." To 
this Knox respon(Jed that he could be charged with making do 
fsturbance, but that his preaching in England and elsewhere 
had promoted quietness. As to the charge of necromancy, he 
could Midure that, seeing that his Master was accused of being 
"posaessed with Beelzebub." Lea\Tng Knox's offensive book, 
TAary reminded him that God conmiands subjects to obey Ibeir 
princes, and asked him how be reconciled his conduct, in per- 
goading the people " to receive another religion than their princw 
can allow/' with that precept. Knox replied that subjects are 
not "bound to frame their religion according to the appetilerf 
ihctr princes," and appealed to the example of the Israelites in 
^^rpt, and to the example of Daniel, on which he dilated at 
' kngth. "Yet," said she; "none of thom raised the sr-i 
their princes." Knox answered that still they denii 
obeiBeDce to their mandates. Wary was not to be dri\'en from 
Imt poiol, and i^ied : " But yet they resisted not by the sword." 
"God," aid he, " Madam, had not given them the power and the 
""Hiink ye," said she, "that subjects ha^'icg power 
PBsist their princes?'' "If their princes exceed their 
l" said he. " Madam, and do against that wherefore ihey 
he obeyipd. it is no doubt but they may be resisted, evffl 
fegf power;" and he compared this resistance to the restraint 
tqr d^drm upon a frensied father. " At these words, 
sMkk^ as it mn, amaied, more than a quarter of an 
her eeiailCBanee altered, so that Ix)rd James b^an to 
mtn*! htr and lo dMoaod, ' What has offended you. Madam?' 
Al toftll *tM 9Hd. * Well, then. I perceive that my subjects shull 
«lnr JWL mA MOt ae; an^l ^lall do what they list, and doC 
«kitl I eoaunaad: a&d so most I be eoibject to them, and ncM 
IfeMf to «»."* Kmk deanmed to this conclusion. "My trs^ 
T»H )» th«t both pfiaees and subjects obey God." Kings &i>^ 
«)WMC» were lo be toEtrr-Cathers and nurses to the Ktrk. E^l 
4iM by Ibr iM«lr. Manr vmt. perhapei. further than she ha^ 
#|^pM>d. -* ^t ve are not the K'u^ that I will nurse. 1 will 
dllMta the Kiri ^^ Rctne. Uv it is. I think, the true K'u-k of God. ' 
"^YWr "aii." akid he. " Hadua, *s no feason, neither doth your 
ibMN^I Maiv that Rcwnnn hariot to be the true and imnucu- 
lhH> i|VMW> of Jvne Ouvl. .And winder not, Madam, that T 
vkH IbMnwabartiM; K« that Kirfc is all«pether polluted «ith ali 




Ktnil of spiritual fornication, as well in doctrine as in manners." 
He offered to prove that the "Kirk of the Jews," when it cruci- 
fied Jesus, was not so far removed from true religion "as that 
Kirk of Rome is declined." "My conscience," said Mary, "is 
not so." Conscience, he answered, requires knowledge; and he 
proceeded to say that she had enjoyed no true teaching. De- 
scending to particulars, he pronounced the mass " the invention 
of man," and therefore "an abomination before God." To liis 
harangue, Mary said, " If they were here whom I have heard, 
they would answer you." Knox expressed the wish that the 
"most learned Papist in Europe" were present, that she might 
learn "the vanity of the papistical religion," and how little 
ground it had in the Word of God. Knox departed, wishing 
that she might be as great a blessing to Scotland " as ever Deb- 
orah was in the commonwealth of Israel." He remarks that she 
"continued in her massing; and despised and quietly mocked 
»11 exhortation." Being asked by his friends at the time what 
lie thought of her, be said, " If there be not in her a proud mind, 
B crafty wit, and an indurate heart against God and his truth, 
niy judgment faileth me." In Knox, as he appears in these 
intrrviews, one may behold the incarnation of the democratic 
plrit of Calvinism. Close attention to the verbal combat of 
be Queen and Knox does not warrant either the inference that 
' was of a mind to drive her, for being a Catholic, from the 
irone, or that she cherished an intent to exterminate the Church 
eted by the law of the Land. 
On another occasion he was summoned to the presence of 
he Queen, in consequence of his preaching about the dancing 
»' Holvrood. Knox said that in the presence of her Council she 
wns grave, but "how soon soever the French fillocks, fiddlers, 
_>Dcl others of that band gat into the house alone, then might be 
skipping not very comely for honest women." It must 
I rwnarked that the dances in vogue then would not now be 
very comely, even by liberal critics.' "He was called 
I accused, as one that had irreverently spoken of the Queen, 
nrf iJiat travailed to bring her into hatretl and contempt of the 
pie." "The Queen," he says, "made a long harangue," to 
•h he replied by repeating exactly what he hail said in the 
llpit. lu the course of the conversation he freely expressed 

■ Burlou, iv. 209. 



le is 

his opinion of her uncles, whom he styled " enemies to God ani 
unto his son Jeeus Christ," and declined her request tliat he 
woiild come and make what criticisms he had to make upon her 
conduct to her personally. He could not wait upon individ- 
uals, but it waa his function " to rebuke the sins and vices of all '' 
in his sermons, which he invited her to come and hear. He was 
too shrewd to consent to be silent in public for the sake of the^ 
privilege of conversing with her in private. She showed be^| 
displeasure. But "the said John departed with a reasonable 
merry countenance ; whereat some Papists, ofifendeti, said, ' He is 
not afraid;' which heard of him, he answered, 'Wliy should the 
pleasing face of a gentlewoman fear me? I have looked in 
faces of many angry men, and yet have not been afraid abo> 
measure.' " 

The mass and auricular confession were not wholly given up,' 
especially in the western districts south of the Clyde, "The^ 
brethren," says Knox, "determined to put to their own hands,'^H 
and no longer wait for King or Council, but "execute the pun-^^ 
ishment that God had appointed to idolaters in his law, by such i 
means as they might, wherever they should be apprehended/^fl 
The brethren had begun this work of executing the law for them-^l 
selves, when the Queen, who was at Lochleven, sent for Knox. 
He defended the proceeding. Where kings neglect their duty 
of executing the laws, the people may do it for them, and ev^^J 
restrain kings, he added, in case they spare the wicked and^f 
oppress the innocent. "The examples," he said, "are evident, 
for Samuel feared not to slay Agag, tlie fat and delicate King of^J 
Amaiek, whom King Saul had saved : neither spared Elias Jeze^^f 
bel's false prophets and Baal's priests, albeit that King Ahab 
was present. Phineas was no magistrate, and yet feared he not 
to strike Cozbi and Zimri " — and he specified in the plainest 
words the sin of which they were guilty. He informed Mary 
that she must fulfill her part of " the mutual contract," if she 
expected to get obedience from her subjects,' "The said John 
left her," but, much to his surprise, early the next morning, she 
sent for him again. He met her "at the hawking, by West 
Kincross, Whether it was the night's sleep, or deep dissimula- 
tion, that made her to forget her former anger, wise men may 
doubt." She conversed with him in a familiar and confident 

' Bittory, p. 385. 



tyle, asking hie good offices to restore peace between the Eari 
of Argj-ie and his wife ; and wound up the conference by alluding 
to the inter\'iew of the previous night, and by promising "to 
—xniDister justice" as he had required. Many arrests were actu- 
fklly made, apparently in pursuance of her promise. But from 
about this time (1563), eyraptoma of a Romish reaction were 
manifest. The Queen's influence began to have its effect. Knox 
was not ignorant of her communications with France, Spain, and 
the Papal Court; for he had his own correspondents on the 
itinent.' From this time Knox and the Queen were really 
in a contest, each for the extermination of the other.' 
'len it was known that she was considering the question of a 
iiriage with the Archduke of Austria, or with Don Carlos, the 
of Philip II., and when Knox found the Protestant nobles 
^lukewarm or indifferent on the subject, he did not hesitate to 
thunder in the pulpit against the scheme, and to predict direful 
coneequences, should the nobles allow it to be carried out. Ex- 
a.'sperateil at this new interference, the Queen summoned him to 
her presence, and with passionate outbursts of weeping de- 
nounced his impertinent meddling with affairs that did not belong 
jt o him. Knox maintained his imperturbable coolness, although 
^Be declared that he had no pleasure in seeing her weep, since 
Hh|ft he could not, without pain, see the tears of his own boys 
"men he chastised them. Dismissed from the Queen's presence, 
he was detained for a while in the adjacent room, where he 
"merrily" uttered a quaint homily to the ladies of the court on 
their "gay gear" and on the havoc that death would make with 
their flesh and all their finery; a speech in a tone that has been 
aptly likened to that of the soliloquy of the grave-digger in 

In the summer of 1563, during the absence of the Queen 
from Edinburgh, her followers who were left twhind attemptetl 
to hold mass in the chapel at Holyrooti. .\n unusual number 
from the' town joined them. "Divers of the brethren, being 
tare offended, consulted how to redress that enormity." They 
Resorted to the spot in order to note down the names of such as 
Kiigbt come to participate in the unlawful rite. It appears that 
"he chapel door was hurst open, "whereat, the priest and the 
French dames, being affrayed, made, the shout to be sent to the 

■ DurtoD, IT. 219. 





town." Two of the party were indicted "for carrying pistols 
within tlic burgh, convention of lieges at the palace, and inva- 
eion of the Queen's servants." Knox, who had been clothed 
with nulhority to summon the faithful together in any grave 
emergency, issued a circular calling upon them to be in Edin- 
biirgh on the day which had been designated for the trial. TheB 
Queen imagined that she had now caught him in a plain viola- 
tion of the law. He was required to appear before her and the 
Privy Council, to which were joined a considerable number of 
government officers and nobles. He gives a graphic descrip- 
tion of the scene and of the colloquies that took place. He 
states also that " the bruit rising in the town that John Knot 
was sent for by the Queen, the brethren of the Kirk followed ia 
such nmnber that the inner close was full, and all the stairs, evea 
to the chamber door where the Queen and Council sat." This 
gathering of his supporters would, of itself, disincline the Coun- 
cil to molest him; but, independently of the immediate danger 
attending such a step, the Protestant lords, the subtle and un- 
principled Lethington, for example, however they might charge 
bun with fanaticism, were not at all disposed to assume a posi- 
tion of hostility towards him. He had leave to depart, but did M 
not go until he had turned to the Queen and prayed that "Goii ■ 
would purge her heart from Popery and pre-serve her from llie 
counsel of flatterers." It is a mark of the steadfast honesty of ■ 
Knox that he broke off intercourse, for a long time, with Murray, ' 
whom he honored and loved, but whom, in conjunction witli 
the other lortls, he blamed for neglecting, in the Parliament of 
1563, tlie first Parliament after the Queen's arrival, to ratify the 
treaty of peace made in 1560, and the establishment of the Prol- f 
estant religion.' The principal business done at that session wa3 
to give a legal security to the appropriations that had been mfide 
of the church lands, by which the nobles had so much profit&l. 
It was a short time after this meeting of Parliament that Ivnoic 
preached the famous sermon to which we have referred on the 
Queen's marriage. 

The gloomy prospects of the cause of reform led Knos t^ 
adopt a form of public prayer for the Queen, in which the .al- 
mighty was besought to "deliver her from the bondage and 
thraldom of Satan," and thus save the reahn "from that plague 


McCric, p. 255. 


and vengeance that inevitably follows idolatry," as well as her 
own soul from "that eternal damnation which abides all obsti- 
nate Hud impenitent milo the end." At an assembly of the 
Kirk in the summer of 1564, the propriety of this prayer came 
up for discussion. At this meei'mg the lay lords, Murray, Ham- 
ilton, -\rgyle, Morton, Lethington, and others, entered into 
Bebate with the clerical leaders on this question and on the 
T>roper treatment of the Queen. But Knox and his associates 
asserted tliat the mass is idolatry, and, by Old Testament law 

Eld precedents, must be punished with death. No vote was 
ikeo ; but it was soon evident to the lay leaders that there was 
room for a middle party, and no hope that the Queen would 
abandon her " idolatry." 

It is obvious that Knox and his followers were no disciples 
of the doctrine of toleration. Two things, however, deserve to 
I be noticed. First, there was no kingdom where Roman Catho- 
[ lire having the relative strength of the Calvinists of Scotland 
|«oh1(1 have endured for a moment a Protestant sovereign. The 
of Henry IV, of France shows what the Catholic party 
ided, even when there was a powerful minority opposed 
)Uiem, Secondly, Knox and his associates were well convinced 
that die Queen, notwithstanding her fair professions, only waited 
for a favorable opportunity to extirpate them and to bring back 
the papa] system, the abolition of which she did not concede to 
I* legal. But, apart from these considerations, the Roman 
Cfttholic rites, in the eyes of Knox, were idolatry which must 
1 1» capitally punished and utterly suppressed ; otherwise the 
meiits of heaven would fall on tlie Ian<l. He attributed 
(partial failure of the crops to the wrath of God at the Queen'a 

Tlie Protestants had a feeling of insecurity, a feeling that 
Uipir cause was being cautiously undermined. They watched 
*ilh eager attention the various negotiations having respect to 
"if Queen's marriage. Had they been fully aware of the eflforta 
*'i4t were made to effect a marriage between Mary and Don 
t'«ilo8 of Spain, which were defeated by the machinations of 
fVlhftrinc de Medici, through her jealousy of the house of Guise, 
^"fy would have been filled with alarm and indignation. The 
l»D(>a.fli lions of Ehzabeth, inclmhng that of a marriage of Mary 
^ Laceater, fell to the ground. How far the Enghsh Queeu 


was siiiciTe in Ihpm it is impossible to bsv, ance even ho*] 
KigiK'iuiis aitviscrw could uot fathom her duplicity. One 
clf in tlw wiiy of Elizabeth's matrimonial schemes for Msryns 
the str-ady n-ftisal of the former definitely to guarantee the suf- 
eiiwioH to IiiT Hst<T of Scotland. She meant to retain this s«fe- 
Kuard for her life in her own hands. All plans of this sort were 
cut off by Mary's marriage with Damley. It was a case of 
iiiuluni tdve at first sight. Darnley was Mary's cousin, and the 
graiulaon of Margaret, the sister of Henry VIII.. and of the Earl 
of Angus, whom she marricil after the death of lier first husband, 
JamcH IV. Mary was ohanned with his personal appearanw 
— his lull form, the breadth of his shoulders, and his smooth, 
ban<lsomi' face. Darnley was a Catholic. Murray and the P^o^ 
fstaiil'^ iippi>scd the marriage as a decisive step towards the 
n-storalioD of the old reli^on. They complained that the laws 
against idolatry were not enforced. Mary had taken a husbanJ 
without consulting her Parliament, which, if not illegal, was iiide- 
eorous; and she had proclaimed him as King of Scots, which 
was cnnsiderenl an unronstitutional act.' The Queen had mar- 
ried against the remonstrance of Elizabeth and had incurmi 
her displeasure. The hopes of Mary centered in the King of 
Siuiin and her other friends on the Continent, The discontent«i 
Iwroiis, with Murray at their head, took up arms, but not recriv- 
ing the |)romiscil aid from England, their forces were dispersed, 
and the leaders were compelled to fly across the border. Ju.'t 
at this juncture, it was apprehended that France and Spain 
would join hands in a common attack upon Protestantism.' It 
was siipix)sed, though erroneously, that Catliarine de Medici and 
her son had signet! a league at Bayonne, at the instigation (^ 
Alva, for this end. It was believed, also, that Mary had fnr- 
mally attached her signature to the same bond. The politif*! 
situation was so perilous for England and English Protestantism 
that Elisabeth was leii f,ilsely to disavow all connection with 
Murray and Ids enterprise. Had Darnley been an able man, and 
liad his Queen been possessed of a wisdom and self-control equal 
to her acuteness and vivacity, the subsequent history of Scotland, 
and of England too, would have been essentially altered. But it 

' niirton, V. 370. 

* Mitry hnil npiillnl to the Kin| of SpuD for belp a^Dst her rabjeete. H** 
kok, .\tary and htr Aeeutert, i. 114. 

k but a short time for the incompatibility between Mary and 
Darnley to manifest itself. Elateil by hie elevation, he offended 
tlie nobles by his insolence and airs of superiority. Hie drunk- 
enness and other low vices soon disguateil, and at length com- 
pletely alienated, his mfe. Mary was imprudent enough to 
bestow so many marks of favor on Hizzio, an ItaUan whom she 
had matle her Secretary, that he became an object of bitter 
hatred to the nobihty. They despised him as an upstart and 
an adventurer who had usurped that place in the counsels 
ami good graces of the Queen which belonged to themselves, 
Rizzio had promoted the marriage with Darnley. He was con- 
sidered one of the props of tlie Roman Catholic faction. Par- 
liament was about to assemble, "the spiritual estate," to quote 
from a letter of Mary herself, "being placed there in the ancient 
manner, tending to have done some good anent restoring the 
auld rehgion, and to have proceeded agunst our rebels accord- 
ing to their demerits."' The estates of Murray and his con- 
federates were to be forfeited. On the 9th of March, 1566, Rizzio 
was murdered as the result of a plot of which Darnley on the one 
part, who was moved by jealousy of Rizzio, and Ruthven and 
other Protestant loriis on the other, who were enraged at the 
influence acquired by Rizzio, were the authors and executors. 
Darnley was angry that the crown matrimonial was withheld 
from him. It was stipulated in a secret agreement of Darnley 
with the lords that the banished nobles should be restored and 
the Protestant religion maintained. Rizzio was dragged out of 
the apartment in wiiich the Queen was supping, and slain in the 
adjacent room. It was only three months before the birth of 
the Queen's son, afterwards James VI., whose life, as well as 
tlie life of his mother, were exposed to imminent peril by this 
scene of brutal \iolence. The Queen's power of dissembling 
now served her well. She won the feeble Darnley to a coop- 
eration with her scheme, and escaping on Monday, at midnight, 
from Holyrood — the murder of Rizzio was on Saturday even- 
ing—she rode for five hours on horseback, and reached the 
strong fortress of Dunbar at daylight. The banished lords had 
appeared in Edinburgh on Sunday, the day after the murder. 
, . The new turn that was ^ven to affairs by the Queen's bold and 

■■ ■ Letter of Mary to her Councillor, the Blahop of Rtxa, in Lfttwnoff, i. 342. See 
Burton, iv. 304. 





successful movement obliged Morton, and the other lords 
had been directly participant in the destruction of Rizzio, to 
take refuge for a while in England. The others, including 
Murray, were received into favor. From this time, as we follow 
this tragic history, we tread at almost every step upon disputed 
ground. Around these transactions there have gathered the 
conflicting sj-nipatlues of reli^ous parties, not to speak of tbe 
personal feelings which cluster about events of pathetic inter- 
est, events which have been selected by great poets as an appro- 
priate theme for the drama. But there are some leading facte 
that are fully ascertained, and whether they are in every case 
admitted or not, they camiot plausibly be disputed. One of 
tliese facts is the complete estrangement of the Queen from 
Darnley. He had been mean and treacherous enough to ap- 
pear before the council and solemnly to affirm, what everybody 
knew to be false, that he had had no concern in the sla^'iug of 
Rizzio. He incurred the vindictive hatred of all who had been 
his confederates in the commission of that act. But Mary look 
no pains to conceal, she rather took pains to publicly, 
her thorough dislike and her contempt for him. He was despised 
and shunned by all. The birth of his son, afterwards James \1. 
of England and James I. of Scotland, which took place in Edin- 
biygh Castle, on the 19th of June, 1566, did not affect the rela- 
tions of liis parent-3 to one another. The repugnance nilli 
which Mary regarded Darnley was known to everybody, and was 
reported to foreign court-s. Another fact is her growing fond- 
ness for Bothwell, which was, also, a matter of common obser- 
vation, and was manifested by unmistakable signs. Bothwell 
was a brave, adventurous, resolute man, ■n-ith some exterior 
polish acquired at the court of France, but unscrupulous and 
unprincipled. Though connected with the Protestant ade, be 
had stood faithfully by the Queen Regent, Mary's mother, and 
by Mary herself. He had taken no part in the murder of Riziio, 
but on that occasion had himself escaped from Holyrood, and 
had lent her timely and effective assistance. Although the fact 
is still questioned by Mary's enthusiastic defenders, it is never- 
theless established that her attachment to liim grew into an 
overpowering passion.' Bothwell had a wife to whom he had 
not long been married ; Mary had a husband. Such were tbe 

> Burton, iv. 324 aeq. 




hindrances in the way of their union. It was affirmed suhsr- 
quently by Argyle and Huntley that they, together with Both- 
well, Murray, and Lethington, used the disaffection of the Queen 
towards her husband as a means of obtaining her consent to 
the pardon and return of Morton and others, who were in ban- 
ishment on account of their agency in tlie deatli of Rizzio. They 
began by proposing to her a divorce, but "the one thing clear 
is that a promise was made to rid the Queen of her unendurable 
husband, and that without a divorce."' Morton was allowed 
to return, but refused to take an active part in the plot, unless 
he were furnished with a written authorization from Mary, which 
could not be procured.' Murray claimed with truth that he 
never entered into an engagement for the murder of Darnley; 
but Lethington, according to the statement of Argyle and Hunt- 
ley, had said that Murray would "look through his fingers" — 
that is, stand off and not interfere. Whether Murray was aware 
of the plot, and was willing to have it succeed by other hands 
than his own, is a question which cannot be determined. The 
Queen, just before, gave a striking proof of her affection for 
Bothwell by paying him a visit when he was ill, at the peril of 
her own hfe. Darnley had been taken ill and went to Glasgow, 
where he was cared for under the direction of his father, the old 
Earl of Lennox, The Queen announced her purpose to visit 
him. She made the visit, and after they met, a conversation 
occurred between Darnley and Crawford, a gentleman in the 
service of Lennox, whom the latter had instructed to observe 
antl report whatever he saw and heard. The Queen had ar- 
ranged with Darnley that he should be taken to Craigmillar Castle 
and there receive nieilicat treatment. Both Crawford and Dam- 
ley expressed to one another their dislike of this arrangement, in 
such terms as imply a su.spicion that evil, even murder, might 
possibly be intended, Darnley expressed to Mary his penitence 
and his ardent deare for the restoration of the old relations 
between them. She met his advances apparently in a friendly 
spirit, and gave him fair promises, A few days later he was 
removed to Edinburgh, but instead of being taken to CrMg- 
niillar, or to Holyrood, he was conveyed to a place close to the 

■ See BurloD. iv. 3,13 ew]. 

* Morton, in (he ronfession that he made before hia execution, owned that he 
was urged by BoUiwell to join in the plot, and said, aa ■ reason for not nLv**.\- 
Ing it to the Queen, "She was t]ie door thereof." 



Id mi tBubilMtn) house th&t 
ifHBdeiit cf Bothwell, spTpra! 
^ far the King's reception. 
B tl» room imder Damky's 
the 9a of Fefaniaiy, loG7, 
e fcali* ' ilk» oonnected mtb ibe 
at BohTDod. TiuA ni^t the 
vtndi Bothirel] sad ias 
bedroocQ, muler Damlc)'. 
fftom the house. Whetber 
fcBpd. before the exploaon or 
lite cooffttiators had pro- 
I Uae keys ^ had ddttier&tely perfecW 
Whf^fT or not tfae Queen was prin 
lo tbe murder, ho' eoadort ftherwmrds was sufficiently impru- 
; to eoafr^ tke wool oaiaoGnB. Bothwdl, who was knonn 
' to be Ar p*w^hI tnoBial. was dudded by a trial 80 conducUnl 
a> to be BoUiBig diort of a mockcTy of juslioe.* Instead c^ ei- 
; her iBiiifcaiiiiiii . he roee stiD hitter in her favor, aJid 
( honored with an aenmmlatian of offices which rendeinl him 
Uk moBt pownfol maa in the kingdom. The next great evrnt 
. b the abdoctiaa of the Queen l^ BothwvU, who, at the head of 
III body of retainers, stofiped her on her way, and, nitbout any 
I reastance on her part, conducted b^* to Stirling Castle. Pre- 
viously, at a supper which he gave in Edinburgh, possbly through 
the ff?ar thai he inspired, he bad prevailed on most of the fii^l 
men of Scotland to sign a paper recommending the Queen to 
many him. In Slarj-'s own account of her capture and of the 
occurrfnccs at Stirling, she represents that force was used, but 
merely to such a d^ree, and accompanied with such protota-B 
tions of love — which had the more effect from her sense of ihe™ 
great services ho had rendered her — that she could only forgive 
h(.T Huitor for this excess and impatience of affection. Sir James 
Mr-lville, her fmthful friend, who had warned her, at the risk of 
hia life, against marrying Bothwell, was with her when she wns 
BtopiKrd by him; and he dryly remarks that Captain Blackader, 
who captured him, told him "that it was with the Queen's own^ 
consent."' Spottiswoode, who wrote his history at the request^ 

' MclvUlu iiByi UiBt everybody aiupMted Bothwell of the murdsr. JfiiM^- 
7t>' ' Memoin, p. 158. 



W James I,, her son, says that "No men doubted but this was 
(lone by her own Uking and consent.'" Bothwell was divorced 
from his wife, ainl the public wedding that united him to the 
Queen foUoweii. He now governeil with a high hand. Mary 
herself, to her own cost, soon became more fully acquainted with 
his coarse and despotic nature, and was an unhappy wife. Mean- 
time the principal barons were combining and preparing to crusli 
Bothwell, and they entered into communication with Ehzabeth, 
from whom they sought assistance. At Carberry Hill the forces 
of Botliwc!] and the army collected by the lords were arrayed 
agaiiiDt each other. But a battle was avoided by the surrender 
o[ Wary, after a long parley and in piu-suance of an arrangement 
^*liic'li permitted tlie escape of Bothwell. She was led to Edin- 
urgli, and treated with great personal indignity, especially by 
liip people, who generally believed in her criminality. From 
ItliiTc she was taken as a prisoner to Loclileven. Ttie lords had 
pbtCTcepted a letter, as they asserted, from Mary to Bothwell, 
«Iiicli showed that her passion for him had not abated. Sir 
lJaiiii'8 Melville, speaking of a letter to the Queen from the Laird 
[of Grange, WTitten at this time, says: "It contained many other 
Imiiig and humble admonitions, which made her bitterly to 
^t^p, for she could }wl do that so hastily which process of lime miglil 
atxomplished" that is, "put him [Bothwell] clean out of 
niW,'" Tliis is one among the abundant proofs that whatever 
Itoiislraint had been put upon her movements by Bothwell, the 
I 'likin that l)ound her to liim was tlie infatuation of her own heart. 
Tlip statements in the foregoing sketch rest upon evidence 
[*hip!i is independent of the famous "ca.'^ket letters" — the let- 
jfcnand love-sonnets addressed by Mary to Bothwell, together 
|*itli contracts of marriage between them, which, it was allegetl, 
■m found in a silver casket, that Bothwell, after his flight, 
endeavored to procure from the Castle of Eiiinburgh. 
fwp are assured that "wo have only Morton's won! for the 
"aliire and number of the papers found" in the silver casket. 
l^'N'o inventory of its contents . . . was produced."* If the casket 
titers are genuine, they prove inconlestably that in the murder 
IW Damley, Mary was an accomplice before the act. The genu- 
I of them has been more or leas elalxirately discussed, and 

< fftMory af at ChurfS af Se-llantl f E'iinb. wl., ISat). ii. 61. i 

*Umt»r», p. ins. ' A. Lang. IliMonj u/ Scoltand (1902), «, t/fZ, I 


has been mdntained by the most eminent hLstorians, as Hump, 
Robertson, Laiug, Burton, Mackintogb, Mignet, Ranke. Tiirar 
genmncness has been dcfendetl more lately by Froude, in Us 
("History of England." A very acute writer on the other ade 
• is Mr. Hosack, the author of a work upon Mary and her accusers.' 
Not a few dispassionate critics have judged that the letters con- 
tain many internal marks of genuineness which it would he fiuile 
difficult for a counterfeiter to invent, and that the scrutiny I') 
which they were subjected in the Scottish Privy Council, tlic 
Hcottish Parliament, and the English Privy Council was such 
that, if they were forged, it is hard to account for the failure 
to detect the imposture. Moreover, the character of Murray, 
although it may be admitted that he was not the inimaculalc 
person that he is sometimes considered to have been, must have 
I been black indeed if these documents, which he brought forwaril 
to prove t!ie guilt of his sister, were forged. But Murray is 
praised not only by liis personal adherents and by his parij, 
but by men like Spottiswoode and Melville.' Ranke, who con- 
siders the letters to be genuine, though somewhat altered in pac- 
ing thi-ough the various translations, still hesitates to pronounce 
a decision in regard to the Queen's foreknowledge of the mimler. 
Another interpretation of the matter was broached — that Maiy 
was actually becoming drawn to her penitent hu.sbantl. that their 
reconciliation was sincere; and that Bothwell, seeing the danger 
that his prize would ahp from his grasp, hastened Ihe consumma- 
tion of liis plot. Ranke observes that the solution of the prob- 
lem belongs to the poet who can open up the depths of the heart, 
those abysses in which the storms of passion rage, and actions 
are born which bid defiance to law and to morahty, and yet have 
deep roots in the human soul.* It does not appear, however, in ■ 
what way it is possible to reconcile the genuineness of the casket " 
letters, as Ranke affirms it, with any other supposition than 
Mary's comphcity in the plot in which Bothwell was the chief 
actor. Evidence is not wanting that they have not been mate- 

' Kfary Qjircn of Scots and her Antuert, By John Hosftck, Earrialer it lA*- 
cdition, 2 voIh. London, 1S70. 

' "A man truly good, unci worthy to be ranknl amongst the boat govBimrT 
that thiA kingdom hatli enjoyed, and, thGrefore, to thm ddy honored with tfap Wf 
o( "the good Regent,' " — Spottiswoode, Hisluri/ uf titr Church if StoUand, a. '-' 

• Engliachc fJi-ch., i. 267. Of the abduction of Marj', Ranke says: "ll»"' 
rroiwUlig, lialb gi-twungen, gerieth sie in seine Gewalt, und dadurcb io die Kv^- 
Wendigknt, iliin ilire Uand ni gebaa" (p. 269). 




Wjly interpolated.' The author of an instructive chapter (\TII.) 
on "Mary Stewart," in "The Wars of Religion," in Volume III. 
of "The Cambridge Modern History" (1905), observes respecting 
the "casket letters": "The tendency of recent discovery and 
research, rendering at least no longer tenable certain positions 
maintained by former opponents of their genuineness, is to sug- 
gest a large foundation of Mary's antual ^Titing craftily altered 
or interpolated.'" Certain facts are referred to as partially 
explained by this inference. 

At Lochleven Mary signed two documents, the one abdicat- 
ing the throne, the other appointing Murray Regent during the 
Qority of her child. From this date, in pubhc records, the 
ogn of James VI. commences. Tlie infant King was crowned 
; Stirling, on the 29th of July, 1567. 

' Burton, v. 181. As to the vexed qucstJoDS at the guilt or innooonce ol Mbi7, 

Ad of the gcnumonpsH of the ciuket doeumvDtH, qut-rttioriH f hdt filill ialerc^t Iho 

iiTidi of men, QQtwJtliatandiiig Mr, Hrrlwrt Spt'ticor'a indgn^eiil upon the fri- 

olilj of the whole inquiry-, the works of Burton on the one side, and of Hosack 

i the other, fortunately pment the case bo adequately that every render is &Jdt^ii 

• (onn a eoncliuion for hinwelf. Lawnon's edition ol Hisliop Keith "a Hitlory of 

Ipf AJfain of Charch and State in Scotland (printed for the Spottiawoode Soc., 

I IMtl, a work favorable to Mar>-. prewnte in tile Editor's copioiiH notes a large 

VMiUkt of valuable mnlcrial- Buchanan, in hifl mgliiy, hut eapeeiall_v in ht.4 Df- 

Urtuii t}f the Actions of Mnnt Qitfcn of Scotn, whirh waa written under llie auHpieea 

^ DtMumy, made a rhetorical, yel powerful and efTeclJve attaek, which refleeta the 

Eriulai ferling. advcme to Mnry, Ibnl esisteil at the time in Seolland. Lesly'a 
/rnn of the Honor of Sfary, by one of her Eealous adherents, was a ptea on the 
[■UiHnde, He was followed by other advocalea of Marj' on the Coiit.iQent. Do 
ITdou, the gneat French hifltorian, believed with Buchanan, and eould not be in- 
. by JamcH 1. to retmet bis verdiet a^inst the King'H mother. Camden, 
English historian of the seventeenth ci^iitury, niaintaineil her innoeence. 
i'Adf^ion and others published the docuntente. Keith and Goodall wrote in 
fatDrofMary. Tytler, Whitaker, and Clmlmein argiicil on the muoc »iile. Rob- 
*^(Hi append'H] to the third volume of hia Hiatory of Scotland a carefully studied 
''■■^adoo on King Henry'* Miirdtr, to which he considpTS that Mary was privy; 
1 •'J Hume mainlaine<l the name %-iew in liia fourth volume, in the text and in an 
^KJ|wrtte note- Both contend for tlie genuinenesa of the casket doeumenta. Gil- 
^■h ^'""^ replied to Robertaon. An extenaivc diseuwion, in agreement with 
^H***Vipvi of Hume and Robertson, lilla two volumes of Maleolm Lung's History 
^fMSaScnd. Prince Alexander Labanoff published, in 1844. n cuilectiun in seven 
V^ 1qiiO]ig_ of Qu'vn Mary's Lellere. Mr. Frouile'a condemiinlion of Mari' more 
''■"iy revived the controveray. jWar^ Qiirm of Seolr and hrr Ijilral English His- 
IJl^'i, by Jamn F, Meline (New York, IS72), ie a polemieal work against Froude. 
■he ^introverted qui-stiona eoneeming Mary are keenly' eanvai^inl by Mr. Andrew 
•*"(, IliMirry of Scotland, 3 voU,, 1(H)3. The ciuikct letter? are considered in 
''''•U. in vol. II, especially in Appendix A, One eonelusjon of Mr. Lang is that 
•• tlie rvidenee alandn. the letters eould not l>e (oundiil on by a jury; and the 
■■Hilar hinurlf. while unnble to itjcct the testimony of all the eircumfltances to 
■•'y^ guilly (oreknowlidge of. and aciuiescencc in, the crime of her hu^bund'a 
!"<jn]a. rannot rnlertnm any certain Opinion as to the enlini or partial aulhen- 
KlUly of the casket lettent." 
H^ 'TbeLmMGiBi-nLaw, p. 379. 


In December a Parliament &s»mble<]. which confirmed tlie 
Act^ of 1560 for tlie establishment of ProtestAnbsm. From this 
time the mvf Kirk was able to set oo foot a more effideot diai- 
plinc than hoil l>een possible before. One agn of the change 
was the ecclesiastical censure to which all pubUcati<»is were sub- 
jected. In the constitution and govonineDt of the Scottish 
Church, the lay eldership has a prominent place. In 157S the 
".Second Book of Discipline" embodied the complete Pneby- 
terian hierarchy, aacending from the parish sesaons throu^ the 
presbyteries and provincial synods up to the General Asseroblr, 
which was aupreme. Superintendents were retained, whose funi^ 
tion it was to carry out the measures of the Assembly. A\ 
Krankfort, Knox had composed a book of devotion for public 
worHhip, which he used in his church at Geneva: "The Fornic 
of Prayers and Ministration of the Sacraments, &c., used in the 
luiKlinh Congregation at Geneva, and approved by the famous 
ami godly learned man, John Calvin." This, with a few changes, 
became the "Book of Common Order" for the Scottish Church. 
It contains no form of absolution. It includes a Confeiaon of 
Taitli, which ilifTers from that which Parhamcnt and the Gener*I 
Assembly ailopted. This new Confession is derived from Cal- 
vin's Catechism, relating to the Apostles' Creed. The doctrine 
of the Sacrament is identical with that of Calvin, as distingiiishfil 
from the Lutheran and the earlier Zwinglian theory. There was 
a general form of expulsion of unworthy persons from the Lord's 
tjible, in comipction with the ministration of the Sacrament. 
TIiIh was called excommunication or "fencing of the tables," 
Marriages, as well as baptisms, were celebrated in church and on 
Himday.s, This "Book of Common Order" continued in use for 
aljout a hundred years, when it was dropped, in connection uith 
the contest against the English Prayer Book. After the Pres- 
byterian system had been established by the Assembly, the nid 
polity of the Church remained as a matter of law. TTiere were 
bishops, anil also abboti? and priors; these places being fiM, 
after 1560, by Protestants, and sometimes by laymen. In 1572 
it was agreed between the ecclesiastical and civil authorities thai 
the old names and titles of archbishops and bishops should con- 
tinue, altliough the incumbents were to have no power grealff 
than that of superintendents, and were to be subject to the Kirk 
and General Assembly in spiritual things as they were to the 


King in things temporal. The temporalities of the sees had 
mostly flowed into the hands of laymen. This was what Knox 
condemned; the revival of episcopacy, in the shadowy form just 
described, appears to have excited in him httle or no oppodtion.' 
After about twenty years, the Presbyterian system, pure and 
simple, was established, under the auspices of Andrew Melville, 
Subsequently, the attempts of James VI. to establish the royal 
supremacy, and to introduce not only the Anglican polity, but 
the Anglican ritual, also, began that contest between the Throne 
and the Kirk, which signalized the next reign, and brought 
Charles I. to the scaffold.^ 

The Queen of England professed, and probably with sincerity, 
her high indignation at the treatment of Mary l)y her subjects. 
It was a flagrant disregard of Elizabeth's great political maxim 
" that the head should not be subject to the foot." But in Mur- 
ray she had a perspicacious and firm man to deal with. It was 
evident to the counselors of Elizabeth and to Elizabeth herself, 
that if she interposed to put down the Protestant lords, who had 
imprisoned Mary and compelled her abdication, they would make 
common cause with France, and her own throne would be shaken. 
This conclusion, however, was not reached at once. Mary es- 
capetl from Lochleven on the 2d of May, 1568, and an army 
quickly rallied to her standard. It was then the wish of Ehza- 
beth and her Cabinet to restore her to her throne, without any 
intervention of the French, and under such circumstances as 
would effectually secure the safety of England and the ascend- 
ency of Ehzabeth in her counsels. But Mary's army was de- 
feated at Langside, when she was attempting to march to 
Dumbarton Castle, and she escaped by a precipitate flight into 

' CompftTv MoCrie, p. 326 aeq.. with Burton, v. 318, Th« documents may 
be found in Calderwood, Hittory o{ Out Kirk of Sentland (Wodraw Society), iii. 
170 »eq. Sec alio Principal Lee, Hiitory of the Church of Scotland, i, 300, ii. 1 iiBq. 

' Thp lut days of Knox were not free from peril ond rondict. When the 
Quern'a party obtained the aiSDendency {in 157IJ in Edinburgh, he retired to Bt. 
Andrews. James Melville, iiflcnrards a minlHlBr, then a student in the college, 
has left a very interesting dpscriplioo of him, a decrepit old man. with marten fur 
about his neck, with a stalT in hand, and helped along the street hy hia FsithFul 
servant, Richard Bannalyne, "and by the soiJ Richard and another servant 
lifted up to the puTpil, where he behovit to lean at his Hrvt entry, but ere he had 
done with hia sermon, he was bo active and vigorous, that he was likely to ding 
the pulpit in blads and fly out ot it." (MtCrie, p. 330.) Baaaatj-nc wrote 
interMling Memoriaiii of Knox. Knox died on the 34th of November. IS73. 
Morton said, over hia grave, "that be neither feared nor flattered any Sesb." 
(Burton, V. 337,) 




England, vhae she threw herself on the protection of Elizabeth. 
Tbe ardent and persevering solicitations of Mary for an intemew 
with the English Queen were put oft until she should be cleared 
of the crime that was imputed to her. Murray and his associates 
were called upon to justify their proceedings, and brought for- 
ward the " casket documents," to substantiate their charges. 

Elizabeth might disUke the religious system of the victorioi 
party in Scotland and abhor their poUtical maxims; but tiii 
were, in the existing situation of Europe, hex allies, and to put 
Mary back upon her throne would have been an act of suiriile. 
It must be remembered that she never renounced her claim In 
the crown of England. At this juncture, it was fortunate that 
the slow and cautious Philip declined the offensive alliance that 
was offered him by France. In 1569 the victory overUio 
Huguenots in France was followed by a CathoUc rebellion iJi 
the north of England. The demand was that Mary's title to 
the succession should be acknowledged. Tlie excommunication 
of Elizabeth by Pius V, succeeded. Thenceforward, all who 
sympathized with the spirit of the CathoUc reaction in Europe, 
and acknowledged the Pope's authority, were under the strong- 
est temptation to treat Elizabeth as a usurper who ought to be 
actually dethroned. Tlie rebellion, under the lead of Norfolk, 
was undertaken with the express and warm approbation of ihe 
Pope, and PhiUp was only deterred by prudential motives from 
sending his forces in aid of it; he preferred to wait until the 
insurgents should have seized on the person of the Queen. Vv 
current of events was gradually leading to an open conflict 
with Spain, which both the Queen and Philip were reluctant lo 
begin. For her own secinity she secretly pro^'i<^ed assistance W 
the revolted subjects of Philip in the Netherlands, which plcasf^l 
France, as her aid to the Scottish rebels had gratified Philip- 
The consequence was that favorable terras were granted to the 
Netherlands in the Pacification of Ghent, in 1576. It «■&* 
material to her interests that the Huguenots should not be sul>- 
dued, and she covertly gave them help while she was in friendly 
relations with the French government that was seeking to crush 
them. At length the desperate condition of the Protestanuii 
the Netherlands imposed on her the necessity, in 1585, of openly 
sending her troops, imder the command of Leicester, for their 
deliverance. Shortly after, Drake appeared before St. Do" 
Piingo and took possefisioiv ol \>\a,\. SsVwid. 



I Mary Stuart was the center of the hopes of the enemies of 
Protestant England and of Elizabeth. Their plot-s looked to 
the elevation of Mary to the throne which Ehzabeth filled. 
Political ambition and religious fanaticism were linked together 
in this great scheme. Mary's life was regarded by the wisest 
of the English statesmen as a standing menace. When her 
complicity with the conspiracy of Babington, wliich involved 
a. Spanish invasion and the dethronement and death of Eliza- 
beth was proved, the execution of Mary followed (15S7). 

Apart from the interference of Elizabeth in the Netherlands, 
England and Spain had long been engaged in a desultory war- 
fare on the ocean, where the treasure sliips of Phihp were cap- 
tured by Drake and his compeers, and the Spanish colonies 
harassed by their attacks. The cruelty of the Inquisition to 
English sailors in Spain quickened the reUah of the great English 
mariners for tliis kind of retaliation. The sailing of the in- 
vincible Armada for the conquest of England was at once the 
culmination of this prolonged, indefinite conflict, and the su- 
preme effort of the Catholic reaction to annihilate the Protestant 
strength. The valor of the English seamen, with the winds for 
their allies, dispersed and destroyed the mighty fleet, and " the 
northern ocean even to the frozen Thule was scattered with 
the proud shipwrecks of the Spanish Armada." ' A death- 
blow was given to the hopes of the enemies of Protestant Eng- 
land (1588). 

A sketch of the Reformation in Great Britiun would be 
incomplete without some notice of the attempts to plant Prot- 
estantism in Ireland. Ireland, one of the last of the countries 
to bow to the supremacy of the Holy See, has been equaled by 
none in its devotion to the Roman Church, although the in- 
dependence of the country was wrested from it under the warrant 
of a bull of Adrian IV., which gave it to Henry II. Protestant- 
ism was associated with the hated domination of foreigners, and 
was propagated according to methods recognized in that age 
as lawful to the conqueror.' Invaders who were engaged in an 
almost perpetual conflict with a subject race, the course of 
which was marked by horrible massacres, could hardly hope 
to convert their enemies to their own religious faith. Henry 

< UittoD, 0/ Rt[ormatUm in England, b. ii. ' Haltatti. Contt. Hut., tiiu 



VIII., having made himself the head of the Enghsh Chureo^ 
proceeded to estabhsh his ecclesiastical supreaiacy in the neigh- 
boring island. Thia was ordained by the Irish Parliament in 
1537, but was resisted by a great part of the clergy, with the 
Archbishop of Armagh at their head. George Browne, a willing 
agent of the King, who had been Provincial of the Augustine 
friars in England, was made Archbishop of Dublin. The 
Protectant hierarchy was constituted, but the people remained 
Catholic. The mistaken policy of seeking to Anglicize the coun- 
try was pursued, and the services of religion were conducted 
in a tongue which they did not understand. The Prayer Book, 
which was introduced in 1551, was not rendered into Irish, but 
was to be rendered into Latin, for the sake of ecclesiastics and 
others who were not acquainted with English I On the acces- 
sion of Mary, the new fabric which had been raised by Henry 
VIII. and his son fell to pieces without resistance. As the 
Catholic Reaction became organized in Europe, and b^an to 
wage its contest with Queen Elizaljeth, the Irish, who bad to 
some extent attended the English service, generally deserted it. 
Protestantism had no footing outade of the Pale, or where 
English soldiers were not present to protect it or force it upon 
the people. The Episcopal Church in Ireland wore a somewhat 
Puritanic cast, and in its formularies set forth prominently the 
Calvinistic theology. The New Testament wa.s not translated 
into Irish until 1602; and the Prayer Book, though translated 
earlier, was not [sanctioned by public authority, and was little 
used.* Among various wise suggestions in Lord Bacon's tracl^y 
written in 1601, entitled "Considerations touching theQueen^^| 
service in Ireland," is a recommendation to take care "of th^^ 
versions of Bibles and catechi-sms, and other books of instruct 
tion, into the Irish language." * 'ttHth equal sagacity ami good 
feeling, he counsels the estabhshment of colonies or plantations, 
the sencUng out of fervent, popular preachers and of pious and 
learned bishops, and the fostering of education. He recom- 
mends mildness and toleration rather than the use of the tem- 
poral sword. But the policy which the great philosopher and 
statesman marked out was very imperfectly followed. 


' Hardwick, Hittory of Cht Re/nrmaiion. p. 270. 

' Thii U«st 11 in vol. v. of Montagu'i edition of Btu)oa% writiiift 



I Protestantism, which in the course of one generation spread 

over a great part of central and northern Europe, penetrated 
beyond the Alps and the Pyrenees. But here, in the ItaUan 
and Spanish peninsulas, it encountered the first effectual re- 
sistance. Here were organized the forces that were to arrest 
its march, and even to reconquer territory which had been ' 
surrendered to the new faith. 

After the emancipation of Italy from the control of the 
German emperors, by the downfall of the Hohenstaufen Une, in 
the middle of the thirteenth century, a periotl of two centuries 
and a half elapsed prior to the invasion of Charles VIII. Then 
Italy became the field and the prize of the conflict between the 
Spanish-Austrian house and France. The long interval of in- 
dependence preceding this epoch, notwithstanding the turbu- 
lence and confusion that marked the pohtical history of Italy, 
was the era in which art, letters, trade, and commerce flourished 
most; the period in which the intellectual superiority of Italy 
among the European nations was most conspicuous. But 
municipal liberty was gradually lost. The conflicts, in the 
northern and central cities, between the nobles and the commons, 
generally issued in the triumph of the latter; but the next 
step was the grasping of supreme power by a single family. 
The dominion of a tyrant or lord was built up on the ruins of 
re|)ublicanisni. Florence followed the fate of other cities, and 
fell at last under the rule of the Medici.' The division of Italy 
into statea, at the beginning of the fifteenth century — of which 
Naples, the Papal Kingilora, Florence, Milan, and Venice, were 
the chief — was favorable to the Reformation. There was no 
one central government with power to crush the new opinions. 

■ On the rondition of Italy Id the 15th century, seci Bismondi, HiA. d, RtfnM. 
Ital. d. Moyen Ai/t, vij. ab. x.; Hall&ia, Eiirupe duriny the Middle Aycs,i^.vu..,9-~'0' 




It might be poaaible for those who were persecuted in one cit^H 
to flee into another. On the other hand, the deeUne of the spirit 
of liberty, which took place in tlie age before the Reformation, 
the brilliant age of Utorature and art, was an inauspicious event. 
Italy was a near spectator of the venality and profligacy of 
the Roman curia, and the victim in the strife that was kindled 
by the ambition of the pontiffs to extend their temporal domin- 
ion and to aggrandize their relatives. The rebukes that were 
tluuidered from the pulpit of Savonarola were not stripped of 
their influence in consequence of his death, for wliich the enmity 
of Alexander VT. was largely responsible. In the Council of 
the Lateran, in 1512, ^Egidius, General of the Augustinian 
Order, and the Count of Mirandola, among others, denounced 
the abuses that menaced the Church and religion itself with 
ruin. The arraignment of the papal administration by the 
Transalpine reforniers would naturally meet vnth a sympathetic 
response in Italy, Yet there was a national pride coDnect^^f 
with the Papacy ; and this sentiment was strengthened by the^ 
circmnstance that the Papacy was often attacked as an Italian 
institution, and in a style that was adapted to woimd Italian 
feeling. ^h 

As far back as the twelfth century, Arnold of Brescia, iiifl 
spired by the teachings of Abelard with a love of truth, and 
catching the spirit which the struggle for municipal Uberty 
was beginning to nourish, demanded that the clergy should 
renounce their worldly possesaons and temporal power, and 
return to a life of apostolic simplicity. For a tirae his eloquenc 
carried the day in Rome itself. He perished at last, a niartj 
tn his principles.' The folhes and vices of the clergy, even 
iniquitous doings of Popes, had been castigated by Italis 
wTiters from the dawn of the vernacular literature. The lofty 
and bitter invectives of Dante are aimed at the temporal ambi- 
tion and at particular misdeeds of incumbents of the Holy Se 
At the very opening of the "Inferno," he paints the 
Church, clothed with temporal power, as: — 

"A ahp-wolf. that wiUi all hungeringa, 
Seemed to be ladpti in her mcageniesa, 
And aumy folk haa oused to live forloTn."* 




' For the literature respecting Arnold of Brescia, see Deuladl'a wtiefe ' 
Bouck'a HtiUfTicyklopadit, ii. 117. ■ /n/emo, i. W-61. 


iPope Anastasius he charges wilh heresy ami places among the 
tlost;' Pope Celestiiie V., for abdicating tho papal chair to give 
bom for Boniface VIII., lies at the mouth of hell among those 
pmoDi mercy and justice both disdain;' and Boniface himself 
Mxpiates his crimes in a deeper abyss of perdition,* The Popes 
Ihad turned from sliepherds into wolves, and, neglecting the 
iGoepels and the Fathers, bad only conned the Decretals : — 

I "Their meditationa reach not Nai&reth."' 

■Manfred, the son of the Emperor Frederic 11., died excommuni- 
Icate; but in Purgatory he was found having the promise of 
leverlasting happiness: — 

I " By mftliBon of thein is not ao lost i 

^ Eternal love, that it cannot retuni, ^^t 

■ So long aa bapc han &Dythutg of green."' ^^H 

■ But Dante receives the dogmas of the Church; his whole work 
id cast in the mold of the traditional theology; he places in 
ttie joys of Paradise, in "the heaven of the sun," Aquinas 

) Booaventura, Albertua Magnus, Peter Lombard, and the other 
[great lights of orthodoxy." Heresiarchs groan under a doom 
Ifrom which there is no deliverance.' It is the abominations in 
the conduct of ecclesiastics, and especiallj' their seizure of 
worldly dominion, with the wealth and pride which accompany 
it, that move the solemn poet's ire. Against this temporal 
rule and party spirit of his successors, St. Peter inveighs in Para- 
lyse. He exclaims ; — 

"In garl) of nbepherds the rmpatdous wolvse 
Afe Been from here above o'er all the poatur™."* 

I ideal is the empire restored to universal rule and having 

in Italy. Tliis theory of a monarchy is the subject of 

I political treatise.* Petrarch takes the same general pomtion, 

' Ibid., li. 8. ' Pfirgalnrio, iii,133-13G. 

• Ibid., iii. S9. • Paradiaa. x. 08, 99, 107; xii. 137. 
' JWJ . lis. 63. ' Inlrmn, x. 
' FtmdiaB, is. 137. > Paradiia, xxrii. SC-M. 

* A claoa of erilics have iinaureeBsfuIly attrmpted to show that Donle waa 
"■Hy boalile lo tho apirilual noiercignly of the Popes, One theory id Uiat the 
►"tipsl popU of that sgp bplonged lo sccrd anti^naccrdolal nasiioistioM. Thia 
""ty it advocated by Gubrieie Rowietii : SuOo Spinia anlipapalr che profutw 
'jfii/mna. etc., traDsiatcd into English by Miss Ward (London, 1834). Among 
^annwtive worka upon Dante ia that of Prot. V. Botto. Dante a» PAiIo»pW, 
'■^lat. and Fuel, New York. 1865. A valuable list of works on Dant«. aome 
•'•(liph relalf dirertly to his theology, ia given by Prof. Abegg in his Enay, 
"^ tdm drr Genehtigkfil u. dit Mrarrechllirhen Gniuiiatxt in Danlt't gfiOl. Comwlu. 
^ the Jakrb. d. drvtKhm Dante-GeaeUtrhall. \., p. IftO, n. &e« ^aa ¥tgII. i. *%- 
'*"»lli leamerf art/We on Danle, N. A. Review, July. 1872. 




mlthough hid denuneudoDs of the poQatian of Uie papal euris, 
the mystical Babylon of the Apocslypee, sarpaas in intenaty 
the moAt firry declamatioa of ProtestaotB in Isla* tiinei. Boc- 
caccio goes a Kii^} farther. His treatment of the Qiordi, bad 
we no othfT knowledgp of him than what the "Dreamswie" 
ufTortbt, would ovi>n lead to the coDcluson that be had no rever- 
ence for itfi teaching. Ecclesia^ticai persoDs are made to figure 
in ludicrous and scandalous attuations. One of his tales, for 
example, is the story of a Jew whom a friend endeavored to 
convprt to the Christian faith. The Jew resotves to go frwn 
Paris to Rome in order to see Christianity at its headquarto? 
— a purpose that strikes with dismay his Christian friend, who 
doubtfl not that the iniquitous lives of the Pope, of his cardinals 
and court, will chase from the Jew's mind all tbou^ts of con- 
version. But in due time he comes back a Christian belie^-w, 
and cxpIainH to bin astonished friend that the spectacle which 
he had liehfkl in the capital of Christianity had coDvinced him 
that the Christian rcli^on must have a supernatural origin aod 
divine support; else it would have been driven out of the worlJ 
by the profligacy and folly of its guardians.* 

It is generally conceded that after the time of Dante, Pe- 
trarch, and Boccaccio, the passionate study of the ancients, 
which these great writers had fostered, suspended in a remark- 
able degree the development of ItaUan literature, in the path 
of ori^al production.* The Renaissance was antiquarian and 
(■riljcal in its spirit. All that could be done for a long lime 
was to count and weigh the treasures of antiquity which etitbu- 
rtiaatic explorers discovered within the walls of monasteries, 
(tr brought from the East. The revival of letters led to the 
exposure of fictions, like the pretended donation of Constantiuf. 
whicli Laurentius Valla, whom Bellarmiiie called a precursor li 
the Lutherans, disproved in a treatise that produced a generil 
excitement. The skeptical tone of Italian Humanism reducai 
to a low point the authority of the Church among the cultivatfJ 
class. But the Hmnanists seldom possessed the heroic quali- 

' Tliia JMt U nsproduppd in a different shopo by Voltaire, who B»yB of "ouf 
n-lijiim " : " It id unquonlionsbly divine, sincp spvpntcen cenluriea of impwW" 
■ii'l imbpcilily Ii»vb not dfatroycd it." Quoted by Morlpy, VcUaire, p. 308. Oo 
Docoiuoio'a trpBtmvnt of occluiulioa and of religion. «ce Qingueiif, BiM. SMI'' 
aiml'ltalif, iil, 130 wk|. 

' ^niondi, UUL Vieu of th« Lit. of IKt 3<nM af Evropt, l. 306. 





\\jes of character which qualified thera to endure suffering for 
I the cause of truth. The love of fame, a passion which the 
Christian spirit in the Middle Ages had kept in check, reap- 
peared, in an excessive measure, in the devotees of pagan litera- 
ture. Tlicy burned incense to the great on whom they depended 
[for patronage and advancement, but carried into their disputes 
[-nith one another an acrimony and fierceness without previous 
[example. Poggio, one of the principal men of letters in the 
[first half of the fifteenth century, infused into his polemical 
[writings a ferocity wiiich is only less repulave than the gross 
'obscenity that defiles other works from his pen.' The Italian 
Humanists did a vast work of a negative sort in sweeping away 
superstition, and in undermining the credit of ecclesiastics 
[and of their dogmas. Their positive services in behalf of a 
'more enlightened religion are of less account. Yet good fruit 
often grew out of the attention that was given to the Scrip- 
tures.' Academies, or private literary associations, sprang up 
Lin the principal cities; and in them theological topics were dia- 
[cussed with freedom. The widespread culture formed a soil 
[in which the seed of the new doctrine, under favorable circum- 
' stances, might germinate.' 

At an early day, the writings of Luther and of the other 

[Reformers were widely disseminated in Itaiy. Both Luther 

•nd Zwingli had their correspondents there. The writings were 

circulated anonymously or under fictitious names, and thus 

eluded the vigilance of the ecclesiastical authorities.' The war 

^ TirsboActiJ, Storia dtlla Letteratura Ital., vi. 1027 Beq. On Poggio, Bee rUo 
HBllttm. Intr. lo the Lit. of EwTopt, i. 66. Shepherd, li/c of Foggio, p. 460. Shep- 
hpnl atyi of his indecenoy and levity, that thry were "rather vieea of the timHi 
Ibui of the man." 

' \jpaa (he moral and rGliKiotui tone, at well oa upon the other characleriiitics 
of the RcnaiflsaJiee. there are interesting ■latements in Burokhardt, Dm CuUur 
A Rmaifinna in Iralim (Howl, 1800). An eicellent skvtch of the Renaissance 
in Italv. in iu varioua fenturps. is given by Orrfturovliu, GrMchicht* d. SlaiU Horn. 
in MUtrtaUrr. vol, vii, c, vi. (Srultgart, 1870). 

' Gerdemiis, Sptcimm ItaHa Rflormata (Liigd. Bat.. 1765). Ad cieellent 
work on the Heformation in Italy u that of Dr. McCrie. Hitbrry of IKe Progrtu 
«auf Supprrtritfn of the Hrformation in Italy (new edition, 1856). Thin, together 
•iUi tlie Hittory a/ the Rt}ormalion in Spain, by ttic uune author, are among the 
axHl valuable of the monogTBplw relatinj; lo the period of the Reformation. Ranke, 
JIMory of iht Papci of Honit during tht lefh and ITth Cmlvritu (the (equel o( an 
■arller work, Die Fiiriaen u. Volkrr von null. Europa), prcsenta much additional 
maltr of eitreme value. 

■ Mdanethon's Loci Communa were pridted at Venice, lire name of the au- 
thor txiog given on the title page, fta Ippofito da Ttrra Nigra, MoCrie, p. 2S. Swi 
aW Cactu, Atptia daUa LM. Ilal., p. 3S7. 



Ijetween Charles V. and the Pope, that broke out in 1526, brought 
II host of Lutheran soldiers into Italy, many of whom, after the 
wick of Rome, remained long at Naples. Not only by their 
direct influence, but by the freedom which their prescDce 
occasioned during the progress of hostilities, the new doctrine 
was disseminated. Tlie Augustinian theology took root in 
many minds and produced a greater or less sympathy with the 
Protestant movement. The peculiarity in the case of Italy, and, 
still more, of Spain, is, that Protestantism could not avow itaei/ 
without being instantly smothered. Decided Prot^tantisn 
could not live except in concealment. Protestant worshipeii 
could exist only as secret societies. In conadering the Refor- 
mation in these countries, we must take into view the real but 
unavowed Protestantism; and also the leanings toward tte 
Protestant system which were not sufficient to prompt to a 
renunciation of the old Church, or were repressed before they 
could ripen into full convictions. There were some who only 
hoped for the removal of the corruption that existed in the 
papal court and throughout the Catholic Church. Another 
class sympathized with the Reformers in matters of doctrine, 
especially on the subject of Justification, but were not disposed 
to alter materially the existing polity or forms of worship. 
Still another class were deterred by timitUty, or lack of earnest- 
ness, or some more commendable motive, from declaring in 
favor of the Protestant system which they, at heart, adopted,' 
Protestantism in Italy was thus a thing of degrees; and in iW 
earUer stages developed itself in coDnection with tendencies 
which diverged into the reactionary, defensive, and aggressive 
force to which the Catholic Cluu-ch owed its restoration. j 

Before the death of Leo X., a reverent, devotional spirit) ■ 
nppo!5ed to the .skeptical and epicurean tone of society, mani- 
fested itself among a class of educated Italians, Fifty or axtV 
pfFsona united at Rome in what they called the Oratory of 
Divine Love, and held meetings for worship and mutual edifica- 
tion. Among them were men who afterwards reached th<^ 
highest distinction, but were destined to separate from on^ 
another in their views of Reform: Caraffa, Contarini, Sadolet. 
Giberto, all of whom were subsequently made cardinals. TT^^ 
common bond among them was the earnest desire for the re- 

■ McCrie, p, 103. 



'moval of abuses, and for the moral reformation of the Church 
in its head and members. Contarini may be conadered the 
head of those who espoused a doctrine of Justification, not 
materially distinguished from that of Luther. With him were 
found, a few years later, at Venice, besides former associates, 
Flaminio, a thorough believer in the evangelical idea of gratui- 
tous salvation, and Reginald Pole, who adopted the same 
opinion. This party of Evangelical Cathohcs were devoted to 
the Catholic Church, and to the unity of it. Their aim was to 
purify the existing body; but in their views of the great doc- 
trine, which formed the original ground of controversy, they 
stood in a pasition to meet and conciliate the Protestants. 
Their doctrine of Justification, bringing with it a greater or 
less inclination to other tloctrinal changes in keeping with it, 
spread among the intelligent classes throughout Italy. 

In Ferrara, the reformed opinions were encoiu-aged and 
protected by Ren^e or Renata, the wife of Hercules II., who 
was equally distinguished for her learning and her personal 
attractioDs. At her Court the French poet, Clement Marot, 
found a refuge ; and here Calvin resided for some months, under 
an assumed name. Among the professors in the University at 
Ferrara was Morata, the father of the celebrated Otympia 
Morata, and, like her, imbued with evangelical opinions. At 

tModena, wliich was renowned for the culture of its inhabitants, 
the new doctrine foimd a hospitable reception ; especially 
among the members of the academy, who looked with contempt 
on the priests and monks. Cardinal Morone, the Bishop of 
Modena, who had been absent in Germany on misaons from the 
Pope, writes, in 1542, "Wherever I go, and from all quarters, 
I hear that the city has become Lutheran." ' In Florence, 

I though it was the seat of the Medici, and furnished in this age 
two Popes, Leo X. and Clement VII., many embraced the Prot^ 
estant faith. Among them was Brucioli, who publi.shed, at 
Venice, a translation of the Scriptures, and a commentary on 
the whole Bible. Not less than three translators of the Bible 
in this period were born at Florence. At Bologna, Mollio, a 
^celebrated teacher in the University, after the year 1533, taught 
^the Protestant views on Justification and other points, until 
he was removed from his office by order of the Pope. Subse- 

' HoCrie, p. &4, 



quently, through a letter to the Protestants of Bologna, from 
Bucer, and through another letter from them, we learn that 
they were numerous. Venice, where prinling and the book 
trade flourished, and where the internal police was less severe 
than elsewhere, ofifered the best advantages both for the safe 
reception and active diffuaon of the reformed doctrines. "You 
give me joy," said Luther, in 1528, "by what youwTite of the 
Venetians receiving the word of God." Later prosecutions for 
heresy there were multiplied. Pietro Carnesecchi, who after- 
wards died for hia faith, Lupetino, provincial of the Franciscans, ^ 
who also penahed as a martyr, and Baldassare Altieri, who^| 
acted as agent of the Protestant princes in Germany, were 
among the most efficient in diffusing the Protestant opinions.' 
Padua, Verona, and other places within the Venetian territory 
likewise furnished adherents of the new faith. The same wa« 
true of the Milanese, where the contiguity to Switzerland, and 
the political changes in the duchy, opened avenues for the 
introduction of heresy. 

In Naples, Juan Valdfis, a Spaniard, Secretary of the Viceroy 
of Charles V., was an eloquent and influential supporter of the 
evangelical tloctrine, and won to the full or partial adoption of 
it many persons of distinction; including, it is thought, Vit- 
toria Colonna and other members of the Colonna family.* Hie 
devout mysticism recommended him as a rehgious guide to 
many who did not give their usual attendance at the Churches. . 
In many other places, a good beginning was made in the same^fl 
direction. Not a few among the numerous gifted and culti-^1 
vated women iu that age, when zeal for the study of the ancient 
authors had become a pervading passion, were attracted to the 
evangelical doctrine. This doctrine gained many converts among 
the middle classes. In a decree of the Inquisition, three thousand 
.schoolmasters were said to have espoused it, Caraffa informed i 
Paul III. that " the whole of Italy was infecteti with the Lutheran 
heresy, which had been extensively embraced both by states- 
men and eccleaastics." ' "Whole libraries," says Melancthon, 

> McCrie, p. 64. 

' See the loarnpd article on Valdi^a by Dr. Ed. B6hmer, In Uenng. Am1> ' 
tjicyd. d. Thtol. There were two brothers, .Vlfooao und Jurii, AKoubo » 
also ravorable to the Reforniation. Dr. B^mer pmeotA ■ full description of I 
writiagin and oplniong of Juan Vdd#s. ~ 

< Quoted by McCrie, p. tl3. 






in a Ietf*r wTitt^n probably in 1540, "have been carried from 
the late fair into Italy." There is no doubt that the evangelical 
doctrine waa favorably regarded by a large body of educated 
persons, for it was almost exclusively among these that it found 
sympathy. The most eminent preacher in Italy, Bernardino 
Ochino, General of the Capuchins, who drew crowds of admiring 
auditors at Venice, and wherever else he appeared in the pulpit, 
and Peter Martyr Vermigli, an honored member of the Augus- 
tinian order, who was hardly less ilistinguished, and a much 
abler theologian, were of this number. Chiefly o\i-ing to the 
labors of Martyr, Lucca had, perhaps, more converts to the 
evangelical faith than any other Italian city. The little treatise 
on the "Benefits of," which was composed, not by Pale- 
ario, but by a disciple of Valdde, Benedetto of Mantua, was 
circulated in thousands of copies. Paleario wTote a book of 
like purport, on the sufficiency and efficacy of the death of 
Christ.' We have the testimony of Pope Clement VII, to the 
wide prevalence, in different parts of Italy, of "the pestiferous 
heresy of Luther," not only among secular persons, but also 
among the clergy,' 

In Venice and Naples, the Reformed Churches were organized 
with pastors, and held their secret meetings. Unhappily, the 
Saeramentarian quarrel broke out in the former place, and was 
aggravate! by an intolerant letter of Luther, in which he de- 
clared his preference of transubstantiation to the Zwinglian 
doctrine: a letter which Melanclhon, in his epistles to friends, 
noticed with strong terms of condemnation. 

Paul III., who succeeded Clement ML, in 1534, showed him- 
self friendly to the Catholic reforming party. He made Con- 
tarini cardinal, and elevated to the same rank Caraffa, Pole, 
Sadolet. and others, most of whom had belonged to the Oratory 
of Divine Love, and some of whom were friendly to the Prot- 
estant doctrine of salvation. He appointed Commissions of 
Reform, whose business it was to point out and remove abuses 
in the Roman curia, auch as had excited everywhere just com- 
plMnt. A commission, to which Sadolet and Caraffa belonged, 
met at Bologna in 1537, and presented to the Pope a consilium, 

fin Ihp two alithorB, see the Cambridge Modrm Hittory, vol. IJ, pp. 389, 
SQS, Kurti, Lthrb. d. KinhmgaiA., ii. p. 120. Hsuck, Rraleneyklopadix, »-*. 
eol ■eq. ' MoCrie, p. *5. 


■ ■::ji.":. j: T-ufii iesuribed the abuses in the adminis- 
-..; • . -^•' .": :r;ii ic 4:r.i:i:ituiir to "a pestiferous malady.'' 
":■ - ■..:—.- -vie i^rriv*: by Paul III., and printed by his 
:.-■ : .-.. ?_: !■ _'■ iiivi-r-^c. was excited in Geimany when 

» IT *:: vn - ul: ce :t "ie — easures recommended by the 

L ■ • .■ ,>: -: ■rj.i' fv. '— ■srcju'rcdon with his asgociates, was 

. ^ :; ; -f ."."il'OJi.'fs <H Ersifmus from seminaries 

--■".■:^ T:-^ I'Cfs -■[ '.VcTiriiii and his friends were san- 

:;- 1,- ^'•'z.-'-: z r j:_r«;i^':Ie :Lat =o great concessions 

^' •- ■,!■■■ -ur "J.1; ?r:cesta=.:s would once more uuife 

■ ■ - - > %- - " >■ "*: j-:ii. A: ">.-? Conference at Ratisbon, 

■ ■-- ■ •.i.-:u i:.r>;i.--': i? Lr'ia:e of the Pope, and mci. 
.: ■ ■- - s ■ ■--..■-r iZ'i MrLtz-::ho!i. the most nwxlerate 
1. ^ ^ i.'. - ■-■ 7~"-ka:.: Va,i«?r?, The political situa- 

■ * i> •;. • :.i: ■,:■■ Y^,.7«:r;r -rX-rrvxi himself to the utmost 
-,:■.■. u: 4i.'--ir:::i'"'ia;ii:c r^:ween the two parties. 

'*■ - ~^-" I."'. ■■■'?■ i' "-■? ::a:.:z>? of man. original sin. 

■ !. .>-,--i".'c '-■'-■ i--':uAlIy came to an agree- 

■ "■ '- ■ .-..■ i -■■: ?.cif. iz i :i.-r Eucharist, wore the 
1 .■- -. -■ . - > -jr — .i^".-: ?■:,: :i:-? rrcjrct of union met 

1- ■ >. ■ ■ - ;:; ■'■i--j->:i? :-^:i:':cr?. Francis I. r:iL*oil an 

■ ■ rci. •-, kj I *_— ^C'lrii: ;t :i.r Ca:ho'i>: faith. Ills iiiotire 
•-. ^ ■■..- . t .ir-''-:"Ji-z 'Zr Tt.-wfr of Ccarles. Luther 
v.- -.-s! — -■ ■ \- ■ ••' Vii'rrr::: ;c aooo'int ci its want of 

■ -J.. •.■ ■ •.(.• ■'■■ ■rc--:'-:^-^ 's. :r.-? rracticablcness i^ 

t .■■ ■ "'■ ■■■ ■'.■■.■I'M":' K' *.':". '.'•^ Sazi-r :\i?Iir.t: nianifci'ieii 

V ■ ."■.-■.. '-^ ■■.■ ■'.-■ i,:>.'r.'"'v ;; '.i^i :<rzL< :f the aarrtnienl 

> ■ ■ • \'..- >«:•■■■■.■■;:-;■.■. ;!K:e;:.illy -^ r-:^ari to justifies- 

!.■ ■"■ '". ■"■^ "■■:' SL~-' "■■;..—.-. T^-rr^'' was ii^aloujj' 

.-.,.. ^ . ■•;.■>: i/ :! '-•* iC'Tj-:^ .irzi r in-Txi against 'be 

•.'• ^ • -^ ■ .!.-<--.'■ ■'.■•<i-rr. :c :r.-: Titi.-::: T^z.rr^zY^y- 
,"i-i,''.i, <.■• •: •<■■ :■-.■ a;-.- vi-i-fs; :z z^ i-'- jr. i t^r practioal 
■^..■r".'.s <.?-■.■■ Si-..-..-'.-, ■.>.-.:■■ :^-; Jkv---..?:rt::::: :: -.h? Chu.'ch. 
■-■.-;-.■ ..'■: ■.'.■;•>■ ■'.■ ivv-i--^, -v-if jr^TTiIy i^.i ir.£ex:b'.y hostile 
%• .".-.■!■*. ..-..v.: ''.-Ji^'.c.' -i" :-V -<;c'"i::' *y<:^-~. He s:oi>i forth 
am '.'.-■! r^-,-i-:¥t:-. -•■;■■; i"-' ';4 ■.-::" ."' :: .se wh: w^r? resolved » 
.■.•.•;,■■■■.■■. :.■ -.■'-■ a*" "-''■ v.:.:.:y i^-. -j-c.-..'^ :■- :i-: Cb.-.:rch, acainit 
al. •.:uvv'i::'.-£.v *■--■■; i' '■''-: sa-""-' "-"'-' :I-.-?y aim-ei :o iiL'u.'t^ » 
jpL-i: -."f «^i'- - 4^'-- -'■•''^- i*i;u: v._-.::- i^i leal ~:.; aj its o£eeis. 



from the highest to the lowest. It was this party that re\ived 
the tone of the Catholic Church, rallied its disorganized forces, 
and turned upon its adversaries with a renewed and formidable 

— There were two principal instruments by which this internal 
renovation and aggressive movement of the Catliohc Church 
were accomplished. These were the rise of new orders, es- 
pecially the order of Jesuits ; and the Coimcil of Trent. 

A revival of zeal in the Catholic Church has always been 
signalized by the appearance of new developments of the mo- 
nastic spirit. In truth, monasticisni arose at the outset from a 
feeling of weariness and die^ust at the worldliness which had 
invaded the Church. When the societies under the Benedictine 
rule lapsed from their strictness of disciphne anil purity of life, 
new fraternities, as that of Clugni, sprang up, in which monastic 
simplicity and severity were restored. As these in turn felt 
the enervating influence of wealth, the great mendicant orders, 
the Dominicans and Franciscans, were established, the off- 
spring of a more earnest spirit. One palpable sign of the re- 
suscitation of the Cathohc body was the formation of new 
monastic fraternities, like the Theatines, who were organized 
under the auspices of Caraffa — priests with monastic vows, 
who did not call themselves monks, however, and adopted no 
austerities which interfered with their practical labors in preach- 
ing, administering the sacraments, and tending the sick. Their 
fervid addresses from the pulpit were the more impressive from 
the knowledge which their auditors had of their devoted lives. 
They were gradually transformed into a seminary for the train- 
ing of priests. But this and other new orders, signifieant and 
effective as they were, were soon eclipsed by the more renowned 
and influential Society of Jesus. Ignatius Loyola, a Spanish 
soldier of noble birth, blending with the love of his profession 
something of the religious spirit that had characterized the 
mediieval chivalry, received in the war against the French, at 
the siege of Pampeluna, in 1521, wounds in both his legs, which 
disabled him from military service. In his meditations during 
his illness, the dreams of chivalry were curiously mingled with 
devotional aspirations. The glory of St. Dominic, St. Francis, 
and other heroes of the faith seized on his imagination.' 

> Maffeitu, Ignatii Lvialm yUa, oh. u. (Convenio ejua od Qii\k>.uii^. 


More and more the viaons of a secular knightliood transformi^ 
themselves into \'isions of a spiritual knighthood under Chris! , 
as the Leader. He exchanged the romance of Amadw for ih 
lives of the saints. The romantic devotion of a knight to iid 
lady turned into an analogous consecration to the Virpn,1 
before whose image he hung up his lance and shield. Tor- 
mented for a long time with remorse and despondency, wilh 
alternations of peace and joy, he at length foimd rchef in Dip 
conviction that his gloomy feelings were inspirations of the eiil 
spirit, and therefore to be trampled under foot and cast out. 
He did not escape from his mental distress, as Luther did, by 
resting on the Word of God and the revealed method of for- 
giveness, but in a way more consonant with the Angular char- 
acteristics of his mind.' The legal system of the iliddlo Ages 
had always produced a yearning for rapturous, ecstatic experi- 
ences, which might afford that inward assurance of salvation 
which the accepted theory of Justification could not yield 
At Paris, where Ignatius went to study theology, he brought 
completely under his influence his two companions. Fabcr and 
Francis Xavier. In a cell of the College of St. Barbara, tbe 
first steps were taken in the formation of this powerful and 
celebrated society. Three other Spaniards joined the sans 
enthusiastic circle. They took upon them the vow of chastitj, 
swore to spend their lives, if possible, at Jerusalem, in absolute 
poverty, in the care of Christians, or in efforts to convert the 
Saracens; or, if this should not be permitted them, theyj 
engaged to offer themselves to the Pope, to Ije sent wherd'C 
he should wish, and to do whatever he should command. 
Venice they were ordained as priests, and here it became evi^ 
dent that the appointed theater of their labors was Europe,' 
and not the East. In 1540 their order was sanctioned ; in 1543, 
unconditionally. They chose Ignatius for their President. Tb^ 
new order was exempt from those monastic exercises whieli 
consume the time of monks generally, and was left free for 
practical labors. These were principally preaching, hearing 
confes^on, and directing individual consciences, and the erfu-j 
I. .c'cation of youth, a part of their work which they regarcleJd 
B from the beginning, as in the highest degree essential. Tbe 
H "Spiritual Exercises" of Ignatius was the textbook, on wbid 

^^^^ ■ lUuke, HiMtary s/ Oie Popes, i, 1S3. 




the inward life of the members wag molded, and which 
ser\'ed as a guide in the management of the confessional. The 
absolute detacliing of the soul from the world, and from all its 
objects of desire, and the absolute renunciation of self, are 
cardinal elements in the spiritual drill set forth in this manual, 
in four main divisions. It is a course of severe and prolonged 
introspection, and of forced, continuous attention to certain 
themes of thought ; the design of the whole being to bind the 
will immovably in the path of religious consecration. This 
effect is produced by exciting, and, at the same time, subjugat- 
ing the imagination. It is the narratives, not the doctrines, of 
the Gospel, to which the mind is rivetctl in prolonged contempla- 
tion. The aim is to ^ve to the mental perceptions the vivid- 
ness of external vision. Ignatius carries the "reign of the 
senses within the sphere of the soul." To the imapnalive 
piety of the Middle Ages, that reveled in ecstaaes and raptures, 
he ^ves a systematic form, a definite direction. The effect of 
a diseipliue like this, where reason gives up the throne to ira- 
a^nation, which is ever excited and at the same time enslaved, 
could not be otherwise than deleterious upon the moral nature. 
Yet there is a wide contrast between the Jesuitism of Loyola 
and the degenerate Jesuitism depicted in the "Provincial 
Letters." ' 

The compact organization of the Society of Jesus, with its 
three grades of membership, included proviaons for mutual 
overaght of such a character that the General even, notwith- 
standing his well-nigh unlimited power, might be admonished, 
and, on adequate grounds, deposed from his station. The one 
comprehensive obligation to which the members were bound 
was that of instant, unquestioning, unqualified obedience. To 
go where they were sent, if it were to a tribe of savages in the 
remotest part of the globe ; to do what they were bidden, with- 
out delay and without a murmur, in a spirit of absolute self- 
siurender, "utque cadaver," was the primal duty. Such was 
the origin and general character of the Society which was 
destined to wield an incalculable influence in resuscitating 
Catholicism, as well as in weakening, and, in some quarters, 
, annihilating the power of its adversaries. 

The second of the great agencies of Catholic renovation was 

' Hartia, HM. of Franix, viii. 20&. 





the Tridentine Council.' For a long period, the project of t 
Council, which was a favorite one with the Reformers for some 
time, and which the Emperor insisted on, was repugnant m the 
highest tiegree to the wishes of the Popes, A general cound! 
was their dread. It was something, however, which it wss 
more and more difficult to avoid. The spread of heresy, even 
ill Italy, was one motive which made Paul III. willing to con- 
voke such an assembly. The Council of TreJit was formally 
opened in December, 1545. The great question was whether il 
should begin with the reform of the Papacy, or with definitions 
of dogma. In other words, what attitude should the CouDcil 
take towards the Protestants? A conciliatory or antagonistic 
one? Caraffa was sustained in lus policy by the Jesuits. TTic 
papal influence predominated, and having defined the sourcra 
of knowledge of Revealed Religion ua terms that left ihe 
authority of tradition unimpaired, with anathemas against lif 
Protestant doctrine of the exclusive authority of the Scriptures, 
the Council proceeded to condemn the Protestant doctrine erf 
Justification, disregarding the arguments of the evangellfsl 
Catholic party of Contarini, which was effectively represented 
in the debate. The success which Charles V. was g^ning in 
the Smalcaldic war emboldened the ruling party at Trent to 
assert the old dogmas without abatement or concession. The 
theory of gradual justification and of merit was followed by in 
equally positive assertion of the old doctrine of the Sacramente, 
The history of the Council is inseparably connected with the 
relations of the Pope to Charles V. The fullness of the Bn- 
peror's triumph, so much beyond the desires of Paul III., M 
to an attempt by him to transfer the Coimcil to Bologna; 
and the jealousy that was felt on account of the greatness of 
the power acquired by Charles at the end of the war, and on 

' The history of Ihc Counoil of Trent has bean written by two authon ol»> 
oppoiita temper. Father Paul Sarpi, an enemy of the papal power, and FiUi'i' 
cini, i(fl defender and apologist, Rauke had aubjeeted tlii^«e important tvork? ^ 
a searobiag criticiBin and comparison, in the Appendix (j ji.) o( tlie Hitbiry 'I 
Ihe Pvpet, We saya : "Both of them are complete partitana, and are defiFirat 
in the apjrit oF an historian, which aeiECJa upon eircumfilancca and objects in U^r^ 
full truth, and brings them distinctly to view. Sarpi liad the pwwer to do f^ 
but his only aim was to attack; Pallavicini had infiititely leas of tlie requisU 
talent, and his object was to defend his party at all haaards." Of Sarpi, Ruitf 
Dbserves again: "The authorities are brought together with diligence, are "^ 
handled, and iiaed with constimmBle talent : we earmot any thai ihcy are ill"' 
ficd, or that they ore trequcnUy or materially altered ; but llic whole wotli * 
CiiloTod with a liage of deoidod eimiity to the Papal power." 


account of the Interim and the rest of his schemes of pacifi- 
cation, defeated the ends which the Emperor had hoped to ac- 
complish. Not to pursue the subject into its details, the result 
of all of the negotiations and struggles of the Council was that 
the papal power escaped without curtailment. Efforts to re- 
duce the prerogatives of the Pope were ingeniously baffled. 
The Profeasio Fidei, or brief formula of subscription to the 
Tridentine Creed, contained a promise of obedience to the Pope. 
To this formulary all ecclesiastics and teachers are required to 
^ve their assent. The Roman Catechism was prepared and 
published under the dircctioD of the Pope, by the authority of 
■ the Council; the Vulgate, which had been declared authorita- 
^tive in controversies, was issued in an authorized etHtion, ami a 
Breviary and a Missal put forth for universal use. The Council 
of Trent did a great work for the education of the clergy, 
the better organization of the whole hierarchical body, and the 
discipline of the Church. Its canons of reform regulated the 
duties of the secular and regular priesthood, inculcated the ob- 
I ligations of bishops, and introiluced a new order and efficiency 
1 in the management of parishes. 

The Creed of Trent was definite and intelligible in its denial 
of the distinguishing points of Protestantism; but on the ques- 
tions in dispute between Augustinian and semi-Pelagian parties 
in the Church, it was indefinite and studiously ambiguous. But 
the Council, both by its doctrinal formulas and its reformatory 
canons, contributed very much to the consoli<lation of the 
Church in a compact body. It was no longer necessary to seek 
for the standard of orthodoxy in the various and conflicting 
"wntings of fathers and schoolmen, or in the multiplied declara- 
of the Popes. Such a standard was now presented in a 
Bonflensed form and with direct refejence to the antagonistic 
doctrines of the time. 

But there was another agency of a different character, which 
[was set in motion for the piupose of eradicating heresy. This 
was the Inquisition. It was reorganized in Italy on the recom- 
mendation of Caraffa, by Paul III. in 1542, as the Holy Office 
I for the Universal Church, Caraffa was placed at the head of 
it; and in 1555 the prime author and the stern chief (jf this 
tribunal became Pope under the name of Paul IV. The Tti- 
quisition was an institution which had ila on^u \tv v>\t v;v\-s 







days of the thirteenth century, for the extirpation of the Albi- 
gensian heresy. It is a court, the peculiarity of which lies in 
the fact that it is expressly constituted for the detection and 
punishment of heretics, and supersedes, whoUy or in part, in 
the discharge of this function, the bishops or ordinary auth(»^| 
ities of the Church. It is thus an extraordinary tribunal, with 
its own rules and methods of proceeding, its own modes of 
eliciting evidence. The Spanish Inqul^tlon, in its peculiar 
form, was set up under Ferdinand and Isabella, in the first in- 
stance for the purpose of discovering and punishing the converts 
from Judaism who returned to their former creed. The atroc- 
ities of which it was guilty under Torquemada make a dark 
and bloody page of Spanish history.' It grew into an institu- 
tion coextensive with the kingdom, with an extremely tyrannical 
and cruel system of administration ; and was so interwoven 
with the civil government, after the humbling of the nobles 
and the destruction of liberty in the cities, that the despotic 
rule of Charles V. and of Philip 11. could hardly have been 
maintained without it. It was an engine for stilling sedition as 
well as heresy. Hence it was defended by the Spanish sover- 
eigns against objections and complaints of the Popes. Tlie 
Inquisition, in the form which it assumed in Italy, under the 
auspices of Caraffa, differed from the corresponding institution 

' Llorentc. HUl. Crxtiqut de I' IngtiiriHon d' Erpagne (1817-18). Llonmte w*f 
Secretary of the Inqujuilion, and linving had the bmt opporlunilita for Uie in- 
vestL^atioD of its history, flppnl sevpra] year? in the prpparation of bia work. Tht 
French IranslatioQ of IMIitr waa oiade under tlie autJior'B eyo. Ltorento ww ■ 
hberaJ priest, in sympathy with tlie aims of the French Revolutioti, and a sup- 
porter of the Bonaparte rale in Spain. He believed the Inquisition to be "vicioiu 
in ila prineipLe, in its conalitution, and in ita laws" (Pref., p. x.), and he hftd 00 
special revercnec for the Popes. Yet at the time of tjie eompoeitiou of this vork, 
his relation (o the Catholic Church wiui not, as it afterwards became, antagonistje. 
The work of Llore-nte had been luifavor^bly criticised by Roman Catholic wril^rx 
enpecially by Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenc. eto. (2d e.1., 18511, p. 241 wq. Hefela 
insists, in the first place, (bat the Spanish lEiquisitioti was predoroinantlv an in- 
stmment of Uic government, and Ihut llie Popes endeavored to check the »veri- 
tie» of the Holy OlBce ; and, secondly, thai the chargtfl ot cruelly brought ngoitisl 
the Itiquisition have becti greatly exaggerated, Hefele's principal point ia li^ 
rente's alle^d miscalculation ot the number of vioUros of the Inquisition. It 
is to bo observed Ihut most of his animadversiona upon Llorente, Ilefele vi o1^%Ht 
to sustain by infurniatiun which Llorentc himself furnishes. Hefele eoosiders that 
Preacotl has erred in some particulars, tlirough the influence ot IJorente. Prw- 
cott's account of the Inquisition is in his History of tht Itfiffn of Ftrdirutnd und 
Imbrlta. 1- ch. vii. Hefele has niiich to say ot the dispoBilion of the Jews to nuke 
proselytes, which he eonsidera a palliation of the course taken by Uie Inquiaitioa. 
itut the vast number ot insincere .levrish converts io ChriiitiBnity, who funuabed 
buainoss to the Inquisition, prav« that the "proaelylen-fiiaoherei" was not «o 
iDuoL on tiie aide ol tlio Jewa. 



Spain, in some resi>ects, but it resembled the latter in super- 
ding the oriUnary tribunals for the exercise of discipline, and 
founded on the same general prineiples. Six cardinals 
made inquisitors general, with power to constitute in- 
tribunals, and with authority, on both sides of the Alps, 
I incarcerate and try all suspected persons of whatever rank or 
rder. The terrible machinery of this court was at once set 
in motion in the States of the Church, and although reastance 
was offered in Venice and in other parts of Italy, the Inquisition 
gratJually extended its active sway over the whole peninsula. 
The result was that the open profession of Protestantism was 
instantly suppressed. The Popes after Caraffa, especially Sixtua 
^'., increased its powers and the number of its officials. In 
prior to the formal establishment of the Holy Office, 
' *nd Poter Martyr, unwilling longer to conceal their ad- 
to the Protestant faith, and being no longer safe in Italy, 
left their country and foimd refuge with the Protestanta 
'north of the Alps. Equal amazement was occasioned when, 
1548, Vcrgerio, bishop of Capo d'lstria, a man of distinction, 
rho had been employed in important embassies by the Pope, 
Bwed their example. A multitude of suspected persons fled 
Grisons and to other parts of Switzerland. The acade- 
nues at Modena and elsewhere were broken up. The Duchess 
of Ferrara was compelled to part from all of her Protestant 
friends and dependents, and was herself subjected to constraint 
H|y her husband. The Protestant church of Locarno was driven 
Bid^ under circumstances of great hardsliip, and found an asy- 
^BUi in Switzerland. Imprisonment, torture, and the flames 
were everywhere employed for the destruction of heterodox 
opinions. At Venice the practice was to take the unhappy 
jrictira out upon the sea at midnight and to place him on a 
ink, between two boats, which were rowed m opposite direc- 
leaving hin: to sink beneath the waves. Many distin- 
men were banished : others, as Aonio Paleario and 
Camesecchi, were put to death. The Waldensian settlement 
in Calabria was barbarously massacred. One essential part of 
the work of tJie Inquisition, antl a part in which it attained to 
surprising success, was the suppression of heretical books, "nie 
booksellers were obliged to purge their stock to an extent that 
Wfta almost ruinous to their business. So vi^lant was the 



detective police of the Inquisition, that of the thousands o^| 
copies of the evangplical book on the "Benefits of Christ," itfl 
was long supposed that Dot one was left.' In a more recent 
period some surviving copies have come to light. As a 
part of the repressive system of Caraffa, the "Index" of pro- 
hibited books was established. Besides the particular authors 
and books which were condemned, there was a list of more 
than sixty printers, aU of whose publications were prohibited. ■ 
Caraffa put upon the Index the ConsUium or Advice, which in 
connection with Sadolet and others he himself had offered to 
Paul III., on the subject of a reformation, and in which ec-^| 
clesiastical abuses had been freely censured.' Later, under the ™ 
auspices of Si.xtus V., the "Index Expurgatorius " arose, for 
the condemnation, not of entire works, but of particular pas- ■ 
sages in permitted books. The sweeping persecution which 
was undertaken by the Catholic Reaction did not spare the 
evangelical Catholics, whose views of Justification were ob- 
noxious to the faction that had gained the ascendency. They 
were regarded and treated as little better than avowed enemies 
of the Church. Even Cardinal Pole, who had forsaken Eng- 
land rather tlian accede to the measures of Henry VIII,, and 
had been made Papal Legate and Archbishop of Canterburj* 
under Mary, was in disgrace at the time of his death, which was S 
simultaneous with that of the Queen. Cardinal Morone, the ^ 
Archbishop of Modena, charged with circulating PaJeario's 
book on the Atonement, with denying the merit of good works, 
and with like offenses, was imprisoned for about two years, J 
imttl the death of Paul IV., in 1559, set him free. T^e cliar- H 
acteristic spirit of the dominant party is seen in the impracti- ~ 
cable demand of this Pope that the sequestered property of tlie 
monasteries in England should be restored. This party suc- 
ceeded in virtually extinguishing Protestantism in Italy. 

In Spain a literary spirit had early arisen from the influence ' 
of the Arabic schools.' The Erasmian culture found a cordi&I 

' Macaulay, in his Rnyirw of Ranke'i History oj the Popti {Ed. Rev.. 1840), 
■aid ot IhU book, "It ia now as hopclrasly loal aa the necond deoadB of Livy." 

■ For the prool of Iliia, see McCne. p. 61. 

' McCriD, Hutory of Ihr Prngrfti ntui Suppration of tte Reformalion in Spabt 
tn the SiiteenOi Century (new pd,, ISSfl), Tliis work ia the oompanion of the Hit- 
lory oj the Rf/ormalwTi in /(oiy, miil of ecarcely leoa value. 





reception. Tiirre grew up an Erasmian and an anti-Erasniian 
Party. "The Coniplutensian Polyglot" was an edition of the 
Scriptures that reflects much credit upon Cardinal Xinienee, by 
whom it was issued. He not only waa active in the reform of 
the monks and clergy; he was a patron of scholars. Yet, he 
was opposed to rendering the Bible into the vernacular of the 
people, and was a supporter of the Inquisition. The resent- 
ment which this odious tribunal awakened, wherever a love of 
freedom lingered, predisposed some to the acceptance of the 
doctrine which it persecuted. The intercourse with Germany 
and the Netherlands, into which many Spaniards, both laymen 
and clergj', were brought from the common relation of these 
countries to Charles V., made the Protestant doctrines familiar 
to many, of whom not a few regarded them with favor. It 
was observed that Spanish ecclesiastics who sojourned in Eng- 
land after the marriage of Philip II. to Mary, came back to their 
cotmtry, tinged with the heresy which they had gone forth to 
oppose. The war of Charles V. against Clement VII., which 
led to the sack of Rome and the imprisonment of the Pontiff, and 
the presence of a great body of Spanish clergy and nobles at 
tlie Diet of Augsburg, where the Protestants presented their 
noble confession, were events not without a favorable influence 
in the same direction. As early as 1519 the famous printer of 
Basel, John Froben, sent to Spain a collection of Luther's tracts 
in Latin, and diu-ing the next year the Reformer's commentary 

•on the Galatians, in which his doctrine was fully exhibited, 
■was translated into Spanish. Spanish translations of the Bible 
were printed at Antwerp and Venice, and notwithstanding the 
watcli fulness of the Inquisition, copies of them, as well as other 
publications of the Protestants, were introduced into Spain in 
large numbers. Some Spaniards perished abroad, martyrs to 
the Protestant faith ; as JajTne Enzinas, a cultivated scholar, 
rho was burned at Rome in 1546, and Juan Diaz, who was 
assassinated in Germany by a fanatical brother, who had tried 
in vain to convert him, and who, having accomplished his act 
of bloody fratricide, escaped into Italy and was protected from 
punishment. It was at Seville an<l Valladolid that Protestant- 
ism obtained most adlierents. Those who adopted the reformed 
interpretation of the Gaspel generally contented themselves 
ith promulgating it, without an open atta^t qw Mae ^ia.'Csi.diwi. 



theology or the Cliiirch. It was the doctrine of justification by 
faith alone which, here as in Italy, gained most ciurency. In 
Seville the evangelical views were introducwl by Rodrigo dft 
Valero, a man of rank and fashion, whose character had been 
tranaforraeii by the reception of them, and who promulgated 
them in conversation and in expositions of the Scripture to 
private circles. He was saved from the flames only by the 
favor of persons in authority, but was imprisoned in a convent. 
The most eminent preachers of the city, Dr. John Egidius, and 
Constantine Ponce de la Fuente, who had been chaplain of tJie 
Emperor, enlisted in the new movement. The predominant 
opinion in Seville was on the side of this real, though covert. 
Protestantism. It fomid a reception, also, in cloist^fs of the 
city, especially in one belonging to the Hieronymites. Both ill 
Seville and Valladolid there were secret churches, fully organized, 
and meeting in privacy for Protestant worship. In Valladolid 
the Prote.-*tant cause had a distinguished leader in the person 
of Augustine Cazalla, the Imperial chaplain, who was put to 
death by the Inquisition in 1559. There were probably ivo 
thousand persons in various parts of Spain who were united to 
the Protestant faith and held private meetings for a number of 
years. A large proportion of them were persona distinguished 
for their rank or learning. The discovery of these secret aso- 
ciations at Seville and Valladolid stimulated the Inquisition 
to redoubled exertions. The flight of many faciUtated the (l^ 
tection of others who remained. The dungeons were filled and 
the terrible implements of torture were usetl to extort confts- 
sions not only from men, but from refined and delicately trained 
women. In 1559 and 1560, two great autos da fe were hfl<l 
in the two cities where heresy had taken the firmest root, Tie 
ceremonies were arrangctl with a view to strike terror to the 
hearts of the sufferers themselves and of the great throngs that 
gathered as spectators of the scene. Tlie condemned were 
burned alive, those who would accept the offices of a priest. 
however, having the privilege of being strangled before their 
bodies were cast into the fire. The King and royal family, tif 
great personages of the court, of both sexes, gave coimtenanee 
to the proceedings by their presence. Similar autos da }i 
occurred in various other places, with every circumstaow 
calculated to inspire fear in the beholders. The officers of the 



juisitioD were so active and vigilant, and bo merciless, that 

there was no hope for any who were inclined to Protestnnt 

opinions, save in flight; and even this was difficult. Covets 

ausness allied itself to fanaticism, for the forfeiture of all prop- 

Hty was a part of the penalty invariably visited upon heresy. 

ihus Protestantism was eradicated.' The restraints laid upon 

erty of teaching smothered the intellectual life of the country. 

In Spain, as in Italy, the persecution did not spare the Evan- 

plical Catholics. Among these was Bartolom^ de Carranza, 

thbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain, who had stood 

niong the advocates of gratuitous justification at the Council 

ilVent. He had accompanied Philip II. to England and 

part in examining Protestants who perished at the 

ke under Mary. He was denounced to the Inquisition and 

"imprisoned at VaUadolid. His intimacy with Pole, and with 

Morone, I'laiiiinio, and other eminent Italians who were in- 

led to evangelical doctrine, was one fact brought up against 

His catechism, partly for its alleged leaning, in some 

Bts, to the Lutheran theology, and partly because it was 

written in the vulgar tongue, was the principal basis of the 

accusation. He was charged with not having accused before 

the Holy Office leading Spanish Protestants, of whose senti- 

■Bente he had privately expressed his disapprobation. At the 

6Dtl of seven years he was taken to Rome, and after various 

delays, Gregory XII]., in 1576, pronounced sejitence, finding 

him violently suspecteii of heresy, prohibiting his catechiBm, 

Uretjuiring him to abjure sixteen Lutheran articles, and suspend- 

BP g him from his office for five years. At the expiration of 

^■R time, aft<?r having been for eighteen years under some 

^^reiM of confinement, he died. A part of tlie material of 

iiwusation against Carranza was derived from the words of 

^'insolation which he had addressed to the dying Emperor, 

^Ixirles v., at the convent of Yuste. Kneeling at his bedside, 

W^ Archbishop, holding up a crucifix, exclaimed: "Behold 

"im who answers for all I There is no more sin ; all is for- 

Ipveii!" His words gave offense to some who were present. 
™iiliibni. the Empexor's favorite preacher, who followed, re- 
Hiinded his royal master that as he was bom on the day of St. 

' Por detajb ot pcfsccution. sm rto Cnttroa, Spanith FroUtlanU (London. 


Matthew, so he was to die on that of St. Matthias. With wi ch 

intercessors, it was added, he had nothing to fear. '"HiuSi^B 
writes Mignet, "the two doctrines that divided the world in 
the age of Charles V., were once more brought before him on 
the bed of death." ' Besides the Archbishop of Toledo, not 
less than eight Spanish bishops, of whom tlie most had sat in 
the Council of Trent, and twenty-five doctors of theology, 
among whom were persons of the highest eminence for learning, 
were likewise arraigned, and most of them obliged to make 
some retraction or submit to some public humiliation. 

It is a remarkable evidence of the vitality of the Catholic 
reaction that it went forward in spite of the want of active 
sympathy on the part of certain Popes with its favorite measures, 
or tlie inconsistency of their policy with its spirit and aims. 
\Miat the new movement required, and the result towards 
which it tended was the union of the Catliolic powers; especially 
an alliance of the Pope and Spain. When Caraffa at the age of 
seventy-nine ascendeil the papal throne, his strongest passion 
seemed to be his hatred of Charles V. and the Spaniards. With 
all his zeal for the reform of which he had been one of the earli- 
est promoters, he advanced his relatives to high stations, not 
from that selfish ambition from which nepotism had previously 
sprung, but in order to carry out his schemes of hostility to 
Spain. His stoutest defenders against Alva were Germans, 
most of whom were Protestants; he even invoked the heJp of 
the Turks. The defeat of his French allies at St. Quentin, 
followed by the complete success of Alva, forced upon him 
a change of policy. Forthwith he resinned with absorbing 
energy his enterprises of reform, and discarded his relations, 
whom he had found to be treacherous, Tliis was the end of 
the nepotism which so long had brought disgrace and weakness 
upon the (lapat office. But the war that he kindlcfl aidetl tlie 
cause of Protestantism in France and in the Netherlands, and 
also in England. His political schemes were partly responsible 
for his arrogant treatment of Elizabeth, whom he did not wish 
to marry Philip, and whom he did wish Mary Stuart, the can- 
didate of the Guises, to supplant. In Pius IV. (1559-65) we 
have a pontiff who personally did not sj-mpathize much with 
the Inquisition, yet left it to pursue its course unhindered. lie 

■ Itabertwii, Hit. oj ChaHa V. (FreMott^ ed.), iu. 491. 492. 

tailored to unite tlip Catholic world, anil succoHled in pacifying 
thp tiivisions in llic Council of Trent, by skillful negotiations 
with the different sovereigns. Pius V. (1566-72) was a devoted 
representative of the rigid party, was zealous on the one hand 
for the reformation of the papal court, antl on the other for the 
, destruction of heretics. He induced Duke Cosmo of Florence 
deliver up to him Carnesecchi, an accomplished hlerary 
1, who, influenced by Vald^s, had early favored Protestants 
and had him brought to Rome, where he was beheaded 
ad his body committed to the flames,' He approved of Alva's 
Qings in the Netherlands. Gradually the Papacy came to 
hantls with Spain in the grand effort to overcome Protes- 
alisni. Sixtus V. excommunicatetl Henry IV. of France 
He lent his most earnest cooperation to the effort to 
aquer England by the Armada. He was heart and soul 
ith Guise and the League, and upon the assassination of Guise, 
wommunicatetl Henry HI. If he listened favorably to the 
made to induce him to absolve and recognize Henry of 
NttViirre, his inclinations in this direction were overcome by 
till' energetic remonstrances of Philip.' It was the hostile 
FUtitude of the Papacy that strongly affected the Catholic 
fclliPTcnts of Navarre, and confirmed them in the disposition 
[to require of him a profession of the Catholic faith. 

Nothing can be more striking than the change in the intel- 

rifctiial Fpirit of Italy, as we approach the end of the sixteenth 

iWalury.' Tlie old ardor in the study and imitation of the 

nrients has parsed away. Even the reverence that spared the 

jsrchiiectural remains of antiquity is supplanted in the niuid 

Iff Sixtus \'., for example, by the desire to rear edifices that 

Ittay rival them. A zeal for independent investigation, espe- 

I'lillyui natural science, takes the place of antiquariim .icholar- 

but this new scientific spirit, which often took a 

itive tiun, was checked and repressed by the ecclesiastical 

. Loyalty to the Church, ant! a religious temper, in the 

form which the Catholic restoration engendered, pene- 

Jcd society. Poetry, painting, and music were at once reno- 

*l«i and molded by the religious influence. Tasso, who 

' McCrie. Brf. in lUJy. p. 20. 

' lUnke. Hittoni of titt Popn, i. 367 acq., it. 128 wq., iii. 115 oeq. Hilbnir, 
1' 'I Siitv* V. (1872). • IbCd.. i. 493. 



I chose a pious crusader for the hero ot his poem, the school of 

I Caracci, Doiiicnicliioo, and Guido Reni, Palestrina. the great 

I composer, suggest the revolution in public feeling and taslp 
in this age, in contrast with the ago of the Renaissance. Tbc 

I papal court, in its restored strictness and sobriety, raanifesled 
its entire subjection to the new movement. In a characUr 
like Carlo Borromeo, the counter-reformation appears in s 

I characteristic but peculiarly attractive light. Of noble birth, 
and with temptations to sensual indulgence thrown io his patli, 

I he devoted himself to a religious life with unwavering fidelity. 

I The nephew of Pius V., offices of the highest responsibility were 
forced upon him, wliich he discharged with so exemplary dili- 
gence and faithfulness, that such as were inclined to eniy or to 

I censure were compelled to applaud. But he welcomed the day 
when he could lay tliem down, and give himself wholly to his 
diocese of Milan, where he was archbishop. His untiring per- 
severance in works of charity and reform, his visitations to 
remote, mountainous villages, in the care of his flock, his lea! 
for education. Ids devoutness, caused him to be styled, in the 
bull that canonized him, an angel in human form. His exertions 
in making proselytes, and his willingness to persecute herew, 
are less agi-eeable to contemplate; but they were essential 
features of the Catholic reaction, 

The Jesuits first estabhshed themselves in force in Italy, 
and in Portugal, Spain, and their colonies. "Out of the vi-^ 
ionary schemes of Ignatius," says Ranke, "arose an institu- 
tion of singularly practical tendency; out of the converacms 
wrought by his asceticism, an institution framed with all the 
just and accurate calculation of worldly prudence." The 
education of youth, especially those of higher rank, quiot'y 
fell, to a large extent, into their hands. Their system of intel- 
lectual training was according to a strict method; but their 
schools were pervaded by their peculiar religious spirit, it 

^ was largely through then- influence that the profane or secular 
tone of culture, that had prevailed in the cities of Italy, wa9 
superseded by a culttu-e in which reverence for religion and the 
Church was a vital element. From the two peninsulas the ne" 
order extended its influence into the other countries of Europe. ■ 
They formed a great standing army, in the service of the Pope, 
for the propagation of Catholicism. The Univeraty of Viennft 



was placed under their direction; they established themselves 
at Cologne and Ingolstadt and Prague, and from these centers 
operated with great success in the Austrian dominions, the 
Rhenish provinces, and other parts of Germany. The Duke 
of Bavaria, partly from worldly and partly from religious 
motives, enlisted warmly in the cause of the Catholic reaction, 
and made himself its champion. In the ecclesiastical states of 
Germany, the spirit of Catholicism was reawakened, and the 
toleration promised to Protestants by the Peace of Augsburg 
was frequently violated. The Popes, in this period, were liberal 
in their concessions to the Cathohc princes, who found tJieir 
profit in helping forward the reactionary movement. In the 
last quarter of the sixteenth century, mainly by the labors of 
the Jesuits, and by the violent measures which they instigated, 
the tide was turned against Protestantism in southern Germany, 
in Bohemia, Moravia, Poland, and Hungary. In these coun- 
tries, Protestantism had, on the whole, gained the ascendency. 
Together with Belgium and France, they constituted " the 
great debatable land," where the two confesfdons struggled for 
the mastery. In all of them, Cathohcism, with its new forces, 
was triumphant. The Jesuits did much to promote that in- 
crea.sed excitement of Cathohc feeling in France, which showed 
itself in the slaughter of St. Bartholomew and the wars of the 
League. From Douay, the establishment founded by Cardinal 
William Allen, they sent out their emissaries into England. 
The order was active in Sweden, and, for a time, had some 
prospect of winning that kingdom back to the Catholic fold. 
Wherever they did not prevail, they sharpened the mutual an- 
tagonism of the rival confessions. The progress of the Catholic 
restoration was aided, especially in Germany, by the quarrels 
of Protestant theologians. The mutual hostihty of Lutheran 
and Calvinist appeareri, in some cases, to outweigh their com- 
mon opposition to Rome. 

The question has often been asked, why, after so rapid an 
advance of Protestantism for a half-century, a limit should then 
have been set to its progress? Wliy was it unable to overstep 
the bounds which it reached in the first age of its existence? 
Macaulay has handled this question in a spirited essay, in which, 
with certain reasons, which are pertinent and valu».\:i\a,Vfc 




IS nro- ~ 

coupled a angular denia! that the knowledge of reli^on is pro- 
gressive, or al all dependent upon the general enlightenment of 
the humf ■ mind. Apart from his paradoxical speculatiou on 
this last point, his statement of the grountis of the arrest 0/ 
the progress of Protestantism, though eloquent and valuable, 
is quite incomplete. The principal causes of this event n 
deem to be the following : — 

1. The ferment that attended the rise of ProtestaEtimi 
must eventually lead to a crystallizing of parties; and tlii-: 
must raise up a barrier in the way of the further spread of llif 
new doctrine. Protestantism was a movement of reform, aris- 
ing within the Church. At the outset, multitudes stoofi, io 
relation to it, in the attitude of inquirers. They wcje more or 
less favorably inclined to it. What course they would take 
might depend on the influences to which they would happen 
to be exposed. They were not immovably attached to the nlii 
system ; they were open to persuasion. But as the confiirt 
became warm, men were more and more prompted to take 
sides, and to range themselves under one or the other baDner. 
Thi.s period of fluctuation and conversion would naturally eome 
to an end. As soon as the spirit of party was thus awakenwi, 
it formed an obstacle to the further progress of the new opinions, 
for this spirit communicated itself from father to son. 

2. The pohtical arrangements which were atioptcd in <lif' 
ferent countries, in consequence of the religious (Uviaoii. nii 
tended to confine Protestantism within the limits which it W 
early attained. In Germany, the negotiations and dispulM 
produced by the religious contest, issued in the adopti(Mi 
of the principle, "cujus regie, ejus religio"; the religion of ih'' 
State shall conform to that of the prince. This principle, how- 
ever, would not have availed to arrest Protestantism. But 
the "ecclesiastical reservation" did thus avail, since the ct«- 
version of an ecclesiastical ruler to the new faith was atteniiinl 
with no important gain to the Protestant he nmst vaeate 
his office. The wliole tendency of political arrangement* in 
Germany was to build up a wall of separation between the two 
confessioiLs, and to protect the territory of each from encrcacli- 
ments by the other. It must be remembered that the Kpiril 
of propagandism did not, generally speaking, charactrtiip 
Protestantism. The Protestants, especially in Germany, wef^' 



satisfied if they could be left to develop, without interference, 
their own system. The utmost limit of their demand was room 
for its natural expansion.' In the Netherlands, ther^eparation 
of the WallooD provinces from the other states, and the adher- 
ence of the former to Spain, could have no other result than 
to perpetuate their connection with the CathoUc Church. In 
France, the civil wars and the political settlement to which 
they led resulted in the formation of the Huguenots into a 
compact body, formidable for defense, but powerless for the 
propagation of their faith. 

3. The counter-reformation in the Catholic Churcli, by 
removing the gross abuses which had been the object of right- 
eous complaint, took a formidable weapon from the hands of 
the Protestants. At the same time, the apathy of the old 
Church was broken up, the attention of its rulers was no longer 
absorbed in ambitious schemes of politics, or in the gratification 
of a literary taste, which made the papal court a rendezvous of 
authors and artists; but a profound zeal for the doctrines and 
forms of the Roman Catholic religion pervaded and united all 
ranks of its disciples. 

4. While this concentration of forces was taking place on 
the Catholic side, Protestants more and more spent their 
strength in contests with one another. Tlieir mutual intoler- 
ance facilitated the advance of their common enemy. More- 
over, the warm, religious feeling that animated the early 
Reformers and the princes who defended their cause passed away 
to a considerable degree, and was succectled by a theological, or a selfish, political .'»pirit. The appearance of such 
a character as Maurice of Saxony, m so marked contrast willi 
the Electors who listened to the voice of Luther, and even with 
the Landgrave Phihp of Hesse, indicates the advent of an era 
when a more politic and selfish temper displaces the simplicity 
of religious principle. Queen Elizabeth, with her lukewarm 
attachment to the Reformation, and her mendacious, crooked 
policy, is a poor representative of the refigious character of 

' "Wis wir After bemrrkt. dpr ProttatdntiBmiis iat nkhl hekehrctnlcr Natur. 
Efl wird pich jedra Rcitrilfa, der aus UpberipTiffUnf^ pnlnprin^rt, oIa cinc4 Fort- 
ganges opinet gulrn SbpHp frcupti : sonjl aber BrI.aii iiifripilcn seiu, wtnn Qur wlbet 
veTHtfrttft isC, meU uiigvirrt von frenidcr Emn'jrkung zii i-iiIwickoLn. Dits war (9, 
woDftcb die evangel isclipn Fiiratcn void entrn Augunbliali an BtrrbtPD. " — Rankr, 
! GeickidUe, v. T^JS 




H me 

Protestantism. How much more intense and consistent was 
the religious zeal of the secular Icaiier of the Catholic restornr^ 
tion, Philip II. ! The ardor of Protestants spent itself in 
mestic discord, at the very time when the ardor of Catholids 
was exerted, with imdivided energy, against them, 

5. The better organization of the Catholic Church v.i 
a signal advantage in the battle with Protestantbon, which 
divided into as many churches as there were pohtical oouunu 
ties that embraced the new doctrine. On the Catholic ade 
there was a better chance for a plan of operations, having re- 
spect not to a single country alone, a separate portion of the 
field of combat, but formed upon a sur\'ey of the whole situa- 
tion, and carried out with sole reference to a united succpss. 

6. Another source of power in the Catholic Church grciv 
out of the habit of availing itself of all varieties of religious 
temperament, of turning to the best account tlie wide diwrsily 
of talents and character which is developed within its (olil. 
The dispassionate and astute politician, the lalx)rious scholar, 
the subtle and skillful polemic, the fiery enthusiast, are noneul 
them rejected, but all of them assigned to a work suited to their 
respective capacities. Men as dissimilar as Bellarminc ami 
Ignatius were engaged in a common cause, and were even within 
the same fraternity. This custom of the Catholic Churrb is 
often attributed to a profound policy. But what-evcr sagsciti' 
it may indicate, it is probably iluc less to the calculations of a 
far-sighted policy, than to an habitual principle, or way of 
thinking in religion, which is inherent in the genius of Calhol- 
icism. It has been justly observed that men of the t>T)e of 
John Wesley, who, among Protestants, have been forced to be- 
come the founders of thstinct religious bodies, would have found 
within the Cathohc Church, had they been born there. bo.=pi- 
table treatment and congenial employment. Tlie host that ftus 
marshaled under the command of the Pope, for the dpfens*' 
of Catholicism, was like an army that includes light-arninl 
skirmishers and heavy-armed artillerymen, swift cavalry, ao'l 
spies who can penetrate the camp and pry into the counsels of 
the enemy. 

7. It cannot be denied that in southern Eiu-ope (here wa." 
manifested a more rooted attachment to the Roman Catholic 
system than existed among the nations which adopted the 



Refonnation, In Germany the common people gladly heard the 
teaching of Luther. Protestantism there had much of the char- 
acter of a national movement. In Italy and Spain it was 
mainly the lettered class that received the new doctrine. 
Below a certain grade of culture few were affected by it. Even 
in France, which had something hke a middle position between 
the two currents of opinion, it was the intelligent middle class, 
together with scholars and nobles, that furnished to Protes- 
tantism ita adherents. In Italy and Spain the new doctrine 
did not reach down to the springs of national life. Moreover, 
it is remarkable that in these nations which remained Catholic, 
so many who went so far as to receive the evangelical doctrine 
substanUally as it was held by the Protestants were not im- 
pelled to cast off the pohty or worship of the old Church. This 
circumstance is far from being wholly due to timidity. The 
outward forma of Protestantism were less necessary, less con- 
genial to them ; the outward forms of Catholicism were less 
obnoxious. Even in France, this same phenomenon appeared 
in the circle that early gathered about Leffivre and Bri(,'onnet, 
and especially in Margaret of Navarre and her followers. The 
doctrine of gratuitous salvation through the merits of Christ, 
the inwardness of piety, as fostered by the evangelical doctrine, 
were grateful to them; but they were not moved to renounce 
the government or the Sacraments of the Church, or to affiliate 
themselves with the Protestant body. 

When all these circumstances are contemplated, it will 
cease to be a matter of wonder that Protestantism, after its 
first great victories were won, halted in its course and was at 
length shut up within fixed boundaries. 

But the Catholic party were destined to suffer from internal 
discord. Before the close of the century, the followers of 
Ignatius, who were semi-Pelagian in their theologj-, became 
involved in a hot. strife with the Dominicans, who in common 
with their master, Aquinas, were nearer to Augustine in their 
view of the relation of grace to free will. The theological con- 
flict that was thus kindled was of long continuance, and brought 
serious disasters upon the Catholic Church, and, in its ultimate 
effect, upon the Jesuit order. This was one of a number of 
adverse influences which conspired finally to paralyze the Catho- 
lic reaction, and to stop the progress of the couuteT-xc^oTia^.'UG^- 





T^E Catholic Reaction, of which the Pope was the spuitoal, 
and PhiUp II., the secular chief, experienced a. terrible revere 
in the ruin of the Spanish Armada, and the failure of that gigan- 
tic project for the conquest of England, "nie establiebmeiil of 
Henry IV, on the tiirone of France was a still more discouraging 
blow. France, the Netherlands, and Great Britain were the 
principal theater of the efforts which had for their end the politi- 
cal predominance of the Spanish monarchy and the spiritual 
supremacy of Rome. The struggle of Protestantism conlinuis 
through the greater part of the seventeenth centurj'. Gradu- 
ally the Catholic Reaction expended its force, and polilJwi 
motives and ideas subordinated the impulses of fanaticism. 

The principal topics to be considered are the thirty years' 
war; the English revolutions; the domestic and foreign policy 
of Richelieu and of Louis XIV. The reign of Louis XI\'. fallJ 
principally in the latter half of the seventeenth century, or lie 
period following the great European settlement, the Peace o( 
Westphalia, Yet some notice of this reign is requisite for a full 
view of the conflict of Protestantism and Catholicism.' 

Charles V, had found himself deceived in his political calcu- 
lations, and baffled by the moral force of the Prolestanl faith 
in Germany, His final defeat in the attempt to subjugaU' lh« 
Protestants left the Empire weak. It is not true that Germany 
lost its political unity through the Reformation, for this unity 
was practically gone before; rather is it true that then u sacn- 
■ ficed the opportunity of recovering its unity and of placing ii- o" 
I an enduring foundation. The Reformation in Germany, iiiore 


' HaUEHBr, Gfiehiehle dm Zfiloltfrt d. Relnrmation (1868). Von Baumfi 
QtsfJiichU Europaa neit d. Enitf d. \S. Jahr., vol. lit. X-aurpnt, hff fkQtvmoN<* 
I. I. ch. iv, Ranke, OmehuhU Wallmgteint (3d td., 1871). Ckrlyle, BuUn ^ 
Frederic II., voV. v., b- ia,, ohdfm. tiv., tm\. 



than in any other country, emanated not from statesmen and 
rulers, but from the hearts of the people. It was hindered from 
being universal by the obstacles cast in its way and by its own 
internal divisions. 

The Peace of Augsburg, imsatisfactory as its provisions were 
to both parties, effected its end as long as tlie emperors were 
impartial in their administration. This was true of Ferdinand 
I., whose accession was resisted by Paul IV., the enemy of his 
House; and it was true especially of Maximilian 11., who was 
himself strongly inclined to Protestant opinion.^, and was openly 
charged with heresy by Catholic zealots. Under his tolerant 
sway, Protestantism spread over Austria, with the exception of 
the rural and secluded valleys of the Tyrol. Charles V. had been 
obliged to relinquish his wish to hand down the imperial crown 
to his son Philip. Philip, in his fanatical exertions against Prot- 
estantism, did not receive countenance or support from the 
Austrian branch of his family. The cruelties of Alva in the 
Netherlands, and the massacre of St. Bartholomew, were con- 
demned and deplored by the Emperor, Philip was so afraid 
that Maximilian himself would join the Protestants that he 
deemed it necessary to dissuade him, by the most pressing ex- 
hortations, from taking such a step. While the contest was 
raging in the Netherlands, and between the Huguenots and their 
enemies in France the Lutherans of Germany remained for the 
most part neutral. Their hostility to Calvinism had much to 
do in determining their position. They were warned by William 
of Orange and other Protestants abroad that the cause was one, 
and that if Catholic fanaticism were not checked, Germany 
would be the next victim. In the latter portion of Maximil- 
ian's reign, which was from 1564 to 1576, the Jesuits came in, 
and disturbances arose. Rudolph II., his successor, had been 
brought up in Spain, and was under the influence of this Order. 
The same spirit characterized Matthias, who followed next. In 
consequence of the incompetence of RudoliDh, the government 
of Aastria and Hungary had, during his life, been taken from 
him and given to Matthias, and he in turn gave way, in hke 
manner, to his cousin Archduke Ferdinand of Styria, a bigoted 
Catholic (1619-37). Ferdinand and Maximilian, Duke of Ba- 
varia, were the devoted champions of the Catholic Reaction. 
Matthias had been compelled to grant a lettcT \ia.\jeu\. \o "^ofc 



i e™i 

Bohwiiians, which gave them full religious toleration and eqi 
rights with the Catholics. \"iolatione of the Religious Peace in 
Germany on the ade of the CathoUcs were fnxiuent. Bishops 
and Catholic cities drove out their Protestant subjects and 
aboli^ed Protestant wor^ip. The indignation of the Prot- 
estants throughout Germany was excited by the treatment of 
the free city of Donauwtirth, which was exckisively Proteslaiil, 
and refused to allow proc<?s5ions from a Catholic couvcBt, iJiiw 
being incon^tont with a former agreement. The city was 
placed under the ban of the Empire, and the Bavarian Dukc- 
mardied against it witli an overwhelming force, excluded Prot- 
estant worship, and incorporated the town with his owti terri- 
tories (!607), Complaints were made on the Catholic siile ci 
infractions of the Ecclesiastical Proviso, which ordained that 
benefices should be vacated by incumbents who should embrace 
Protestantism. TTie Protestants had permitted the Emperor, 
in the Peace of Augsburg, on his own authority, t« affirm llip 
Proviso, which they themselves at the same time firmly re£ua»i 
to adopt; just as the imperial declaration for the protMiion 
of Protestant communities within the jurisdiction of Catfiolic 
prelates had been permitted by the other party, Prol«stocl 
princes had ^ven to benefices lying near them, which hail ulreaiiy 
been gained to the Reformation, bisliops or administrator from 
their own kinsmen; and at the diets they urgeil the compleW 
abolishment of all such restrictions upon religious freedom,' 
But the Proviso was rigidly enforced in the case of the Electflt 
of Cologne, who went over to Protestantism in 1582. Tlic out- 
rage perpetrated against Donauworth led to the formation of 
the Evangelical Union (160S), a league into which, howe^ff' 
all the Protestant States did not enter, and which from ihf 
beginning was weakly organized. But the Catholic Leaguf^ 
which was formed to oppose it, under the leadership of Maxi- 
milian of Bavaria, was firmly cemented and full of energy. On 
the Protestant side, in addition to other sources of discord, ihf 
hostility of the strict Lutherans to the Calvinista was a continual 
and fruitful cause of division. The Bohemians revolted against 
Ferdinand 11. In 1618, wlien their religious liberties were vio- 

' Gineler, rv. i. 1, § II. Upon Iho history aod interpretstion of the EMle^w- 
(deal R«BFrvBliDn, see Ksiiki-. tJeul'ih' (Irjichichle, v. 20^, J74 ■«). (H'crti. mi 
7 acq.), Gieseler, iv. i, 1, J and a. 40. 




lated, and "according to the good old Bohemian custom," as one 
of the nobles expressed it, Bung two of the imperial councilors 
out of the window. When, shortly after, on the death of Mat- 
thias, Ferdinand became his successor, the Bohemians refuseil 
to acknowledge him aa their king, ami gave the crown of Bohe- 
mia to Ferderic V., the Elector Palatine, and the son-in-law of 
James I. of England. Ferdinand, a nursling of the Jesuits, who 
had early taken a vow to extirpate heresy in his dominions, 
which he had kept, up to the measure of his ability, threw him- 
self as much from necessity as from choice, into the arms of the 
Catholic League. He manifested his ardor in the Catholic cause 
by an assiduous attention to religious services. For example, he 
took part in a procession in the midst of a storm of rain emulate 
ing thus the zeal which the Emperor Julian displayed in cele- 
brating the rites of heathenism. Tlius the Austrian unperial 
house took up the work which had been laid down by Charles V., 
of defending and propagatuig Catholicism, in alliance with the 
Church. The Catholic Reaction, which had found a representa- 
tive in Philip IT., foimd another leader in the Emperor: and the 
two branches of the Hapsburg family were more united in 
religious sympathies. The Elector, Fretleric, with his obtrusive 
Calvinism, and with a court whose customs and manners were 
not congenial with Bohemian feeling ^ receiving little support, 
moreover, from the Protestant princes or from England — suf- 
fered a complete defeat, Lutheran prejudices and the fear of 
countenancing rebellion and the revolutionary spirit deprived 
him of his natural allies. Tlie result was that Bohemia was 
al^andoned to fire and sword. In the frightful persecution which 
had for its object the eradication of Protestantism, and in the 
protracted wars that ensued upon it, the population was reduced 
from about four millions to between seven and eight hundred 
thousand ! It was only when the Palatinate was conquered and 
devastated ; ' when the electoral rank was transferred to the 
Duke of Bavaria, and with it the territories of Frederic, except 
what was given to Spain; and when the enterprise of banishing 
Protestantism was actively undertaken by the combined agency 
of the troops of the League and of Jesuit priests, that the Prot- 
estant powers took up the cause of the fugitive Elector. In 
1625 England, Holland, and Denmark entered into an alliance 

' The Heidelberg Library waa carried oB to 'Koiob. 


for his restoration. Christian IV. of Denmark was <lefeatetl, m?^ 
the Danish intervention failed. By robbing Frederic of tlie elec- 
(oral rlignity and conferring it on the Bavarian Duke, a majority ■ 
in the electoral body was acquired by the Catholics. But the ^ 
flower and station which the Duke gained, separated, in impor- 
tant particulars, lii.s interests from those of Ferdinand. It was 
through tlie aid of Wallenstein and his consummate ability in 
collecting and organizing, as well as leading an army, that Fer- 
dinand was able to emancipate himself from the virtjual control 
nf Maximilian and the League.^ Wallenstein was a Bohemifln 
noble, proud, able, and swayed by dreams of ambition; unscni- 
puloas in respect to the means which might ije required for the 
fulfillment of his daring schemes. He had rendered valuable 
military services to Ferdinand ; and, on the suppression of lie 
Bohemian revolt, had acquireti vast wealth by the purchase of 
confiscated property. He offered to raise an army and to sus- 
tain it. He made it support itself by pillage. It was a period 
of transition in the method of prosecuting war, when the old 
system of feudal militia had passed away, and the modem sj's- 
tem of national forces or standing armies had not arisen. Armica 
were made up of hirelings of all nations, who prosecuted war as 
a trade wherever the richest booty was to be gained ; conader- 
ing indiscriminate robbery a legitimate incident of warfare. Tlie 
ineffable miseries of the protracted struggle in Germany were 
due, to a considerable extent, to this composition of the armies. 
Bands of organized plunderers, with arras in their tiands, were let 
loose upon an unprotected population, captureil cities being given 
up to the unbridled passions of a fierce and kiwless soldien'- 
The unarmed people tlreaderl their friends hardly less than their 
foes. The good behavior of the Swedes was a marvel to the 
inhabitants with whom they came in contact; and even tlie 
Swedes, after the tleath of their great leader, sunk down towards ■ 
the level of the rest of the combatants in this frightful conflict. 
It is no wonder that Germany, traversed and trampled for a 
whole generation by these hosts of marauders, was reduceil 
almost to a desert ; that it endured calamities from which it haa 
never entirely recovered. 

Victory attended the arms of Wallenstein and of Tilly, the 

I exi 

' Ranke, acschichit Wallenttrijia {3d »].. 18721. Tbis biography, M mighl b« 
expected, is higlU}' iiutrucCive on ttie whole aubjcot of the thirty years' war. 



Heneral of the League. Brunswick and Hanover, Silesia, Schlca- 
Wg and Holstein, ffll into their power. Tlie dukea of Mecklen- 
mirg were put under the ban of the Empire, and their territory 
given, as a reward, to Wallenat^in (1627). lie waa anxious to 
reduce the German towns on the Baltic. But Stralsund offered 
iBtubbom resistance which he could not overcome, although he 
ftwcd that he would have the town if it were bound to the eky 
chains of adamant. His ambitious schemes were quite inde- 
it of the schemes of the League, which could not count 
his support. Such was their jealousy and animosity 
cards the commander who had made Ferdinand free from 
lieir dictation that they induced him to remove Wallenstein 
from his command. Shortly before this, however, they had 
moved the Emperor to the adoption of a measure equally dan- 
gerous to his cfluie, and one that put far distant the hopes of 
eace. This was the famou.s Edict of Restitution (1629), which 
clared that the Protestant States, after the Treaty of Fassau, 
no right to appropriate the ecclesiastical benefices which 
under their lordship, and that every act of secularization 
this nature was null; that all archbishoprics and bishoprics 
lich had become Protestant since that treaty must be surren- 
_dered; that the Declaration of Ferdinand L, giving liberty to 
lie Protestant subjects of ecclesiastical princes, was invalid, and 
It such subjects might be forced to become Catholics, or ex- 
led from their homes. That is, the parts of the Religious 
ice that were odious to the Protestants were to be enforced, 
Ecording to the strictest construction, while the parts obnoxious 
to tlie Catholics were to be abrogated. Moreover, the Edict 
ordained that the Religious Peace should not avail for the pro- 
ction of Calvinists, Zwinglians, or any other dissenters save 
Be adherents of the Augsburg Confession. The changes that 
iken place since the Passau Treaty were of such a character 
the execution of the Edict would have brought a sweeping 
id violent revolution in the Protestant communities. It was 
"indent that nothing less was aimed at than the entire extinction 
of Protwtantism, The most lukewarm of the Princes, including 
the Electors of Brandenburg and Saxony, were roused by this 
measure to a sense of the common danger. Thus the Edict of 
Restitution and the removal of Wallenstein from his command, 
the two measures dictated by the League, aided the Protestant 



cause ; the first by awakening and combining its supporters, BDd 
the second by weakening the military strength of tJieir adversa- 
ries. WallenstPJn was a sacrifice to the League and to the ambi- 
tion of Maximilian. 

In the second act of this long drama, Gustavus Adolphua, of 
Sweden, is the hero. It had been his aim in a conflict of eighteen 
years, with Denmark, Poland, and Russia, to control the Baltic 
Sea. Not only was this political aim impcrUed by the imperial 
conquests, but they involved the danger of a Catholic reaction 
in Sweden itself. Besides this motive, tlie Swedish King was 
impelled to intervene by a genuine attachment to Protestantism, 
such as had inspired German princes, like Frederic of Saxooy, 
and Philip of Hesse, in the first age of the Reformation. He 
was not a crusader, who sought to exterminate the opposing 
faith. Rather did he both religious parties to respect each 
other's rights and dwell in amity. His interposition, full of 
peril to himself, was regarded by Brandenburg and Saxony 
with jealousy and repugnance. It was not until the barbarous 
sack and burning of Magdeburg by the savage troops of Tilly 
(1631), that the neutral party was forced to side with Swedea. 
The victory of Gustavus over Tilly, and the triumphant advance 
of the Swedes into the South of Germany, prostrated the power 
of the League. We find that Gustavus was regarded with sus- 
picion by the princes but with cordiaUty by the German cities. 
Whether his plan of peace, which embraced the repeal of the 
Edict of Restitution, the toleration everywhere of both reJi^ons, 
the restoration of the Elector Palatine to his territories and to 
the electoral dignity, and the banishment of the Jesuits, contem- 
plated his own elevation to the rank of King of Rome, must 
remain uncertain. No alternative was left to Ferdinand but 
to call back Wallenstein from his estates, and ^ve him absolute 
powers in the conduct of the war, — powers which made him 
independent of all control, and exempt from hability to another 
removal. The battle of Lutzen, in 1632, was a great defeat of 
Wallenstein, and a glorious victory for the Swedes; but it cost 
them the hfe of their King. 

In the new phase which the war assumed after the fall of 
Gu.-^tavus, the influence of Richelieu becomes more and more 
predominant. The policy of the CardinaJ was to attain the end, 
which French poUtics had so long pursued, of breaking down 



Vne power of Hapsburg, and, at the same time, of profiling hy 
the intestine conflict in Germany, by extending the French fron- 
tier on the east. 

The ground on which Richelieu vindicated himself for lend- 
ing aid to Protestanta was that the war was not a religious but 
a political one. It was the old cooteet of France against 
the ambitious effort of the house of Hapsburg, to destroy the 
independence of other nations, and build up a universal mon- 
archy. Tliis imputation was indignantly denied; nor is there 
reason to think that such a design was seriously entertained by 
the Emperor and his partisans. Yet a complete success in their 
mixed political and lehgious enterprise would have given them 
a dangerous preponderance. In the warfare of Philip II. against 
Protestantism, the supremacy of Spain and the triumph of the 
Catholic cause were linked together in Ms mind. Richelieu, in 
turn, was charged with cherishing an equal ambition in behalf 
of France. The accusation had so much of truth that he, doubt- 
less, aimed to raise hia country to the leading place among the 
European nations. Holland helped the anti-Austrian league by 
carrj-ing on its own contest against the troops of Spain, but was 
deterred from entering further into the war by apprehensions 
in reference to France, and the consequences that would follow 
the augmentation of French power. Richelieu had refrained 
from engaging in the German war, until the quelhng of the 
Huguenots and the capture of Rochelle left his hands free. In 
turn for the subsiilies which he furnished Gustavus, he had been 
ble to gain from the wary monarch no share in the control of 
he war, but only the pledge that no attack should be made upon 
Catholic religion as such. Oxenstiern, the Swedish Chan- 
ffrllor, on whom the principal conduct of affairs now devolved, 
WW careful to retain for the Swedes the supreme direction of 
the war, which was done in the Heilbronn Treaty of 1633, when 
Iraiice entered into an alliance with Sweden and the Protestant 
■''laies, Wallenstein became more and more an object of dread 
^ his iniperial master, as well as to the League. The com- 
nianiifr, whom it was now impos-sible either to remove or to 
'^"ilrol, was plotting to arrange for a peace, in which he should 
'•'lllc with France and Sweden, satisfy the Protestant.>*, and prob- 
■Uy respr\'e Bohemia, as a reward for himself. He had sounded 
W officers, and confided in their fidelity to their leader. The 



murder of WaUemitein (1634) was the means chosen to puiuEh 
liis treason, and avert thp threatened danger. 

Tlie imperial \'ictory in the battle of Nordllngen, in 1634, 
had the effect to ^ve to Richelieu the predominance which he 
lind long aspircnl after. The Swedish force was broken. The 
aid of France had now become a necessity. France and Sweden 
were thenceforward to have an equal part in the management of 
the war, Brandenburg and Saxony, to whom the connection 
with Sweden had always been repugnant, made for themselves 
a separate treaty with the Emperor, by which the Edict of Res- 
tilutioD, as far as they were concerned, was abrogated. Tlie 
treaty between Saxony and the Emperor was concluded al 
Prague in 1635. That the Elector should enter into this dis- 
graceful arrangement was owing, in part, to his jealousy of 
Sweden, and, in part, to the bigoted hostility to Calvinism, thai 
prevailed ia his court. Richelieu's deare to build up a Freocb 
party among the Germans seemed to be accomplished, when Be> 
nard, of Weimar, their foremost general, was taken into the pay 
of France. Yet Bemartl could not be rehetl on to consent to a 
permanent cession of territory to that country : in his testa- 
ment, he expre.ssly declared agwnst it. The death of Beroard 
in 1639 placed the Cardinal at the goal of all his efforts; for the 
prosecution of the war was left in the hands of the French, and 
the armies came imder the lead of French ofBcers, The char- 
acter of the war had entirely changed. Protestant states were 
fighting on the imperial side, and paying a heavy price for thef 
desertion of their former allies. Eight more years of war were 
required to bring the Coiu-t of Vienna to consent to a full am- 
nesty and to the restoration of the religious peace, involving the 
surrentier of the Edict of Restitution ; measures which were 
indispensable to the termination of the weary conflict. An 
at^quiescence in these nece.ssary terms of peace was at last wrung 
from the Emperor by his military reverses. 

The cruelties inflicted during this war, especially during the 
last years of it, upon the defenseless people, are indescribable. 
The population of Germany is said to have diminished in thirty 
years from twenty to fifty per cent. The population of Augs- 
burg was reduced from eighty thousand to eighteen thousand. 
Of the four hundred thousand inhabitants of Wiirtembei^ as 
late as 1641, only forty-dght thousand were left. Cities, ^il- 



^Bges, castles, and houses innumerable had been burned to the 
BirouQd- Tlic bare statistics of the destruction of life and prop- 
erly are appalling. 

»The Peace of Westphalia, in 1648, confirmed the Ecclesias- 
cal Reservation — fixing, however, 1624 as the normal year, 
to decide which faith should possess ecclesiastical properties. It 
moditicd the jns reforiiiandi, according to which the reli^on of 
cadi state was to be detenuined by that of the prince; and in 
this matter, also, 1024 was made the normal year. That is to 
^•y, whatever might be the faith of the prince, the religion of 
Bach state waa to be Catholic or Protestant, according to its 
pofution at that date. As to their share in the imperial adniin- 
^Btration, the two reUgions were placed on a footing of substan- 
^kal equaJity. Religious freedom and civil equality were also 
extended to the Calvinists; only these three forms of religion 
^were to be tolerated in the Empire. But the Empire was re- 
Buced to a shadow by the giving of the power to decide, instead 
of advising, in all matters of peace, war, taxation, and the like, 
to the Diet, and by the allowance granted to members of the 
Diet to contract alliances with one another and with foreign 
powers, provided no prejudice should come thereby to the 
Empire or the Emperor. The independence of Holland and of 
Switzerland was formally acknowledged. Sweden obtained the 
territory about the Baltic, wliich Gustavus had wanted, in addi- 
tion to other important places about the North Sea, and the 
mouths of the Oder, the Weser, and the Elbe; in consequence 
of which cession Sweden became a member of the German Diet, 
Among the acquisitions of France were the three bishoprics, 
Metz, Toul, and Verdun, and the landgraviate of Upper and 
Lower Alsace ; France thus gaining access to the Rhine. Both 
Swe<leji anil France, by becoming guarantees of the peace, ob- 
tained the right to interfere in the internal affairs of Germany. 
So great was the penalty paid for civil discord. j 

H Englaml. during the reign of the Stuart kings, descended 
^Wom the lofty position which it had held among the European 
stales, as a bulwark of Protestantism. James I. (1603-1625) 
brought to the throne the highest notions of kingly authority, 
and in connection with them, a cordial hatred of Presbyterian- 
ism, which his experiences in Scotland led him to regard as a 





mtund ally of popular government. He expressed his convic- 
tion in the maxiin, " No bi^op, no king." The contrast between 
obsequious pr<>lAtes on their kne^s before him, and the ministers 
of the Kirk who puUeil his sleeve as they administered tbclr 
Utmt nrbukcs, delighted his soul. He found himself not only 
delivered frtun his tormentors, but an object of adulation. He 
had ooce said of the "neighbor Kirk in England" that "it is an 
evitflftid mass in English;'" but he was cured of this aversion 
if it w»s e\-er seriously entertained. During the reign of Janies, 
the gulf between the Anglican Church and the Puritans waa 
wid«ieii, chiefly in consequence of two changes which took place 
in the former. The episcopal poUty which had been r(^arded, 
in the age of Elisabeth, as one among various admissible forms 
of Churrfa govenmient, came to be more and more considered a 
divine ordinance, and intlispeJisable to the constitution of a 
Chureh; so that, as Macaulay expresses it, a Church might iis 
wdl be without the doctrine of the Trinity or the Incarnation, 
AS without bishops. The other change was the spread in the 
AngUcan boily, of the Arminian theology, which introduced a 
doctrinal difference that had not existed before between the 
estiUtlished Church and the Puritans.' As the common enemy, 
which Anghcan ani^i Puritan combined to oppose, became lesa 
formidable, since the great majority of the nation were ntiw 
hostile to the Catholic Church, the two Protestant parties were 
less restrained from mutual contention, and were led by the very 
influence of their conflict with one another to sharpen their char- 
acteristic points of difference, 

James lost no time in evincing his hostihty to the Puritans. 
On his way to London, the Millenary petition, signed by nearly 
a thousand ministers, who asked for the abohshment of usages 
most obnoxious to the Puritans, was not only receivetl with no 
favor, but ten of those who had presented the petition were 

> CUderwood, v. 105, 106; Burton, vj. 231. 

' James wnl delegate* to the Synod of Dorl. who made to him fuH tvporO <>' 
its proceedings. Some at them be rewarded with promotion in the CburclL Un 
Hulchioson. writing of the interval between 1639 and 1641, in the neat rdgo. 
Bays of the doeirine of predestinalioo : "At that time this gT>«t doctrine grr^ 
much out of fashion with the prrlatea. but was generally embraced by all r^ 
gioUB and holy persons in Ibe land." Lift of Col. Hutdunton, p. 66 (BohoV «)<>' 
The admirable picluie of Puritan characlrr pmented io thii meiaoir is marTrJ 
only hy the writer's strong prejudice against Cromwell. The Uteratuir on tlw 
history of .^riaituaniMn in the English Church is given by Cunningham, rw 
Ri/onnxri and iXt Thnilogy of Ou Rcformalioa, p. 168 acq. 




Hnalty impriBoned by the Star Chamber, on the grouQd that 
their act tended to sedition and treason. The petitioners were 
not Separatists; they made no objection to episcopacy. They 
_ complained of non-reaidence, pluralities, and like abuses, and of 
iie cross in baptism, the cap and surplice, and a few other 
erenionial peculiarities.' The opportunity was presented for a 
cheme of Comprehension, which, had it been adopted, would 
Ikave bad the most important consequences; but that opportu- 
inity was not embraced. In the Hampton Court Conference, 
[where a few Puritan thvines met the bishops, the King treated 
[the former with luifairncss and insolence. He plumed himself 
jon the theological learning and acumen which he fancied hini- 
(»lf to possess, and which formed one of his titles to the dJstinc- 
]tion, which his flatterers gave him, of being the Solomon of bis 
The praises lavished on him by the bishops — one of 
Lwbom declared that he undoubtedly spoke by the direct inspira- 
I tion of the Holy Ghost — in connection with their extravagant 
[theory of royal authority, and of the submission owed by the sub- 
iject, fiJIed him with delight. This Conference had one valuable 
[result- Dr. Reynolds, one of the Puritan representatives, and 
[perhaps the most learned man in the kingdom, recommended 
Ithat a new or revised version of the Scriptitres should be pre- 
fparcd; and this suggestion James, who complained of certain 
rginal observations in "the Geneva Bible," which were un- 
favorable to the sacredness of royalty, caught up and caused to 
Ibe carried out,' The desire of the clergy to enhance their own 
suthonty by exalting that of the crown appears in the ambi- 
tious schemes of Bancroft, the Archbishop of Canterbury, which 
encountered the resistance of Coke, the great champion of the 
common law. .\s long as Cecil was in power, the foreign politics 
of James were not destitute of spirit ; but the timidity of the 
King, joined with his deare to marry Ms son to a Spanish prin- 
cess, prevented him from efficiently supporting his .son-in-law, 
the Elector Palatine, at the outbreaking of the thirty years' 

• B&tliuii. th. vi. (p. 173). 

' Thr Hampton Court Coolerence is interesting and importKnt. u pmenting 
th# chuarleriatics or the two pcclfsiaattcal partim and o[ the tox-preiBti. Moat 
of llir a^coiinta of it are derived from Dr. HarlowV report, who waa on the anti- 
Piinlan ■id)'. See Fuller, Church HiMary, v. 286; Naal, p. il,, ph. i. ; Cardwell, 
IfitUtry of Cimferrncrn, p. 121 ; Burton, Hintary of Seotland, vi. 218 seq. Hallam 
ICinut- liiH.. ch. vi.) bu candid and just remarkE □□ the behavior of Uie king and 
of Ibe fa I shops. 



war, and moved him basely to sacrifice Raleigh to the vengeanc* 
of Spain. His want of common sense was manifested in hii 
attempt to impose episcopacy upon the Scottish Church. Eis 
arbitrary principles of goverament, which he had not prudence 
enough to prevent him from constantly proclaiming, prepared 
the way for the great civil contest that broke out in the next 

Charles I. (1625-1649) made the deliberate attempt to gov- 
ern England witliout a Parliament. There is no doubt that il 
was his design to convert the limited monarchy into an absoluk 
one. Although a sincere Protestant, he sympathized fully mill 
what may be termed the Romanizing party in the Englisit riiiirrh 
or the party which stood at the farthest remove from Purilau- 
ism, and neare,st to the religious system of the Church of Rome. 
Cliarles's treatment of the Papists was vaciUating. Now ibf 
laws would be executed against tlicra, and now the execution of 
them would be illegally su.spendcd by the Iving's decree. But 
the occasional severities of the government towards them could 
not efface the impression which had been made by the sending 
of an English fleet to aid in the blockade of Rochelle (1635], 
which the French King was seeking to wrest from the Hugue- 
nots. Laud, an but narrow-minded and superstitious 
man, became Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1633, To advance, 
in respect to doctrine and ceremonies, as near as possible to the 
Roman Catholic system, without accepting the jurisdiction of 
the Pope, was his manifest inclination. He records his dreams 
in his diary. On one occasion he dreamed that he was recon- 
verted to the Church of Rome.' It was an unpleasant dream 
since it related to a danger that, as he doubtless felt, attrndBl 
his measures, but which he meant to escape. His impracticable 
character and lack of tact even James I. accurately discerned. 
" The plain truth is that I keep Laud back from all place of niif 
and authority, because I find that he hath a restless spirit, ami 
cannot see when matters are well, but loves to toss and change, 
and to bring things to a pitch of reformation, floating in his own 
brain, which may endanger the steadfastness of that which is in 
a good pass." Of Laud's plans respecting the Scots. Jamea 
added: "He knows not the stomach of that people,"* By 

■ Burton, HUl. of Scotiand, vi. .390. 

' Tbe authority for this »t«t«nient of Jwnea ia Bishop John Hocket. Burlun 
vi. 33S. 





means oF the Court of High Commission, a species of Protestant 
Inquisition, he engaged with a \-igilant and merciless zeal in the 
persecution of Puritans. They were even prosecuted for not 
complying with new ceremonies which Laud himself had intro- 
duced, and for preaching Calvinism ; and they were punished 
for declining to read in the churches, the "Book of Sports," 
which recommended games and pastimes, of which they did not 
approve. TTie Star Chamber, and the High Commission, are 
emblems, as they were effective instruments, of the ecclesiasti- 
cal and civil tyranny to which the English people were subjected. 
The endeavor to force the English Prayer-book upon Scotlaml